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Portugal the Impossible Revolution? PORTUGAL THE IMPOSSIBLE REVOLUTION? PHIL MAILER Portugal: Th e Impossible Revolution? Phil Mailer © 2012 PM Press All rights reserved. No part of this book may be transmitted by any means without permission in writing from the publisher. ISBN: 978–1–60486–336–9 Library of Congress Control Number: 2011927959 Cover and interior design by briandesign 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 PM Press PO Box 23912 Oakland, CA 94623 www.pmpress.org Printed in the USA on recycled paper, by the Employee Owners of Th omson-Shore in Dexter, Michigan. www.thomsonshore.com Published in the EU by Th e Merlin Press Ltd. 6 Crane Street Chambers, Crane Street, Pontypool NP4 6ND, Wales www.merlinpress.co.uk ISBN: 978–0–85036–648–8 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION vii GLOSSARY x I THE FIRST WEEK 1 Day 1: Th ursday, April 25, 1974 1 Day 2: Friday, April 26 5 Day 3: Saturday, April 27 10 Day 4: Sunday, April 28 13 Day 5: Monday, April 29 14 Day 6: Tuesday, April 30 16 Day 7: Wednesday, May 1 19 II THE FIRST THREE MONTHS 22 Sizing Th ings Up 22 Timex, Sogantal, Mabor, CTT 27 Th e Cultural Nonrevolution 34 Collapse of the First Provisional Government 37 III THE FIRST SIX MONTHS 43 Th e Return to Reality 43 TAP, Lisnave, and Other Big Disputes 44 Th e Antistrike Law and the Resurgence of the Right 51 September 28 54 Th e Th ird Provisional Government 59 IV THE UPSURGE 62 Th e Committees 62 Th e Trade Union Question 74 Th e Emergence of Inter-Empresas 77 iii V THE AGRARIAN STRUGGLES 80 Th e Rural Structure 80 Early Confrontations 81 Taking the Land 85 VI THE POLITICAL CHESSBOARD 90 Th e Right 90 Th e Centre 92 Th e Left 94 Th e Polarisation 99 VII THE MFA 103 Beginnings 103 April 25, 1974 107 Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Committees 110 What Political Role? 112 March 11, 1975 113 VIII URBAN STRUGGLES 118 Background 118 Th e Occupations 120 Housing Struggles 123 Inter, CRAM, SAAL, and the Shanties 127 Machismo and the Women’s Movement 129 IX BEYOND THE ELECTIONS AND POLITICAL PARTIES 133 Electoral Arithmetic 133 “Popular Power” and the Military 135 Th e República and Rádio Renascença Aff airs 138 COPCON and the MRPP 145 X THE GREAT NONPARTY 149 Autonomous Workers’ Struggle 152 Inter-Empresas and the Unions 155 Th e “Revolutionary Workers’ Councils” 159 Th e Cooperative Movement 162 Land Occupations 163 iv XI CRISIS LOOMING 167 Backlash in the North 167 Th e Road to State Capitalism 171 Th e Crisis and the Emergence of the “Group of Nine” 172 Th e Sixth Government and the Advance of “Th e Nine” 177 XII THE SITUATION IN THE CLASS 180 Popular Assemblies 181 Everyday Life in the Cooperatives 183 Beyond Local Workers’ Committees? 189 XIII DE-SOCIALISATION 194 Th e Media of Control and the Control of the Media 195 Military Factions 199 Towards Breaking Point 208 XIV NOVEMBER 25 217 XV A BALANCE SHEET 226 AFTERWORD by Maurice Brinton 235 CHRONOLOGY 251 APPENDIX Transcript of Rádio Renascença Broadcast 259 v INTRODUCTION Th e military coup in Portugal on April 25, 1974, ending nearly fi fty years of fascist rule, was followed by eighteen months of intense social trans- formation that challenged every aspect of Portuguese society. What started as a military coup turned into a profound attempt at grassroots social change that made headlines on a daily basis around the world due to the intensity of the struggle and the presence of the right-wing, moribund Francoist regime in neighbouring Spain. Th ere was much uncertainty at the time as to how these struggles might aff ect Spain and Europe at large. Th is book is a personal description of these events from the day of the coup and its tumultuous aftermath up to November 1975, when another military coup reinforced liberal parliamentary democracy and brought Portugal into the mainstream of European capitalism. Today, very few outside Portugal can remember these events. With the failure of the revolution, Portugal was quickly recuperated into the European Union and the whole experience was considered a tempest in a teacup barely worth mentioning. But inside the country, the experience was profound: many com- panies were taken over by their workers; Neighbourhood Committees occupied empty houses and ran crèches and other community services. Th e police were rendered ineff ective and the army (usually the last bastion of the state) divided into opposing factions, with the revolutionary left factions being in control of the state apparatus for quite some time. Th e rhetoric of revolution was everywhere and there were hints as to what a modern revolution might entail. But in 1974, there was no Internet, no mobile/cell phones. Th e two main TV stations were