Superpowers, Hyperpowers and Uberpowers
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The Climate Debate Held Hostage by the G2
China Perspectives 2011/1 | 2011 The National Learning Revival The Climate Debate Held Hostage by the G2 Jean-Paul Maréchal Translator: N. Jayaram Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5383 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5383 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2011 Number of pages: 56-62 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Jean-Paul Maréchal, « The Climate Debate Held Hostage by the G2 », China Perspectives [Online], 2011/1 | 2011, Online since 30 March 2014, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5383 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5383 © All rights reserved China perspectives Articles The Climate Debate Held Hostage by the G2 JEAN-PAUL MARÉCHAL* Real optimism lies in saying that the next 25,000 years will be very that can be said about this quote is that it is confirmed by all available in - difficult. – Romain Gary dicators, be they measures of economic might or (present and future) re - sponsibility for climate change. year after the Copenhagen Summit, the Cancun Conference (29 November-11 December 2010) showed that, despite some The world’s top two economies (in PPP terms) progress, nothing decisive will happen in facing up to climate A (2) change without the engagement of the United States as well as the Peo - Calculated in “purchasing power parities” (PPP) terms, the US and Chi - ple’s Republic of China. In the climate arena, as in so many others, the G2 nese gross domestic products are the world’s two highest. -
China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States
Order Code RL32688 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Updated April 4, 2006 Bruce Vaughn (Coordinator) Analyst in Southeast and South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Wayne M. Morrison Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Summary Southeast Asia has been considered by some to be a region of relatively low priority in U.S. foreign and security policy. The war against terror has changed that and brought renewed U.S. attention to Southeast Asia, especially to countries afflicted by Islamic radicalism. To some, this renewed focus, driven by the war against terror, has come at the expense of attention to other key regional issues such as China’s rapidly expanding engagement with the region. Some fear that rising Chinese influence in Southeast Asia has come at the expense of U.S. ties with the region, while others view Beijing’s increasing regional influence as largely a natural consequence of China’s economic dynamism. China’s developing relationship with Southeast Asia is undergoing a significant shift. This will likely have implications for United States’ interests in the region. While the United States has been focused on Iraq and Afghanistan, China has been evolving its external engagement with its neighbors, particularly in Southeast Asia. In the 1990s, China was perceived as a threat to its Southeast Asian neighbors in part due to its conflicting territorial claims over the South China Sea and past support of communist insurgency. -
Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Scholvin, Sören Working Paper Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization GIGA Working Papers, No. 128 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Scholvin, Sören (2010) : Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization, GIGA Working Papers, No. 128, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. -
Here Come the 'Brics'
oe Geo Factsheet www.curriculum-press.co.uk Number 278 Here come the ‘BRICs’ BRIC or ‘the BRICs’ is a grouping acronym for Brazil, Russia, India and China, first coined in 2001 by Jim O’Neill, Head of Global Economic Research at Goldman Sachs, a Wall Street Bank. Figure 1 Introducing ‘the BRICs’ Russia Energy exports, as major player in the global gas and oil industry Brazil Farm exports and growing hi-tech industry e.g. aircraft. China Global leader in biofuels and energy secure Manufacturing as the 'workshop to the world'; increase in its own TNCs and moving into services such as finance and banking India Hi-tech industry and outsourcing/offshoring plus home-grown manufacturing. Youthful, potentially innovative population GDP (PPP) Population Area Total $17,921 billion (2010 estimate) Total 2,851,302,297 (2010 estimate) Total 38,518,338 km2 (2010 estimate) China $9,712 billion China 1,336,970,000 Russia 17,075,400 km2 India $3,862 billion India 1,179,618,000 China 9,640,821 km2 Russia $2,209 billion Russia 192,787,000 Brazil 8,514,877 km2 Brazil $2,138 billion Brazil 141,927,297 India 3,287,240 km2 Brazil, Russia (a former superpower of the bi-polar Cold War), India Figure 2 The BRICS compared and China (emerging superpower) matter individually, but does it make sense for these huge countries which currently combined Categories Brazil Russia India China account for more than a quarter of the world land area and more Area 5th 1st 7th 3rd than 40% of the World’s population to form a global grouping which Population 5th 9th 2nd 1st is not an economic bloc or formal trading association such as the EU? It is more an alliance by which they can convert their growing Labour Force 5th 6th 2nd 1st economic power into greater political clout as a counterweight to GDP (nominal) 8th 12th 11th 3rd the Western dominance of the IMF, WTO and other global decision GDP (PPP) 9th 7th 4th 2nd making bodies. -
The Disharmony of the Spheres the U.S
