South Africa in the Brics*
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China-India Relations Strategic Engagement and Challenges
AAssiiee..VViissiioonnss 3344 ______________________________________________________________________ China-India Relations Strategic Engagement and Challenges ______________________________________________________________________ Zhang Li September 2010 . Center for Asian Studies The Institut français des relations internationals (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-86592-774-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2010 IFRI IFRI-BRUXELLES 27, RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THERESE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 – FRANCE 1000 – BRUXELLES – BELGIQUE Tel: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tel: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] WEBSITE: Ifri.org China Program, Center for Asian Studies, IFRI The Ifri China Program‟s objectives are: . To organise regular exchanges with Chinese elites and enhance mutual trust through the organi- zation of 4 annual seminars in Paris or Brussels around Chinese participants. -
Building Better Global Economic Brics
Economics Global Economics Research from the GS Financial WorkbenchSM at https://www.gs.com Paper No: 66 Building Better Global Economic BRICs n In 2001 and 2002, real GDP growth in large emerging market economies will exceed that of the G7. n At end-2000, GDP in US$ on a PPP basis in Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) was about 23.3% of world GDP. On a current GDP basis, BRIC share of world GDP is 8%. n Using current GDP, China’s GDP is bigger than that of Italy. n Over the next 10 years, the weight of the BRICs and especially China in world GDP will grow, raising important issues about the global economic impact of fiscal and monetary policy in the BRICs. n In line with these prospects, world policymaking forums should be re-organised and in particular, the G7 should be adjusted to incorporate BRIC representatives. Many thanks to David Blake, Paulo Leme, Binit Jim O’Neill Patel, Stephen Potter, David Walton and others in the Economics Department for their helpful 30th November 2001 suggestions. Important disclosures appear at the end of this document. Goldman Sachs Economic Research Group In London Jim O’Neill, M.D. & Head of Global Economic Research +44(0)20 7774 1160 Gavyn Davies, M.D. & Chief International Economist David Walton, M.D. & Chief European Economist Andrew Bevan, M.D. & Director of International Bond Economic Research Erik Nielsen, Director of New European Markets Economic Research Stephen Potter, E.D. & Senior Global Economist Al Breach, E.D & International Economist Linda Britten, E.D. -
BRICS and African Region Partnership: Challenges and Opportunities
• p- ISSN: 2521-2982 • e-ISSN: 2707-4587 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).07 • ISSN-L: 2521-2982 DOI: 10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).07 Muhammad Atif * Muqarrab Akbar† BRICS and African Region Partnership: Challenges and Opportunities • Vol. IV, No. IV (Fall 2019) Abstract BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has • Pages: 59 – 69 amplified its regional and global impact. The economic success of BRICS is a motivation to Africa because BRICS and African region have a similar historical background. The partnership between Africa and the BRICS has Headings extended fresh drive and created ample interest in last decades because BRICS • Abstract is playing an important role in international trade, investment and global • Key Words governance. Growing economic relations of the BRICS with African region can be • Introduction exemplary for global world. These relations are prospective of a suitable way of • Theoretical Framework economic change and sustainable progress in the African region. The resource of • BRICS interests toward African African region makes many opportunities and challenges among BRICS- African Region region’s partnership. The interest of western powers also prevail in the African • Opportunities for African Region region. This article commences a fair inquiry of the BRICS relation with African • Trade Opportunity region, possible opportunities and challenges. • Conclusion • References Key Words: BRICS, Global Governance, Regionalism, WTO, United Nations, African Region, Africa Introduction The abbreviation ‘BRIC’ was first invented as a capable economic bloc by Jim O’Neil in 2001 (O'Neill 2001). The bloc has started his first interactions in 2005 at the time of the meeting of G7 Finance Ministers. -
The Role of Industrial Policies in the BRICS Economic Integration Process DEPARTMENT of POLICY, RESEARCH and STATISTICS
Inclusive and Sustainable Industrial Development Working Paper Series WP 1 | 2020 The role of industrial policies in the BRICS economic integration process DEPARTMENT OF POLICY, RESEARCH AND STATISTICS WORKING PAPER 1/2020 The role of industrial policies in the BRICS economic integration process Fernando Santiago UNIDO UNITED NATIONS INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT ORGANIZATION Vienna, 2020 Acknowledgements The author is grateful for comments on earlier versions of this manuscript from Nobuya Haraguchi, Prof. Fantu Cheru, Prof. Li Chen, the editors of the Oxford Handbook of Industrial Policy, and participants at two review workshops held in Addis Ababa in April and September 2019. The designations employed, descriptions and classifications of countries, and the presentation of the material in this report do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries, or its economic system or degree of development. The views expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the views of the Secretariat of the UNIDO. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the authors, and publication does not constitute an endorsement by UNIDO. Although great care has been taken to maintain the accuracy of information herein, neither UNIDO nor its member States assume any responsibility for consequences which may arise from the use of the material. Terms such as “developed”, “industrialized” and “developing” are intended for statistical convenience and do not necessarily express a judgment. -
How Can Realism Be Utilised in an Understanding of the United States/New Zealand Relationship Over Nuclear Policy?
