The Relationship Between the Industrial Workers of the World and the Partido Liberal Mexicano, 1905-1911

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Relationship Between the Industrial Workers of the World and the Partido Liberal Mexicano, 1905-1911 University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies Legacy Theses 1997 Our cause is your cause: the relationship between the industrial workers of the world and the Partido Liberal Mexicano, 1905-1911 Fuller, Troy Robert Fuller, T. R. (1997). Our cause is your cause: the relationship between the industrial workers of the world and the Partido Liberal Mexicano, 1905-1911 (Unpublished master's thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/15134 http://hdl.handle.net/1880/26605 master thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca THE UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY "Our Cause is Your Cause" : The Relationship Between the Industrial Workers of the World and the Partido Liberal Mexicano, 1905-1911 Troy Robert Fuller A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACUILTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREME-WS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA AUGUST, 1997 @ Troy Robert Fuller 1997 National tibrary Bibliothèque nationale 1*1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie SeMces services bibliographiques 395 Weltington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON KI A ON4 OüawaON KIAON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence aiiowing the exclusive permettant a la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distriiute or seii reproduire, prêter, distriiuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la fome de microfiche/fiim, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fkom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits subsîantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimes reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Abstract On November 20, 1910, military forces led by Francisco 1. Madero ushered in the opening phase of the Mexican Revolution. Two months later, in January 1911, the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) began military operations in Lower California. Supported by the Arnerican-based Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), the PLM atternpted to engineer the initial phase of a world-wide struggle against capitalism. Dating back to 1905, the IWw furnished the PLM with financial and moral aid, legal assistance, manpower, and politicai influence. In many ways, Mexican workers in the United States were crucial players in initiating and sustaining this relationship between the IhlIJ and the PLM. Many members of the Mexican community combined the anarcho-communism of the PLM with the syndicalism of the IWW, giving rise to institutional connections between the two organizations- iii Acknowledcrements It is with great pleasure that 1 ackmwledge the incalculable persona1 and academic debts accumulated during the writing of this thesis. A special thanks to my best friend and sou1 mate, Tina Block, whose presence and contribution pervades the entirety of this work. Without the unqualified support of Murray and Diana Lowick, this thesis may not have become a reality. Thanks for believing in me and giving me the ability to believe in myself. My sister Iieidi Fuller offered encouragement and patiently listened to my academic rarnblings, while Chris Frazer constructively challenged -y of my ideas, both academically and personally. Thank you. In California, a particular thanks goes to Phyllis Willett, Danny Heap and Carol Schwartz for opening their doors to a stranger. Thanks to Nels and Dorothy Block for their unqualified support, fantastic Sunday dinners, and stimulating conversations. Additionally, 1 must mention Aïex W~M, who listened and faithfully reminded me Ir s ' al1 good1I. I graciously thank Dr. Stephen Randal1 for his numerous and helpful suggestions made during the writing of this thesis. 1 would also like to thank the members of my examining codttee, extending a special thanks to Dr. Silverman and Dr. Dickerson who took leave of their retirement plans to evaluate my work. Finally, 1 would also like to thank the Department of Ristory for their financial assistance and to Olga Leskiw for her helpful advice along the way. 1 remain in great debt to you all. Dedication Dedicated to my mom, Marolyn Vicki Ruhe, whose personal pursuit of knowledge inspired. Thank you. 1943-1991 Table of Contents Approval Page ............................................. ii Abstract .................................................. iii Acknowledgements ..........................................iv Dedication ................................................ v Table of Contents .........................................vi List of Figures ........................................... vii INTRODUCTION: "PRELUDE TO REVOLUTION ll......