DOCSLIB.ORG

Democratic Socialism Or Social Democracy?

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Democratic Socialism or Social Democracy? The Influence of the British Labour Party and the Parti Socialiste Français in the Ideological Transformation of the Partido Socialista Português and the Partido Socialista Obrero Español in the mid-1970s Alan Granadino Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Florence, 16 May 2016. European University Institute Department of History and Civilization Democratic Socialism or Social Democracy? The Influence of the British Labour Party and the Parti Socialiste Français in the Ideological Transformation of the Partido Socialista Português and the Partido Socialista Obrero Español in the mid-1970s Alan Granadino Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Examining Board Prof. Federico Romero (Supervisor, EUI) Prof. Lucy Riall (Second reader, EUI) Prof. Mario del Pero (SciencesPo) Prof. Abdón Mateos (UNED Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia) © Alan Granadino, 2016 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Researcher declaration to accompany the submission of written work Department of History and Civilization - Doctoral Programme I Alan David Granadino González certify that I am the author of the work Democratic Socialism or Social Democracy? The Influence of the British Labour Party and the Parti Socialiste Française in the Ideological Transformation of the Partido Socialista Português and the Partido Socialista Obrero Español in the mid-1970s I have presented for examination for the Ph.D. at the European University Institute. I also certify that this is solely my own original work, other than where I have clearly indicated, in this declaration and in the thesis, that it is the work of others. I warrant that I have obtained all the permissions required for using any material from other copyrighted publications. I certify that this work complies with the Code of Ethics in Academic Research issued by the European University Institute (IUE 332/2/10 (CA 297). The copyright of this work rests with its author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This work may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. This authorisation does not, to the best of my knowledge, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that this work consists of 184.600 words. Statement of language correction: This thesis has been corrected for linguistic and stylistic errors. I certify that I have checked and approved all language corrections, and that these have not affected the content of this work. Signature and date: In Helsinki, 19 February 2016 Abstract This thesis investigates the link between the ideological transformations experienced by the Spanish and Portuguese Socialist Parties (PSOE and PS) in the mid-1970s and the relations of these parties with the British Labour Party (BLP) and the French Socialist Party (PSF). The PSOE and the PS underwent similar ideological transformations. They went from advocating Socialism in freedom, rupture with capitalism, international neutralism, self-management and closer relations with the Communists, to practically accepting liberal democracy and the placement of their countries in the West as well as rejecting collaboration with the Communist parties. These transformations happened in the context of the Iberian transitions to democracy in which the main international actors concerned with maintaining Cold War détente got involved. The aim of this thesis is to determine to what extent and how the BLP and the PSF, both representatives of different ideological tendencies within the Western European Socialism, influenced the ideological transformation of the PSOE and the PS. Adopting a transnational and comparative approach and using the theory of cultural transfers, this thesis traces and identifies the circulation of ideas, concepts and practices between the Iberian Socialist parties and their European counterparts, thus examining the relations that the PSOE and the PS maintained with the BLP and the PSF. This thesis argues that both the PSOE and the PS were deeply influenced by the French Socialists and their ideas on the rupture with Capitalism, self-management and the union between Socialists and Communists. This was a cause of concern for the main European Social Democrat parties (the BLP and the German SPD), who made an effort to counterbalance the French influence on the Iberian Socialists, especially regarding the issue of the union of the Left. This turned the Socialist parties of the Iberian Peninsula into a battlefield for two different conceptions of democratic Socialism. As a result, the PSOE and the PS received, adopted, rejected and adapted ideas and practices from these two European tendencies that they applied to their own social, political, cultural and historical realities. If at the beginning of the 1970s both parties were more in tune with the French Socialists than with the European Social Democracy, at the end of the transitions to democracy both of them moved closer to the Western European Social Democrat parties, without completely abandoning the ideas, concepts and rhetoric borrowed from the French. 