The Disharmony of the Spheres The U.S. will endanger itself if it accedes to Russian and Chinese efforts to change the international system to their liking By Hal Brands and Charles Edel AKING THE STAGE at Westmin- A “sphere of influence” is traditionally under- ster College in March 1946, Win- stood as a geographical zone within which the most ston Churchill told his audience he powerful actor can impose its will. And nearly three “felt bound to portray the shadow decades after the close of the superpower struggle which…falls upon the world.” The that Churchill’s speech heralded, spheres of influence former British prime minister fa- are back. At both ends of the Eurasian landmass, the mously declared that “from Stettin authoritarian regimes in China and Russia are carv- in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain ing out areas of privileged influence—geographic hasT descended across the Continent.” He went on to ex- buffer zones in which they exercise diplomatic, eco- plain that “Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, nomic, and military primacy. China and Russia are Belgrade, Bucharest, and Sofia all…lie in what I must seeking to coerce and overawe their neighbors. They call the Soviet sphere.” Though the Westminster ad- are endeavoring to weaken the international rules dress is best remembered for the phrase “iron curtain,” and norms—and the influence of opposing powers— the way it called attention to an emerging Soviet sphere that stand athwart their ambitions in their respective of influence is far more relevant to today’s world. -
China's Rise As a Global Security Actor: Implications for NATO
China’s Rise as a Global Security Actor: Implications for NATO Meia Nouwens, Research Fellow for Chinese Defence Policy and Military Modernisation, IISS Helena Legarda, Senior Analyst, Mercator Institute for China Studies December 2020 The International Institute for Strategic Studies Contents Introduction 4 A tool of the United States: China’s view of NATO 6 Old foes, new challengers: the Sino-Russian relationship 8 Protecting NATO’s defence-industrial edge 10 Going global? 14 Conclusion 17 Notes 18 2 IISS | MERICS China Security Project briefing Index of maps and tables Map 1: The varied landscape of Chinese investment and investment-screening mechanisms across NATO 13 Table 1: Personnel and capabilities of Chinese, US and select European navies, 2020 15 Map 2: NATO’s and China’s partners in the Indo-Pacific 16 China’s Rise as a Global Security Actor: Implications for NATO 3 Introduction ‘We recognise that China’s growing influence and inter- and armed uninhabited aerial vehicles (UAVs) to the national policies present both opportunities and chal- Middle East, Central Asia and Africa – without accom- lenges that we need to address together as an Alliance.’1 panying terms and conditions defining or limiting their With these words in the December 2019 London use. Beijing is also expanding its stockpile of missiles, Declaration, NATO leaders made clear that China has some of which have the range to reach NATO coun- become a new strategic point of focus for the Alliance. tries. Accordingly, NATO allies will increasingly have Despite the careful language, this shift reflects grow- to factor in these changes to their operational environ- ing concern among NATO members over China’s ments. -
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization SIPRI Policy Paper No. 17 Alyson J. K. Bailes, Pál Dunay, Pan Guang and Mikhail Troitskiy Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Abbreviations and acronyms v Map of member and observer states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization vi Table A.1. Basic data for the member and observer states of the Shanghai vi Cooperation Organization, 2005 1. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a regional security 1 institution Alyson J. K. Bailes and Pál Dunay The background and purpose of this assessment 1 Origins and basic features 3 The Shanghai Cooperation Organization members and their interests 8 The Shanghai Cooperation Organization and its members’ security 20 Evaluation and conclusions 27 2. A Russian perspective on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 30 Mikhail Troitskiy Introduction 30 Russia in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 31 Russia and the substance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s work 35 Looking ahead 40 In conclusion: Russia’s general vision 44 3. A Chinese perspective on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 45 Pan Guang Introduction 45 The strategic significance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization for China 45 The demonstrative role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Chinese 46 diplomacy China’s driving role in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 48 The substance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s work: achievements 50 and challenges Looking ahead: big tasks and a long journey 55 In conclusion: key points 58 About the authors 59 Preface There is a clear trend in the 21st century for regional organizations to multiply, to become more multifunctional and to devote themselves in whole or part to security goals. -
Nato's European Members
Naval War College Review Volume 56 Article 3 Number 1 Winter 2003 Nato’s European Members Richard L. Russell Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Russell, Richard L. (2003) "Nato’s European Members," Naval War College Review: Vol. 56 : No. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol56/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Russell: Nato’s European Members NATO’S EUROPEAN MEMBERS Partners or Dependents? Richard L. Russell he transatlantic relationship is fraying at the edges. The Europeans are in- Tcreasingly uneasy over the George W. Bush administration’s national secu- rity policy, judging by the pronouncements coming from government officials. While the tragedies of 11 September 2001 garnered Americans broad sympathy in Europe, emotional support since has steadily eroded. What had been Euro- pean sympathy on a personal level to American pain and suffering is gradually giving way to anxiety about this nation’s preponderance of global power, mixed with an awareness—if in many instances only subconsciously—of Europe’s own shortcomings, particularly in the realm of international security. Certainly, European capitals are lending a hand in the diplomatic, intelli- gence, and police work needed to track and round up al-Qa‘ida operatives who use Europe as a hub for international operations. -