-............l CHAPTER ONE : "THE SHAPING OF 'ïHî3 MEXICAN AMERICAN WORKING CLASSV'....................................... 28 CHAPTER TWO : "THE STRUGGLE IN MEXICO WAS BECOMING MY STRUGGLE" ......................................... 61 CHAPTER THREE : " THEY ARE DIRECT ACTIONISTS , AND THEY ARE ACTIVE" ...........-*-..............-..-.-............gl CONCLUSION: "THE AFTERMATH lV.~.............TH....TH..........121 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...........-.-...-..........................-.l27 List of Ficrures Figure 1: Map of the Mexican-United States Border ......... 54 Figure 2: Map of the California-Mexico Border region ......102 vii INTRODUCTION Our cause is yours: it is the cause of the silent slave of the soil, of the pariah of the workshop and the factory, of the galley-slave of the sea, of the hard labour convicts of the mines, of al1 those who suffer from the inequity of the capitalist system.' Partido Liberal Mexicano, Manifesto to the Workers of the World, April 8, 1911. Two months before the Mexican Revolution began, on September 3rd, 1910, the radical newspaper Reaeneracion reported on the conditions in Mexico: Itthat rumbling is the revolutionary spirit; the entire Nation is a volcan0 on the verge of spouting forth the f ire within its entrails . lt2 Two months later, on the 20th of November, military forces led by Francisco 1. Madero began an assault on the regime of Mexican President Porfirio Diaz. Operating under the banner 'IEf fective suffrage, No re-electionn, Maderofs Anti-Re- electionist Party advocated conseriative, democratic reforms for Mexico. Largely mobilizing middle-claçs dissent, Maderots forces disposed the aging dictator and his regime after only six months of fighting. Nonetheless, the overthrow of Diaz did not stifle the revolutionary spirit, 'AS cited in David Poole ed., Land and Libertv: Anarchist Influences in the Mexican Revohtion. Ricardo ' Flores Maa6n (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 19771, p. 95- '~eueneracion. September 3, 1910. as some Mexicans envisaged more radical economic changes. In support of their own military campaigns in Mexico, the editors of Recreneracion branded Madero "a traitor to the cause of liberty. "' Above the tom of Mexicali in Baja California, on January 29th, 1911, a group of American unionists and Mexican revolutionaries raised a bright red flag with the words Tierra y Libertadu emblazoned on one side. This aphorism, "Land and Liberty", epitomized the ideological convictions of the Organizing Junta of the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PM). Besides its involvement in the emerging revolutionary struggle in Mexico, the PLM was both a participant and a product of the ideological conflicts and class struggles in Mexico and the United States. The PLM represented many Mexican workers, as they strained to adapt and survive capitalist modernization and industrialization. In the course of these struggles, the PLM established alliances with members of the American radical comrnunity during the period from 1905 to 1911. In particular, the PLM forged a strong relationship with the Arnerican-based Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) or, as they were popularly known, the Wobblies. The IWprovided the PLM with funds, legal help, propaganda, and volunteers for PLM activities. The relationship between the PLM and the IWW culminated with IWW involvement in the Mexican Revolution as an aily of the PLM in Baja California. In effect, the IWW was decisive in both sustaining the PLM in the United States and shaping the latter's anarchist ide~logy.~ The Mexican community in the United States helped to initiate and sustain the association between the PLM and the IWW. Mexican nationals furnished crucial political, financial and ideological support for the PLM. Between 1905 and 1911, Mexican sympathizers in the United States actively recruited and organized discontented Mexicans living both in the United States and Mexico. In addition, Mexican workers contributed substantial financial aid to promote PLM objectives in Mexico and to sustain the PLM in the United States. In doing so, Mexicans in the United States offered ideological backing for the political, economic and social goals of PLM leaders. More irnportantly, however, Mexican workers in America constituted
Recommended publications
  • Estudios De Historia Moderna Y Contemporánea De México 49 (2015) 33-53
