COURSE SYLLABUS POL 342G Emerging Powers in the Global Order
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China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States
Order Code RL32688 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Updated April 4, 2006 Bruce Vaughn (Coordinator) Analyst in Southeast and South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Wayne M. Morrison Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Summary Southeast Asia has been considered by some to be a region of relatively low priority in U.S. foreign and security policy. The war against terror has changed that and brought renewed U.S. attention to Southeast Asia, especially to countries afflicted by Islamic radicalism. To some, this renewed focus, driven by the war against terror, has come at the expense of attention to other key regional issues such as China’s rapidly expanding engagement with the region. Some fear that rising Chinese influence in Southeast Asia has come at the expense of U.S. ties with the region, while others view Beijing’s increasing regional influence as largely a natural consequence of China’s economic dynamism. China’s developing relationship with Southeast Asia is undergoing a significant shift. This will likely have implications for United States’ interests in the region. While the United States has been focused on Iraq and Afghanistan, China has been evolving its external engagement with its neighbors, particularly in Southeast Asia. In the 1990s, China was perceived as a threat to its Southeast Asian neighbors in part due to its conflicting territorial claims over the South China Sea and past support of communist insurgency. -
The Emerging Economies and Climate Change
SHIFTING POWER Critical perspectives on emerging economies TNI WORKING PAPERS THE EMERGING ECONOMIES AND CLIMATE CHANGE A CASE STUDY OF THE BASIC GROUPING PRAFUL BIDWAI The Emerging Economies and Climate Change: A case study of the BASIC grouping PRAFUL BIDWAI* Among the most dramatic and far-reaching geopolitical developments of the post-Cold War era is the shift in the locus of global power away from the West with the simultaneous emergence as major powers of former colonies and other countries in the South, which were long on the periphery of international capi- talism. As they clock rapid GDP growth, these “emerging economies” are trying to assert their new identities and interests in a variety of ways. These include a demand for reforming the structures of global governance and the United Nations system (especially the Security Council) and the formation of new plurilateral blocs and associations among nations which seek to challenge or counterbalance existing patterns of dominance in world economic and political affairs. BASIC, made up of Brazil, South Africa, India and China, which acts as a bloc in the negotiations under the auspices of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), is perhaps the most sharply focused of all these groupings. Beginning with the Copenhagen climate summit of 2009, BASIC has played a major role in shaping the negotiations which were meant to, but have failed to, reach an agreement on cooperative climate actions and obligations on the part of different countries and country-groups to limit and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. These emissions, warn scientists, are dangerously warming up the Earth and causing irreversible changes in the world’s climate system. -
Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Scholvin, Sören Working Paper Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization GIGA Working Papers, No. 128 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Scholvin, Sören (2010) : Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization, GIGA Working Papers, No. 128, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. -
Here Come the 'Brics'
oe Geo Factsheet www.curriculum-press.co.uk Number 278 Here come the ‘BRICs’ BRIC or ‘the BRICs’ is a grouping acronym for Brazil, Russia, India and China, first coined in 2001 by Jim O’Neill, Head of Global Economic Research at Goldman Sachs, a Wall Street Bank. Figure 1 Introducing ‘the BRICs’ Russia Energy exports, as major player in the global gas and oil industry Brazil Farm exports and growing hi-tech industry e.g. aircraft. China Global leader in biofuels and energy secure Manufacturing as the 'workshop to the world'; increase in its own TNCs and moving into services such as finance and banking India Hi-tech industry and outsourcing/offshoring plus home-grown manufacturing. Youthful, potentially innovative population GDP (PPP) Population Area Total $17,921 billion (2010 estimate) Total 2,851,302,297 (2010 estimate) Total 38,518,338 km2 (2010 estimate) China $9,712 billion China 1,336,970,000 Russia 17,075,400 km2 India $3,862 billion India 1,179,618,000 China 9,640,821 km2 Russia $2,209 billion Russia 192,787,000 Brazil 8,514,877 km2 Brazil $2,138 billion Brazil 141,927,297 India 3,287,240 km2 Brazil, Russia (a former superpower of the bi-polar Cold War), India Figure 2 The BRICS compared and China (emerging superpower) matter individually, but does it make sense for these huge countries which currently combined Categories Brazil Russia India China account for more than a quarter of the world land area and more Area 5th 1st 7th 3rd than 40% of the World’s population to form a global grouping which Population 5th 9th 2nd 1st is not an economic bloc or formal trading association such as the EU? It is more an alliance by which they can convert their growing Labour Force 5th 6th 2nd 1st economic power into greater political clout as a counterweight to GDP (nominal) 8th 12th 11th 3rd the Western dominance of the IMF, WTO and other global decision GDP (PPP) 9th 7th 4th 2nd making bodies. -
Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Stephen, Matthew D. Article — Accepted Manuscript (Postprint) Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance Global Governance Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Stephen, Matthew D. (2017) : Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance, Global Governance, ISSN 1942-6720, Brill Nijhoff, Leiden, Vol. 23, Iss. 3, pp. 483-502, http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02303009 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215866 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu This article was published by Brill in Global Governance, Vol. 23 (2017), Iss. 3, pp. 483–502 (2017/08/19): https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02303009. -