Spheres of Influence: a Reconceptualization
117 Spheres of Influence: A Reconceptualization Amitai Etzioni “Spheres of influence” (SOI) are best defined as international forma- tions that contain one nation (the influencer) that commands superior power over others. For the formation to qualify as an SOI, the level of control the influencer has over the nations subject to its influence must be intermediary: lower than that of an occupying or colonizing nation, but higher than that of a coalition leader. Importantly, the means of control the influencer employs must be largely ideational and economic rather than coercive. Thus, it can be argued that, under the Monroe Doctrine, much of Central and South America was in the United States’ SOI, and currently, North Korea is in China’s SOI, while Japan is in that of the United States. Viewing the current international order through the lens of SOI provides unique insight into twenty-first century challenges and fills important gaps in international relations theory. However, the consider- able literature on international relations largely ignores SOI as a theoretical concept, even as case studies illuminate the strength of the theory, as will be shown in Part I of this article. To the extent that SOI are studied, they tend to be criticized for being incompatible with the rule-based, liberal international order. This article examines SOI from a realist’s viewpoint (Part II), adds a psychological evaluation of the concept (Part III), and then addresses the question of whether SOI and the liberal international order can be recon- ciled (Part IV). It closes by seeking to understand the role SOI can play in helping countries avoid the Thucydides Trap—in which tensions between Amitai Etzioni is University Professor and Professor of International Affairs at The George Washington University. -
Orders and Borders: Unipolarity and the Issue of Homeland Security David G
This article was downloaded by: [David G. Haglund] On: 06 July 2012, At: 09:31 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Canadian Foreign Policy Journal Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rcfp20 Orders and borders: Unipolarity and the issue of homeland security David G. Haglund a a Department of Political Studies, Queen's University, Kingston, Canada Version of record first published: 06 Jul 2012 To cite this article: David G. Haglund (2012): Orders and borders: Unipolarity and the issue of homeland security, Canadian Foreign Policy Journal, 18:1, 9-25 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2012.674383 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and- conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. -
NATO and the European Union
Order Code RL32342 NATO and the European Union Updated January 29, 2008 Kristin Archick Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Paul Gallis Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division NATO and the European Union Summary Since the end of the Cold War, both NATO and the European Union (EU) have evolved along with Europe’s changed strategic landscape. While NATO’s collective defense guarantee remains at the core of the alliance, members have also sought to redefine its mission as new security challenges have emerged on Europe’s periphery and beyond. At the same time, EU members have taken steps toward political integration with decisions to develop a common foreign policy and a defense arm to improve EU member states’ abilities to manage security crises, such as those that engulfed the Balkans in the 1990s. The evolution of NATO and the EU, however, has generated some friction between the United States and several of its allies over the security responsibilities of the two organizations. U.S.-European differences center around threat assessment, defense institutions, and military capabilities. Successive U.S. administrations and the U.S. Congress have called for enhanced European defense capabilities to enable the allies to better share the security burden, and to ensure that NATO’s post-Cold War mission embraces combating terrorism and countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. U.S. policymakers, backed by Congress, support EU efforts to develop a European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) provided that it remains tied to NATO and does not threaten the transatlantic relationship. -
Is Growing China a Real Challenge to the U.S. Power?
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 5, No. 10(1); October 2015 Is Growing China A Real Challenge To The U.S. Power? Abdul Salaam Khan1 Abstract The purpose of this paper is to discuss the global hegemonic power of the United States of America as presented by different international theorists with special reference to the rise of People’s Republic of China and the possible transition of global power from West to the East. The paper comprises of six parts: first part presents the history and evolution of the US hegemonic power after the World War II, second highlights scholars like Robert Gilpin, Robert Keohane, Joseph Nye, James Petras and Immanuel Waller stein that the American hegemony has declined after the 1970s, thirdly it presents scholars like Stephen Gill and Susan Strange that the hegemonic dominance of the United States in the global affairs is still intact, fourth part discusses the rise of the People’s Republic of China as major challenge to the future US global power, fifthly it presents comparative analysis of the USA and China politically, economically, militarily, educationally, demographically and geographically and at the end it gives long term discussion and analysis in the context of global power of the United States and rising China. 1. Introduction After the World War II, the United States has become hegemonic due to its unmatched economic, military, political and cultural influence in global affairs. The American global order was basically characterized by liberal democracy and free capitalist economy. The hegemonic power of the United States in the post-World War II has been presented differently by different scholars.