state-controlled and there were only a half dozen radio stations in the country. Workers tried to organise in this vacuum. Th e problems of self-organ- isation and political manipulation when workers were forbidden to carry any political party banners or trade-union banners at demonstrations vii INTRODUCTION are highlighted in the latter half of the book. Th e control of the media (television, radio, and newspapers, especially the Catholic Church radio station occupied at the time by the far-left) and their problems are also discussed in great detail. Th roughout the book I have also sought to pay particular attention to the problems of rank-and-fi le soldiers organising within the army. Th e split in Portuguese society after the 1974 coup was threefold: among the various state capitalist ideas (and parties), those who wanted to install liberal parliamentary democracy, and the various attempts of People Power to increase the direct infl uence of the workers from the bottom up. Th is latter eff ort by the workers is well documented here, mostly in their own words, in its struggle to develop organisational auton- omy and economic self-management. In this, my account of the events in Portugal may diff er from others of its kind. Th rough fi ve successive military governments, the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) installed state capitalism throughout the country and the various far-left parties largely actively collaborated with this project. Th e Socialist Party, however, was divided between those who wanted to go along with the military governments and the Communist Party, and those who wanted a European-style liberal capitalism and thus conspired with the Right and extreme Right and the U.S. Embassy. Th e Social Democrats, situated to the right of the Socialist Party, were trying to fi nd new clothes for the old regime. Today’s Portugal is the outcome of these struggles. Th e Socialist Party (PS) and the Popular Democrats (now PSD) are the power-mongers while the PCP remains the main left opposition group and is in control of the trade union movement. Th e far-left groups, with all the colourful acro- nyms you’ll encounter throughout the book, are now all allied into the Left Wing Alliance (BE, Bloco de Esquerda) while the Maoists have thankfully mostly disappeared altogether. In reediting this book of events that occurred over thirty-fi ve years ago, it is sometimes diffi cult to imagine the intensity of the moments. As I reread my account, I had to frequently ask myself, did this really happen? But, yes, it did happen; I still have all the documents to prove it. For a younger generation, it may truly seem impossible! Maurice Brinton’s afterword deals with that word in the title of this account in some detail. At the time of these events, there was endless discussion across continents as to whether there should be a question mark after the word “impossible.” Such were the times. I still support the question mark. viii INTRODUCTION At the time I wrote this book, state capitalism was considered to be as big a danger (if not bigger) to Portugal than private capitalism. Th is was the main emphasis of my analysis of the grassroots movement as well as political party analysis in this book, although neoliberalism and market economics became the dominant ideology in the Portuguese (and world) ruling class instead. Th is did not seem so obvious in 1974–75. Today, Portugal is a country fully integrated into modern capitalism with all the iniquities that implies. At reissue, the book is essentially the same as the 1977 edition that was published jointly by Solidarity in London, Black Rose in Canada, and Free Life Editions in New York. I have omitted a chapter on Portuguese history, as I found it a bit too long-winded and statistical, obstructing the narrative; for those eager to seek further information, the subject has been dealt with amply and better elsewhere, in other books or on the Internet. I have edited some sections slightly, omitting parts that I felt went into too much detail and were not relevant today. I have omitted the twenty-six appendices originally at the back of the book as they, too, are available elsewhere. Maurice Brinton’s introduction, which I feel continues to be a valid contribution, is now an afterword; I am indebted to him in so many ways for getting this book off the ground from the start. A few names have been restored to their proper Portuguese spelling, and a few errors about geographical location of factories and barracks have been rectifi ed. Very little else has changed. It is what it is. Vamos ver. I would like to dedicate this edition to the memory of Maria Teresa Viana (1946–2010) who infl uenced it in so many subtle ways.
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