7 8 Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Prof. Federico Romero for his support and his faith in my work, even in the moments when its outcome seemed uncertain. Without his patience, guidance and support this thesis would have not been possible. Besides my supervisor, I thank Prof. Lucy Riall, second reader of this thesis during three years, for her motivation and her recommendation to make a leap forward in a crucial moment of the EUI program. My sincere thanks also go to Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, second reader of this thesis for two years, for his help in defining the topic and for his availability and useful advice at the beginning of the research process. I am grateful to the Spanish Ministry of Education for having provided me with the economic means to carry out my research. The grant has allowed me to develop my thesis in the best environment I could have dreamed of, the European University Institute. The uniqueness of this institution has also contributed to this work, as I have had the privilege to meet amazing and inspiring people from very different cultural and academic backgrounds. I thank all the staff of the EUI for their kindness and support that has manifested itself in the most unexpected ways. I especially thank Romain, Pol, Giorgio, Kaarlo, Carolina, Matti, Miguel, José Miguel, Cloe, Pablo (gracias tito) and many others (you know who you are guys!) for having been there to share my EUI years and for making the experience so memorable. Additionally, I would like to thank the staff of all the archives in which I have done research, as their expertise and guidance has been very helpful. The staff of the Fundação Mário Soares, the Arquivo Histórico Diplomático do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros, and the headquarters of the PS in Largo do Rato has been especially supportive. Also, thank you to the staff of the Fondation Jean Jaurès for their guidance in the Centre d’Archives Socialistes. A special thanks goes to Chiqui and Aurélio from the Fundación Pablo Iglesias. I really appreciate their availability, kindness and guidance. It goes without saying that I am immensely grateful to all my family for their unconditional love and support during every moment of this thesis project. My parents and my sister are always there for me – gracias! A special thanks to Raija and Pauli, because they made it 9 possible to finish the work on time. Their support and help in the final stages has been absolutely invaluable. Kiitos paljon! The person I can’t thank enough for her constant support, love and understanding is Sanni. I am fortunate to have had her next to me during this experience. I also thank my daughter Telma, because she is the light of my life and her presence has given me strength and determination to finish this work. Finally, I want to pay homage to my great uncle Octavio, who in a way inspired me to start this project. I also want to pay respect to the memory of my beloved grandparents, Bárbara and Wenceslao, who passed away while I was in Florence. 10 Table of Contents Abbreviations 13 Introduction 15 Objectives of the thesis 15 Methodology and Sources 19 State of the Art 21 Hypotheses 26 Chronological frame, and structure of the thesis 27 1. The Portuguese Socialist Party: From Creation to Carnation Revolution 29 1.1. The antecedents of the PS and the international context at the beginning of the 1970s 31 1.1.1. The history of the PS 31 1.1.2. The international context at the beginning of the Carnation Revolution 45 1.1.3. The West European Left at the beginning of the 1970s 55 1.2. Relations between the PS and the European Socialists (BLP, PSF and SI) at the beginning of the Carnation Revolution, April 1974 to December 1974 65 1.2.1. The BLP and the PS before the revolution 65 1.2.2. The outbreak of the Carnation Revolution and Portuguese decolonisation 68 1.2.3. The resignation of Spínola and ‘the Communist threat’ 86 1.3. The PS, the PSF and the outbreak of the Revolution 101 1.3.1. The ideological affinity between the PS and the PSF after the creation of the Portuguese Party 101 1.3.2. The PS and the PSF after 25th April 1974 111 1.3.3. Portugal after the resignation of Spínola: Fertile soil for Socialism? 121 1.4. The First Congress of the PS in Lisbon 125 2. The PSOE: A renovated Socialist party in Europe 135 2.1.
Recommended publications
  • Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World

    Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World

    harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY.
  • The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party Respond to the Crisis1

    The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party Respond to the Crisis1

    All anti-neo-liberal now? The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party respond to the crisis1 Luke March University of Edinburgh [email protected] Paper for PSA 2013 Draft version 1.0. Work very much in progress. Please do not quote without author’s permission. Why has the left failed to benefit from the post-2008 economic crisis? This is a common, but perhaps slightly unfair question. It is difficult to see any one political family as a unique beneficiary, and indeed the right’s apparent earlier ideological hegemony has become unstuck with the ‘austerity medicine’ having consistently failed to revive the European patient. Nevertheless, there is still something remarkable about socio-economic conditions that should be a ‘perfect storm’ for left-wing politics regularly failing to produce anything like a clear boon for the left. The February 2013 Italian elections are just the latest that may mark a ‘no- confidence’ vote in the Centre-Left (McDonnell and Bobba 2013). The social democratic Democratic Party (PD) and its more leftist ally, the post-communist Left Ecology Freedom threw away an apparently unassailable lead to squeak ahead of the right and Beppe Grillo’s Five-Star Movement. This paper aims to contribute to answering this overarching question by comparing the policy and ideological response to the crisis undertaken by the three ‘left’ transnational party federations (TNPs) at European level, the Party of European Socialists (PES), European Green Party (EGP) and European Left Party (EL).2 Comparing the three TNPs is an apposite approach. Although TNPs are ‘timidly rising actors’, relatively weak formations that fall far short of being fully integrated parties, they at the very least aspire to a minimal level of ideological and policy co-ordination (Bardi 2004; cf.
  • Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’

    Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’

    Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996).
  • The Case of Eta

    The Case of Eta

    Cátedra de Economía del Terrorismo UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Empresariales DISMANTLING TERRORIST ’S ECONOMICS : THE CASE OF ETA MIKEL BUESA* and THOMAS BAUMERT** *Professor at the Universidad Complutense of Madrid. **Professor at the Catholic University of Valencia Documento de Trabajo, nº 11 – Enero, 2012 ABSTRACT This article aims to analyze the sources of terrorist financing for the case of the Basque terrorist organization ETA. It takes into account the network of entities that, under the leadership and oversight of ETA, have developed the political, economic, cultural, support and propaganda agenda of their terrorist project. The study focuses in particular on the periods 1993-2002 and 2003-2010, in order to observe the changes in the financing of terrorism after the outlawing of Batasuna , ETA's political wing. The results show the significant role of public subsidies in finance the terrorist network. It also proves that the outlawing of Batasuna caused a major change in that funding, especially due to the difficulty that since 2002, the ETA related organizations had to confront to obtain subsidies from the Basque Government and other public authorities. Keywords: Financing of terrorism. ETA. Basque Country. Spain. DESARMANDO LA ECONOMÍA DEL TERRORISMO: EL CASO DE ETA RESUMEN Este artículo tiene por objeto el análisis de las fuentes de financiación del terrorismo a partir del caso de la organización terrorista vasca ETA. Para ello se tiene en cuenta la red de entidades que, bajo el liderazgo y la supervisión de ETA, desarrollan las actividades políticas, económicas, culturales, de propaganda y asistenciales en las que se materializa el proyecto terrorista.
  • IMPERIAL POWERS and DEMOCRATIC IMAGINATIONS

    IMPERIAL POWERS and DEMOCRATIC IMAGINATIONS

    Conceptos y fenómenos fundamentales de nuestro tiempo UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL AUTÓNOMA DE MÉXICO INSTITUTO DE INVESTIGACIONES SOCIALES IMPERIAL POWERS & DEMOCRATIC IMAGINATIONS DAVID SLATER Junio 2006 IMPERIAL POWERS & DEMOCRATIC IMAGINATIONS Por David Slater1 The thematic nucleus of this paper is formed through an exploratory analysis of some primary aspects of the interconnections between a resurgent imperialism and a contested terrain of democratic politics. There are three sections: in the first part an initial examination of important elements of the contemporary literature on imperialism is developed, and this includes a brief discussion of the significance of the relationality of imperial power, as well as the differentiation between imperiality and imperialism. The second section attempts to tease out some of the specificities of the United States as an imperial democracy which leads into a final discussion of the geopolitics of democratization. The paper takes the form of a preliminary exploration of what is an extensive conceptual and political terrain. Conceptualising Imperialism Today As a way of beginning the first part of the analysis, it would seem to be useful to consider the forms in which key concepts have been defined and deployed. In this case, it is necessary to discuss the delineation of the term ‘imperialism’ especially as it has been used in the last few years to describe an apparently new phenomenon of globalising power. In fact, the apparent ‘newness’ of the phenomenon is frequently captured in the phrase the ‘new imperialism’. The Marxist geographer Harvey is a good example of someone who has attempted to theorize the ‘new imperialism’ and it would seem appropriate to begin with a brief signalling of Harvey’s (2003a) interesting perspective.
  • Wirtschaft Und Kultur Schriftenreihe Des Forschungsbereiches