    33 Estudios de Historia Moderna y Contemporánea de México 49 (2015) 33-53 Disponible en www.sciencedirect.com Estudios de Historia Moderna y Contemporánea de México www.historicas.unam.mx/publicaciones/revistas/moderna/moderna.html Artículo original “… El magonismo no existe”: Ricardo Flores Magón “Magonism does not exist”: Ricardo Flores Magón Marco Antonio Samaniego López Universidad Autónoma de Baja California, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, México INFORMACIÓN DEL ARTÍCULO RESUMEN Historia del artículo: Recibido el 27 de agosto de 2014 El artículo demuestra que los anarquistas del Partido Liberal Mexica- Aceptado el 1 de diciembre de 2014 no no se identificaban ni querían ser llamados “magonistas”, por ser una forma de denominarlos que era contraria a su ideología. Ricardo Palabras clave: Flores Magón manifestó claramente que el uso de dicho término era Partido Liberal Mexicano para confundir al pueblo mexicano y compararlos con otros ismos a Anarquismo los que denostaban. No querían personalismos, ni autoridades, ni je- Liberales fes, debido a que los intereses personales se sobreponen siempre a Magonismo los colectivos. De igual forma, el uso de “magonismo” surge por par- Regeneración Estados Unidos te de las autoridades federales en su afán persecutorio. Posterior- Líderes mente, la historiografía, en dos grandes líneas, ha utilizado dicho Historiografía término para explicar la participación de los miembros del PLM; sin Revolución Mexicana embargo, es una forma que contradice la ideología de quienes pre- Estado posrevolucionario tenden describir. Derechos Reservados © 2015 Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas. Este es un artículo de acceso abierto distribuido bajo los términos de la Licencia Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchist Movements in Tampico & the Huaste
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Peripheries of Power, Centers of Resistance: Anarchist Movements in Tampico & the Huasteca Region, 1910-1945 A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Latin American Studies (History) by Kevan Antonio Aguilar Committee in Charge: Professor Christine Hunefeldt, Co-Chair Professor Michael Monteon, Co-Chair Professor Max Parra Professor Eric Van Young 2014 The Thesis of Kevan Antonio Aguilar is approved and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Co-Chair University of California, San Diego 2014 iii DEDICATION: For my grandfather, Teodoro Aguilar, who taught me to love history and to remember where I came from. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page……………………………………………………………..…………..…iii Dedication……………………………………………………………………………...…iv Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………….v List of Figures………………………………………………………………………….…vi Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………vii Abstract of the Thesis…………………………………………………………………….xi Introduction……………………………………………………………………………......1 Chapter 1: Geography & Peripheral Anarchism in the Huasteca Region, 1860-1917…………………………………………………………….10 Chapter 2: Anarchist Responses to Post-Revolutionary State Formations, 1918-1930…………………………………………………………….60 Chapter 3: Crisis & the Networks of Revolution: Regional Shifts towards International Solidarity Movements, 1931-1945………………95 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………….......126 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………129 v LIST
    [Show full text]
  • When Workers Stopped Seattle 7/21/19, 1059 AM When Workers Stopped Seattle
    When Workers Stopped Seattle 7/21/19, 10)59 AM When Workers Stopped Seattle BY CAL WINSLOW The Seattle General Strike of 1919 is a forgotten and misunderstood part of American history. But it shows that workers have the power to shut down whole cities — and to run them in our interests. On February 6, 1919, at 10 AM, Seattle’s workers struck. All of them. The strike was in support of roughly 35,000 shipyard workers, then in conflict with the city’s shipyard owners and the federal government’s US Shipping Board, the latter still enforcing wartime wage agreements. Silence settled on the city. “Nothing moved but the tide,” recalled the young African American, Earl George, just demobilized at nearby Camp Lewis.1 Seattle’s workers simply put down their tools. It was, however, no ordinary strike. There had been nothing like it in the United States before, nor since. In doing so, they virtually took control of the city. Anna Louise Strong, writing in the Union Record, announced that labor “will feed the People … Labor will care for the babies and the sick… Labor will preserve order …”2 And indeed it did, for five February days. Seattle’s Central Labor Council (CLC), representing 110 unions, all affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL), called the general strike. The Union Record reported 65,000 union members on strike. Perhaps as many as 100,000 working people participated; the strikers were joined by unorganized workers, unemployed workers, and family members. The strike rendered the authorities virtually powerless. There were soldiers in the city, and many more at nearby Camp Lewis, not to mention thousands of newly enlisted, armed deputies — but to unleash these on a peaceful city? The regular police were reduced to onlookers; the generals hesitated.