The Disharmony of the Spheres the U.S
The Disharmony of the Spheres The U.S. will endanger itself if it accedes to Russian and Chinese efforts to change the international system to their liking By Hal Brands and Charles Edel AKING THE STAGE at Westmin- A “sphere of influence” is traditionally under- ster College in March 1946, Win- stood as a geographical zone within which the most ston Churchill told his audience he powerful actor can impose its will. And nearly three “felt bound to portray the shadow decades after the close of the superpower struggle which…falls upon the world.” The that Churchill’s speech heralded, spheres of influence former British prime minister fa- are back. At both ends of the Eurasian landmass, the mously declared that “from Stettin authoritarian regimes in China and Russia are carv- in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain ing out areas of privileged influence—geographic hasT descended across the Continent.” He went on to ex- buffer zones in which they exercise diplomatic, eco- plain that “Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, nomic, and military primacy. China and Russia are Belgrade, Bucharest, and Sofia all…lie in what I must seeking to coerce and overawe their neighbors. They call the Soviet sphere.” Though the Westminster ad- are endeavoring to weaken the international rules dress is best remembered for the phrase “iron curtain,” and norms—and the influence of opposing powers— the way it called attention to an emerging Soviet sphere that stand athwart their ambitions in their respective of influence is far more relevant to today’s world. -
How Can Realism Be Utilised in an Understanding of the United States/New Zealand Relationship Over Nuclear Policy?
How can realism be utilised in an understanding of the United States/New Zealand relationship over nuclear policy? By Angela Fitzsimons A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Masters of International Relations (MIR) degree School of History, Philosophy, Political Science and International Relations Victoria University of Wellington 2013 Abstract This thesis examines the decision making process of the United States and New Zealand on the nuclear policy issue through the lens of realism and analyses the effect of realism on the ANZUS alliance. Broader questions associated with alliances, national interest, changing priorities and limits on the use of power are also treated. A single case study of the United States/ New Zealand security relationship as embodied in the ANZUS treaty will be used to evaluate the utility of realism in understanding the decision making process that led to the declaration by the United States that the treaty was in abeyance. Five significant findings emerged: firstly both New Zealand and the United States used realism in the decision making process based on national interest, Secondly; diverging national interests over the nuclear issue made the ANZUS treaty untenable. Thirdly, ethical and cultural aspects of the relationship between the two states limited the application of classical realism to understanding the bond. Fourthly, normative theory accommodates realist theory on the behaviour of states in the international environment. Finally, continued engagement between the United -
China's Rise As a Global Security Actor: Implications for NATO
China’s Rise as a Global Security Actor: Implications for NATO Meia Nouwens, Research Fellow for Chinese Defence Policy and Military Modernisation, IISS Helena Legarda, Senior Analyst, Mercator Institute for China Studies December 2020 The International Institute for Strategic Studies Contents Introduction 4 A tool of the United States: China’s view of NATO 6 Old foes, new challengers: the Sino-Russian relationship 8 Protecting NATO’s defence-industrial edge 10 Going global? 14 Conclusion 17 Notes 18 2 IISS | MERICS China Security Project briefing Index of maps and tables Map 1: The varied landscape of Chinese investment and investment-screening mechanisms across NATO 13 Table 1: Personnel and capabilities of Chinese, US and select European navies, 2020 15 Map 2: NATO’s and China’s partners in the Indo-Pacific 16 China’s Rise as a Global Security Actor: Implications for NATO 3 Introduction ‘We recognise that China’s growing influence and inter- and armed uninhabited aerial vehicles (UAVs) to the national policies present both opportunities and chal- Middle East, Central Asia and Africa – without accom- lenges that we need to address together as an Alliance.’1 panying terms and conditions defining or limiting their With these words in the December 2019 London use. Beijing is also expanding its stockpile of missiles, Declaration, NATO leaders made clear that China has some of which have the range to reach NATO coun- become a new strategic point of focus for the Alliance. tries. Accordingly, NATO allies will increasingly have Despite the careful language, this shift reflects grow- to factor in these changes to their operational environ- ing concern among NATO members over China’s ments. -
The Rarity of Realpolitik the Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’S Rationality Reveals About International Politics