    Wirtschaft Und Kultur Schriftenreihe Des Forschungsbereiches

    Wirtschaft und Kultur Schriftenreihe des Forschungsbereiches No. 7 2006 Lebensläufe österreichischer Chefredakteure Eine Ressourcenanalyse nach Pierre Bourdieu Louise Beltzung Axel Kittenberger Susanne Mayer Hg. Johanna Hofbauer, Elfie Miklautz, Gertraude Mikl-Horke, Andreas Resch Institut für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte & Institut für Soziologie und empirische Sozialforschung, Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien ©2006 Forschungsbericht aus der Integrierten Projektveranstaltung Creative Industries im Rahmen des Studiums der Sozioökonomie an der Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien unter der Leitung von Ass.Prof.Dr. Elfie Miklautz und a.o.Univ.Prof.Dr. Andreas Reschx Studienjahr 2004/05 Institut für Soziologie und empirische Sozialforschung www.wu-wien.ac.at/sozio Institut für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschicht www.wu-wien.ac.at/geschichte Kurzangaben zu den Autoren: Louise Beltzung (1985) studiert seit 2003 Sozioökonomie an der Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien mit der Spezialisierung Internationale Wirtschaft und Entwicklung. Seit 2002 ist sie Mitarbeiterin des Standard, derzeit leitet sie das Ressort Uni und Schule. Email: [email protected] Axel Kittenberger (1977) studiert nach vierjähriger, hauptberuflicher Tätigkeit als Softwareentwicklicker seit 2003 Sozioökonomie an der Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien mit der Spezialisierung Verhaltenswissenschaftlichorientiertes Management. Email: [email protected] Homepage: www.kittenberger.net Susanne Mayer (1983), gebürtige Vorarlbergin, arbeitete nach Abschluss der Handelsakademie Feldkrich ein halbes
  • German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar

    German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar

    02_EHQ 31/1 articles 30/11/00 1:53 pm Page 101 William Lee Blackwood German Hegemony and the Socialist International’s Place in Interwar European Diplomacy When the guns fell silent on the western front in November 1918, socialism was about to become a governing force throughout Europe. Just six months later, a Czech socialist could marvel at the convocation of an international socialist conference on post- war reconstruction in a Swiss spa, where, across the lake, stood buildings occupied by now-exiled members of the deposed Habsburg ruling class. In May 1923, as Europe’s socialist parties met in Hamburg, Germany, finally to put an end to the war-induced fracturing within their ranks by launching a new organization, the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the German Communist Party’s main daily published a pull-out flier for posting on factory walls. Bearing the sarcastic title the International of Ministers, it presented to workers a list of forty-one socialists and the national offices held by them in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Commenting on the activities of the LSI, in Paris a Russian Menshevik émigré turned prominent left-wing pundit scoffed at the new International’s executive body, which he sarcastically dubbed ‘the International Socialist Cabinet’, since ‘all of its members were ministers, ex-ministers, or prospec- tive ministers of State’.1 Whether one accepted or rejected its new status, socialism’s virtually overnight transformation from an outsider to a consummate insider at the end of Europe’s first total war provided the most striking measure of the quantum leap into what can aptly be described as Europe’s ‘social democratic moment’.2 Moreover, unlike the period after Europe’s second total war, when many of socialism’s basic postulates became permanently embedded in the post-1945 social-welfare-state con- European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol.
  • The Politics of Poverty: Elites, Citizens and States