    [Show full text]
  • Industrial Workers of the World from the 36Th and Madison Store August Charles Fostrom, and Evan Winterscheidt
    A new model for building Growing workers’ rebellion international solidarity? knows no borders Zapatistas call for grassroots, Bosses, who needs them? nonelectoral movement of Chinese, South Korean & Serbian communities in resistance 4-5 workers seize workplaces 12 Starbucks fires 3 IWWs Industrial for union organizing In its latest effort to crush the growth England. David Bleakney, a national represen- of the Starbucks Workers Union, Starbucks tative of the 55,000-member Canadian Union has fired three IWW members as part of of Postal Workers, has written CEO Howard a stepped-up campaign of intimidation of Schultz, demanding the reinstatement of the union supporters. three fires workers and warning that if he does Charles Fostrom, a worker at New York’s not receive a satisfactory reply by August 17 57th & Lexington Starbucks, was fired July he will write all CUPW locals to inform them Worker 11 was fired for “insubordination” after he of the situation. refused illegal orders to work off the clock. On July 29, Starbucks workers, other Evan Winterscheidt, a two-year veteran at the IWW members, and supporters from Make 14th & 6th Avenue Starbucks, was fired July The Road By Walking, CODA and NMASS 18 after a minor dispute with a coworker. picketed in support of fired workers Joe Agins OFFICIAL NEWSPAPER OF THE IWW organizer Daniel Gross was fired Jr. (fired some months ago for union activity), INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD from the 36th and Madison store August Charles Fostrom, and Evan Winterscheidt. 5 for urging district manager Allison Marx Organizing continues despite the firings. September 2006 #1686 Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • International Support for Starbucks Workers
    NLRB strips more In November We Remember workers of labor rights workers’ history & martyrs Working “supervisors” lose IWW founder William Trautmann, right to unionize, engaged in Brotherhood of Timber Workers, concerted activity on job 4 Victor Miners’ Hall, and more 5-8 Industrial International support for Starbucks workers As picket lines and other actions reach new Starbucks locations across the United States and the world every week, the coffee giant has told workers it is raising starting pay in an effort to blunt unionization efforts. In Chicago, where workers at a Logan Worker Square store demanded IWW union recogni- tion August 29, Starbucks has raised starting pay from $7.50 an hour to $7.80. After six months, Chicago baristas who receive favor- able performance reviews will make $8.58. Picket lines went up at Paris Starbucks OFFICIAL NEWSPAPER OF THE In New York City, where Starbucks or- anti-union campaign. UAW Local 2320 in ganizing began, baristas will make $9.63 an Brooklyn has told Starbucks that its members INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD hour after six months on the job and a favor- will not drink their coffee until the fired November 2006 #1689 Vol. 103 No. 10 $1.00 / 75 p able performance review. Senior baristas will unionists are reinstated. Several union locals, receive only a ten-cent raise to discourage student groups and the National Lawyers long-term employment. Similar raises are Guild have declared they are boycotting Star- being implemented across the country. bucks in solidarity with the fired workers. Talkin’ Union Meanwhile, the National Labor Relations In England, Manchester Wobblies pick- B Y N I C K D R I E dg ER, WOBBLY D ispatC H Board continues its investigation into the fir- eted a Starbucks in Albert Square Sept.
    [Show full text]
  • Remembering Ludlow but Forgetting the Columbine: the 1927-1928 Colorado Coal Strike
    Remembering Ludlow but Forgetting the Columbine: The 1927-1928 Colorado Coal Strike By Leigh Campbell-Hale B.A., University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, 1977 M.A., University of Colorado, Boulder, 2005 A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado and Committee Members: Phoebe S.K. Young Thomas G. Andrews Mark Pittenger Lee Chambers Ahmed White In partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History 2013 This thesis entitled: Remembering Ludlow but Forgetting the Columbine: The 1927-1928 Colorado Coal Strike written by Leigh Campbell-Hale has been approved for the Department of History Phoebe S.K. Young Thomas Andrews Date The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we Find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. ii Campbell-Hale, Leigh (Ph.D, History) Remembering Ludlow but Forgetting the Columbine: The 1927-1928 Colorado Coal Strike Dissertation directed by Associate Professor Phoebe S.K. Young This dissertation examines the causes, context, and legacies of the 1927-1928 Colorado coal strike in relationship to the history of labor organizing and coalmining in both Colorado and the United States. While historians have written prolifically about the Ludlow Massacre, which took place during the 1913- 1914 Colorado coal strike led by the United Mine Workers of America, there has been a curious lack of attention to the Columbine Massacre that occurred not far away within the 1927-1928 Colorado coal strike, led by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW).