The Rarity of Realpolitik The Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’s Rationality Reveals about International Politics Realpolitik, the pur- suit of vital state interests in a dangerous world that constrains state behavior, is at the heart of realist theory. All realists assume that states act in such a man- ner or, at the very least, are highly incentivized to do so by the structure of the international system, whether it be its anarchic character or the presence of other similarly self-interested states. Often overlooked, however, is that Real- politik has important psychological preconditions. Classical realists note that Realpolitik presupposes rational thinking, which, they argue, should not be taken for granted. Some leaders act more rationally than others because they think more rationally than others. Hans Morgenthau, perhaps the most fa- mous classical realist of all, goes as far as to suggest that rationality, and there- fore Realpolitik, is the exception rather than the rule.1 Realpolitik is rare, which is why classical realists devote as much attention to prescribing as they do to explaining foreign policy. Is Realpolitik actually rare empirically, and if so, what are the implications for scholars’ and practitioners’ understanding of foreign policy and the nature of international relations more generally? The necessity of a particular psy- chology for Realpolitik, one based on rational thinking, has never been ex- plicitly tested. Realists such as Morgenthau typically rely on sweeping and unveriªed assumptions, and the relative frequency of realist leaders is difªcult to establish empirically. In this article, I show that research in cognitive psychology provides a strong foundation for the classical realist claim that rationality is a demanding cogni- tive standard that few leaders meet. -
The Kiwi That Roared: Nuclear-Free New Zealand in a Nuclear-Armed World
Wade Huntley THE KIWI THAT ROARED: NUCLEAR-FREE NEW ZEALAND IN A NUCLEAR-ARMED WORLD by Wade Huntley Dr. Wade Huntley is Program Director for Asia/Pacific Security at the Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainable Development in Berkeley, California, where he produces the Northeast Asian Peace and Security Network’s Daily Report (www.nautilus.org). He has an article in the March 1996 issue of International Studies Quarterly and is working on a book based on his doctoral dissertation, “The Citizen and the Sword: Security and Democracy in the Liberal State.” The University of California’s Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation provided support for research on this article. n July 14, 1984, New policy was widely criticized as a evance to larger democracies, is that Zealand elected its fourth frivolous moral exercise indulging a mass public is ill-suited to make O Labour government and vocal anti-nuclear activists and play- wise and prudent decisions regard- thus brought into effect its policy de- ing on an impassioned and unin- ing state security. Recent research claring the country “nuclear free,” formed public, while needlessly on this subject indicates that popu- which included prohibiting port entry jeopardizing the country’s national lar opinion is not as volatile and in- by any ships either under nuclear interests and sacrificing its ANZUS coherent, nor its effects on security power or carrying nuclear weapons.1 alliance relationship with the United policy as pernicious, as once The government’s commitment to States.3 This judgment is rooted in thought. However, many of these this policy reached a moment of truth two converging claims. -
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Light of Organization Theory Written by Hossein Aghaie Joobani
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Light of Organization Theory Written by Hossein Aghaie Joobani This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Light of Organization Theory https://www.e-ir.info/2013/02/22/the-shanghai-cooperation-organization-in-light-of-organization-theory/ HOSSEIN AGHAIE JOOBANI, FEB 22 2013 Introduction Since the end of the First World War, international organizations (IOs) have sprung up at a rapid pace, and particularly after 1945, they gradually evolved into becoming integral components of global governance. IOs have gained prominence by engaging actively in the processes of interpretation, production, and promotion of norms, principles, and policies in the global political system. The ambit and jurisdiction of IOs vary depending on the basic structure and content of their founding charters, although the purview of their activities encompasses a wide variety of issue-areas. As different types of IOs expand, the question arises whether or not their avowed purposes and overall functions comport with widely-held rules and democratic values, and if there is any universal model or replicable institutional structure that can be possibly utilized as a definitive example of a successful international institution. For instance, the European Union (EU), which is perceived as a supranational entity with an extraordinarily wide range of competencies, has successfully managed to profile itself as a bureaucratic organization capable of expanding its power while avoiding, albeit not entirely successfully, the risk of weakening its legitimacy. -
The BRICS As an EU Security Challenge the Case for Conservatism
The BRICS as an EU Security Challenge The Case for Conservatism Clingendael Report Peter van Ham The BRICS as an EU Security Challenge The Case for Conservatism Peter van Ham Clingendael Report September 2015 September 2015 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. Cover photo: The heads of state of the BRICS countries at the BRICS summit in Ufa. © Host Photo Agency BRICS Summit Ufa All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright holders. About the author Dr Peter van Ham is Senior Research Fellow at the Clingendael Institute in The Hague, the Netherlands, and Adjunct Professor at the College of Europe in Bruges, Belgium. The author thanks Anne Bakker for her research assistance. Clingendael Institute P.O. Box 93080 2509 AB The Hague The Netherlands Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl/ Contents Summary 5 Introduction: The Resistible Rise of the BRICS 6 The BRICS as a Security Challenge 6 Scope and Focus of this Report 8 1 The BRICS as a Security Challenge in Multilateral Forums 10 BRICS: From Economic to Political Clout 13 BRICS Security Cooperation: Real or Imagined? 18 Diversifying the Institutional Landscape 25 2 The EU’s Neighbourhood and the BRICS: Security Implications 28 China, Russia and India in the EU’s Strategic Backyard 29 The EU’s Vulnerable Southern Flank 33 Exploiting the EU’s Euro Crisis 34 Conclusion: The Case For Conservatism 36 Abbreviations 39 4 Summary Apart from demanding a larger “voice” in global governance, most BRICS members are overall satisfied with the international system’s present functioning and therefore cherish a conservative, rather than revolutionary, vision of the global economy.