    The Politics of Poverty: Elites, Citizens and States

    The Politics of Poverty: Elites, Citizens and States Findings from ten years of DFID-funded research on Governance and Fragile States 2001–2010 A Synthesis Paper Acknowledgements This paper was written by DFID Research and Evidence Division Staff, with help and advice from Graeme Ramshaw of IDS and from the directors and staff of the four Re­ search centres. Disclaimer: This synthesis presents some key findings of DFID-funded research and the resulting policy recommendations of the researchers: it does not necessarily reflect DFID policy. Cover Photo: Justice and Peace Commissioners, Masisi, DR Congo. © Sarah MacGregor / DFID The Politics of Poverty: Elites, Citizens, and States EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Executive Summary Evidence shows that in order to deliver sustainable international development we must be able to understand and work with its politics. Governance describes the way countries and societies manage their affairs politically and the way power and authority are exercised. For the poorest and most vulnerable, the difference that good, or particularly bad, governance, makes to their lives is profound: the inability of government institutions to prevent conflict, provide basic security, or basic services can have life-or-death consequences; lack of opportunity can prevent generations of poor families from lifting themselves out of poverty; and the inability to grow economically and collect taxes can keep countries trapped in a cycle of aid-dependency. Understanding governance, therefore, is central to achieving development and ending conflict. During the 1990s donors came to realise that development required better ‘governance’, and DFID recognised early on the need to work with the research community to identify ways of improving governance for better development outcomes.
  • Fonds Franck Sérusclat

    Fonds Franck Sérusclat

    Archives du département du Rhône et de la métropole de Lyon Fonds Franck Sérusclat 195J 1-195J340 1961-2004 Pierre Triomphe, sous la direction de Sophie Malavieille 1 Archives du département du Rhône et de la métropole de Lyon Introduction Zone d’identification Cote : 195J 1-195J340 Date : 1961-2004 Description physique : 24 ml Langue des unités documentaires : La langue principale des documents composant le fonds est le français. Auteur : Pierre Triomphe, sous la direction de Sophie Malavieille Origine : SERUSCLAT, Franck Biographie ou Histoire : Fils d’instituteur, Franck André Sérusclat naît le 7 juillet 1921 à Sarras (Ardèche). Il porte les prénoms de deux de ses oncles morts pour la France lors de la Première Guerre mondiale. Durant ses études au lycée de Privas, il manifeste les premiers signes d’un pacifisme viscéral, qui est une constante de son engagement politique, en diffusant des tracts pacifistes en 1938. Après l’obtention de son baccalauréat, il fait des études de pharmacie à Lyon. En parallèle, il découvre l’espéranto et adhère à l’association lyonnaise pour la promotion de cette langue en 1941. Après l’obtention de son diplôme en 1947, il entre à la faculté comme moniteur au laboratoire de toxicologie et soutient une thèse dirigée par le professeur Marc Chambon. Dans le même temps, il fait carrière au laboratoire de police scientifique de Lyon jusqu’à la fin des années 1970 : entré comme simple assistant, il finit par en devenir le directeur. Enfin il exerce en pharmacie d’officine, à partir de décembre 1949, en s’installant à Saint-Fons, petite ville industrielle à la périphérie de l’agglomération lyonnaise, solidement ancrée à gauche.
  • Antisemitismus in Österreich Beschäftigt