    [Show full text]
  • Porfirian Influence on Mexican Journalism: an Enduring Legacy of Economic Control
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1987 Porfirian influence on Mexican journalism: An enduring legacy of economic control Steve Devitt The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Devitt, Steve, "Porfirian influence on Mexican journalism: An enduring legacy of economic control" (1987). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5085. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5085 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COPYRIGHT ACT OF 1976 Th is is an unpublished m a nu scr ipt in w hich c o pyr ig ht s u b s is t s . Any further r e p r in t in g of it s contents must be APPROVED BY THE AUTHOR. Ma n s f ie l d L ibrary Un iv e r s it y of Montana D a t e :____ 1_ THE PORFIRIAN INFLUENCE ON MEXICAN JOURNALISM: AN ENDURING LEGACY OF ECONOMIC CONTROL by Steve Devitt B.A., Eastern Montana College, 1971 Presented in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Journalism University of Montana 1987 Approved by Graduate School UMI Number: EP40549 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The.
    [Show full text]
  • @ Copyrighted by Ward Sloan Albro, Iii 1967
    Ricardo Flores Magón and the Liberal Party: an inquiry into the origins of the Mexican revolution of 1910 Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Albro, Ward S. Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 04/10/2021 11:00:40 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/565157 @ COPYRIGHTED BY WARD SLOAN ALBRO, III 1967 RICARDO FLORES MAGON AND THE LIBERAL PARTY: AN INQUIRY INTO THE ORIGINS OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION OF 1910 by Ward Sloan Albro, III A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 19 6 7 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE I hereby recommend that this dissertation prepared under my direction by Ward Sloan Albro. Ill____________________________ entitled ftir.ardo Flores Maron and the Liberal Party: An Inquiry into the Origins of the Mexican Revolution of 1910 be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy_________________________________ After inspection of the dissertation, the following members of the Final Examination Committee concur in its approval and recommend its acceptance:* f + 6 7 Q/Aa. 1/ / 9&7 /?& .V, pa z Z *This approval and acceptance is contingent on the candidate's adequate performance and defense of this dissertation at the final oral examination.
    [Show full text]
  • Oligarquía E Intereses Extranjeros En Chihuahua Durante El Porfiriato
    OLIGARQU?A E INTERESES EXTRANJEROS EN CHIHUAHUA DURANTE EL PORFIRIATO Mark Wasserman Universidad de Chicago Introducci?n La combinaci?n de la oligarqu?a chihuahuense y de los capi talistas extranjeros, principalmente norteamericanos, domin? los asuntos pol?ticos y econ?micos de Chihuahua durante el Porfiriato. La ?lite mexicana local pose?a vastas extensiones de tierra, controlaba extensas propiedades mineras y monopo lizaba muchas industrias importantes. El gobierno del estado ?club privado de la oligarqu?a? exped?a leyes y concesiones para los favorecidos. Los empresarios extranjeros invirtieron millones en madera, miner?a, ganader?a y ferrocarriles. A con tinuaci?n se intentar? describir la magnitud de estos intere ses y sus implicaciones para la revoluci?n de 1910. La familia Terrazas-Creel El grupo m?s importante dentro de la oligarqu?a de Chi huahua era la familia Terrazas-Creel. Capitaneado por el ge neral Luis Terrazas y por su yerno Enrique Creel, el clan con trolaba los poderes estatales y municipales, pose?a millones de hect?reas, sobresal?a en la banca del estado y pr?cticamente monopolizaba los tel?fonos, el az?car de remolacha, las empa cadoras de carne, las cervecer?as, las fundidoras de acero, los transportes urbanos y las empresas de seguros de vida.1 La i Robert Lyn Sandels, "Silvestre Terrazas, the Press and the Origins 279 This content downloaded from 200.52.254.249 on Thu, 26 Nov 2020 00:50:28 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 280 MARK WASSERMAN familia era numerosa. El general Terrazas tuvo doce hijos, sin contar los que murieron prematuramente: cuatro hom bres, Juan, Luis, Federico y Alberto; y ocho hijas.2 La gran familia inclu?a a los yernos del general: Federico Sisniega y Joaqu?n Cort?zar hijo, Juan A Creel (hermano de Enrique), Manuel L.
    [Show full text]
  • Page 1 of 43 IB HL History Mr. Blackmon Mexican Revolution: The
    IB HL History Mr. Blackmon Mexican Revolution: The Constructive Phase 1920-40 A Brief Sketch All quotes are from Meyer, Michael C. and Sherman, William L. The Course of Mexican History. 4th Ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1991. unless otherwise stated Event Date Significance Presidency of 1920-1924 His administration faced the post World War I depression. Alvaro Obregón Mexico was the 3rd largest producer of petroleum in the world. This will certainly not reduce US interest Obregón: José Vasconcelos institutes a vigorous program of rural education. His purpose (at this time) Education was to integrate the Indians into mainstream mestizo society, to incorporate them into a raza cósmica. (Meyer 572-3) Vasconcelos and Vasconcelos employed the Muralists– Diego Rivera, José Clemente Orozco, and David Alfaro the Muralists Siqueiros– to decorate buildings with works that would also educate. Obregón: Obregón could not enforce the complete secularization of education because he lacked the Education resources to dispense with the Church. To prevent himself from being perceived as pro-Church, he encouraged Protestant missionaries to enter the country. Page 1 of 43 Event Date Significance Obregón: Labor Obregón favored CROM over any other union organization. Morones chose to moderate his positions rather than risk being crushed. Membership rose from 50,000 in 1920 to 1,200,000 in 1924. (Meyer 575) Obregón: Obregón is cautious. He did not wish to disrupt the hacienda system. Redistribution of the land Agrarian Reform would result in reduced productivity, and he also wished to avoid that. Land redistribution is very modest: 3,000,000 acres.
    [Show full text]
  • A Rip in the Social Fabric: Revolution, Industrial Workers of the World, and the Paterson Silk Strike of 1913 in American Literature, 1908-1927
    i A RIP IN THE SOCIAL FABRIC: REVOLUTION, INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD, AND THE PATERSON SILK STRIKE OF 1913 IN AMERICAN LITERATURE, 1908-1927 ___________________________________________________________________________ A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY ___________________________________________________________________________ by Nicholas L. Peterson August, 2011 Examining Committee Members: Daniel T. O’Hara, Advisory Chair, English Philip R. Yannella, English Susan Wells, English David Waldstreicher, History ii ABSTRACT In 1913, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) led a strike of silk workers in Paterson, New Jersey. Several New York intellectuals took advantage of Paterson’s proximity to New York to witness and participate in the strike, eventually organizing the Paterson Pageant as a fundraiser to support the strikers. Directed by John Reed, the strikers told their own story in the dramatic form of the Pageant. The IWW and the Paterson Silk Strike inspired several writers to relate their experience of the strike and their participation in the Pageant in fictional works. Since labor and working-class experience is rarely a literary subject, the assertiveness of workers during a strike is portrayed as a catastrophic event that is difficult for middle-class writers to describe. The IWW’s goal was a revolutionary restructuring of society into a worker-run co- operative and the strike was its chief weapon in achieving this end. Inspired by such a drastic challenge to the social order, writers use traditional social organizations—religion, nationality, and family—to structure their characters’ or narrators’ experience of the strike; but the strike also forces characters and narrators to re-examine these traditional institutions in regard to the class struggle.
    [Show full text]
  • The Carranza-Villa Split and Factionalism in the Mexican Revolution, 1913--1914
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1986 Prelude to fratricide| The Carranza-Villa split and factionalism in the Mexican Revolution, 1913--1914 Joseph Charles O'Dell The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation O'Dell, Joseph Charles, "Prelude to fratricide| The Carranza-Villa split and factionalism in the Mexican Revolution, 1913--1914" (1986). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 3287. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/3287 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COPYRIGHT ACT OF 1976 THIS IS AN UNPUBLISHED MANUSCRIPT IN WHICH COPYRIGHT SUB­ SISTS. ANY FURTHER REPRINTING OF ITS CONTENTS MUST BE APPROVED BY THE AUTHOR. MANSFIELD LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA DATE : 19 86 PRELUDE TO FRATRICIDE: THE CARRANZA-VILLA SPLIT AND FACTIONALISM IN THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION, 1913-1914 by Joseph Charles O'Dell, Jr. B.A., University of Montana, 1984 Presented in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of Montana 1986 pproved by: Examiners Dean, GraduaterTschool ^ $4 Date UMI Number: EP36375 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted.
    [Show full text]