    Antisemitismus in Österreich Beschäftigt

    Zwischen Kontinuität und Transformation – Antisemitismus im gegenwärtigen medialen Diskurs Österreichs von Klaus Hödl/Gerald Lamprecht (Graz) erschienen in: Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für deutsche Geschichte XXXIII (2005), Antisemitismus, Antizionismus, Israelkritik, Göttingen 2005, 140-159. Der Bericht der EU-Beobachtungsstelle für Rassismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit (EUMC) über Antisemitismus in Europa stellt Österreich, zumindest im Vergleich zu anderen europäischen Staaten, ein »relativ akzeptables« Zeugnis aus. Im Gegensatz vor allem zu Frankreich, den Niederlanden oder auch Großbritannien scheint es in Österreich für Juden sicherer zu sein – das Risiko, tätlich angegriffen zu werden, nimmt sich für sie geringer aus.1 Auch wenn der Präsident der Wiener Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde, Ariel Muzicant, zu Beginn des Jahres 2004 anläßlich einer Tagung des Europäischen Jüdischen Kongresses in Jerusalem kundtat, daß seine Kinder Österreich verlassen hätten, weil sie den Stress, in diesem Land Juden zu sein, nicht länger ertragen hätten,2 und in einem Zeitungsinterview darauf hinwies, daß Juden auch in Wien gewalttätigen Übergriffen ausgesetzt seien, so steht für ihn gleichfalls fest, daß physische Gewalt in anderen Ländern häufiger vorkomme als in Österreich.3 Dieser Umstand macht das Land zwar noch zu keiner Vorzeigegesellschaft und soll auch nicht zur Relativierung antisemitischer Zwischenfälle herangezogen werden. Doch kann er als wichtiger Indikator für eine Standortbestimmung dienen, wenn man sich mit dem Phänomen des Antisemitismus in Österreich beschäftigt. Die Beobachtung, daß sich der österreichische Antisemitismus durch eine geringe Gewaltbereitschaft auszeichnet, impliziert nicht, daß er dadurch vernachlässigbar sei.4 Bereits 1 Werner Bergmann/Juliane Wetzel, Manifestations of anti-Semitism in the European Union – First Semester 2002, Synthesis Report, Wien und Berlin 2003, 84-89; nur online verfügbar als »Draft 20 February 2003« u.a.
  • Meeting the Challenge of Crisis and Opportunity Left Refoundation and Party Building

    Meeting the Challenge of Crisis and Opportunity Left Refoundation and Party Building

    Meeting the Challenge of Crisis and Opportunity Left Refoundation and Party Building About this paper: The Party-Building Commission The slogan of Left Refoundation arises out of our of Freedom Road Socialist Organization takes assessment of the ideological and structural crisis pleasure in circulating the following paper. Like among Leftists here in the U.S. and other parts of other socialist organizations, since its inception, the world. Four major occurrences define this crisis: Freedom Road has looked for opportunities to com- (1) The crisis of socialism, which predates the bine our own organizing with opportunities for collapse of the Soviet Union strengthening the unity and coherence of socialist efforts overall. We endorse the themes presented (2) The dismantling of the welfare state, here as an important part of our efforts in this gen- (3) The crisis of national liberation movements, eral direction. Members of our organization from and several cities worked on this paper over the last year and a half. We also appreciate the invaluable (4) The rise of neoliberalism. comments of friends and co-workers from other or- All four are connected. The rise of neoliberalism and ganizations who have seen this in draft and helped the crisis of socialism are intertwined with the de- shape it. We don't see this as the final word on the struction of the welfare state and the crisis of na- way forward for the socialist left. Nor do we even tional liberation movements. This crisis is an ideo- see it as the first word, since others have also grap- logical and structural vacuum in which words such pled with similar issues throughout this past decade.
  • The Basque Experience with the Irish Model

    The Basque Experience with the Irish Model

    WORKING PAPERS IN CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION AND SOCIAL JUSTICE ISSN 2053-0129 (Online) From Belfast to Bilbao: The Basque Experience with the Irish Model Eileen Paquette Jack, PhD Candidate School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy, Queen’s University, Belfast [email protected] Institute for the Study of Conflict Transformation and Social Justice CTSJ WP 06-15 April 2015 Page | 1 Abstract This paper examines the izquierda Abertzale (Basque Nationalist Left) experience of the Irish model. Drawing upon conflict transformation scholars, the paper works to determine if the Irish model serves as a tool of conflict transformation. Using Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), the paper argues that it is a tool, and focuses on the specific finding that it is one of many learning tools in the international sphere. It suggests that this theme can be generalized and could be found in other case studies. The paper is located within the discipline of peace and conflict studies, but uses a method from psychology. Keywords: Conflict transformation, Basque Country, Irish model, Peace Studies Introduction1 The conflict in the Basque Country remains one of the most intractable conflicts, and until recently was the only conflict within European borders. Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) has waged an open, violent conflict against the Spanish state, with periodic ceasefires and attempts for peace. Despite key differences in contexts, the izquierda Abertzale (‘nationalist left’) has viewed the Irish model – defined in this paper as a process of transformation which encompasses both the Good Friday Agreement (from here on referred to as GFA) and wider peace process in Northern Ireland – with potential.