How can realism be utilised in an understanding of the United States/New Zealand relationship over nuclear policy? By Angela Fitzsimons A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Masters of International Relations (MIR) degree School of History, Philosophy, Political Science and International Relations Victoria University of Wellington 2013 Abstract This thesis examines the decision making process of the United States and New Zealand on the nuclear policy issue through the lens of realism and analyses the effect of realism on the ANZUS alliance. Broader questions associated with alliances, national interest, changing priorities and limits on the use of power are also treated. A single case study of the United States/ New Zealand security relationship as embodied in the ANZUS treaty will be used to evaluate the utility of realism in understanding the decision making process that led to the declaration by the United States that the treaty was in abeyance. Five significant findings emerged: firstly both New Zealand and the United States used realism in the decision making process based on national interest, Secondly; diverging national interests over the nuclear issue made the ANZUS treaty untenable. Thirdly, ethical and cultural aspects of the relationship between the two states limited the application of classical realism to understanding the bond. Fourthly, normative theory accommodates realist theory on the behaviour of states in the international environment. Finally, continued engagement between the United -
Final Report
Final Report Extra-Regional Relations Regional Meeting on Latin American and Caribbean economic relations with emerging countries (BRICS) Brasilia, Brazil 18 November 2013 SP/RRRE-ALC-BRICS/IF-13 Copyright © SELA, November 2013. All rights reserved. Printed in the Permanent Secretariat of SELA, Caracas, Venezuela. The Press and Publications Department of the Permanent Secretariat of SELA must authorize reproduction of this document, whether totally or partially, through [email protected]. The Member States and their government institutions may reproduce this document without prior authorization, provided that the source is mentioned and the Secretariat is aware of said reproduction. Final Report SP/RRRE-ALC-BRICS/IF-13 C O N T E N T S RAPPORTEUR’S REPORT 3 A. DEVELOPMENT OF WORKS 4 B. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 9 C. CLOSING SESSION 11 ANNEXES: I. AGENDA 13 II. SPEECH BY MR. TELASCO PULGAR, COORDINATOR OF RELATIONS WITH REGIONAL AND EXTRA-REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS OF THE LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN ECONOMIC SYSTEM (SELA) 21 III. SPEECH BY MR. RENATO BAUMANN, DIRECTOR OF THE DEPARTMENT ON INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF THE INSTITUTE OF APPLIED ECONOMIC RESEARCH (IPEA) 25 IV. LIST OF PARTICIPANTS 29 V. LIST OF DOCUMENTS 37 Final Report SP/RRRE-ALC-BRICS/IF-13 3 RAPPORTEUR’S REPORT 1. The “Regional Meeting on Latin American and Caribbean economic relations with emerging countries (BRICS)” was organized by the Permanent Secretariat of the Latin American and Caribbean Economic System (SELA), in collaboration with the Institute of Applied Economic Research (IPEA), and held in the headquarters of the latter institute in Brasilia on 18 November 2013. -
Brazil and China: South-South Partnership Or North-South Competition?
POLICY PAPER Number 26, March 2011 Foreign Policy at BROOKINGS The Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW Washington, D.C. 20036 brookings.edu Brazil and China: South-South Partnership or North-South Competition? Carlos Pereira João Augusto de Castro Neves POLICY PAPER Number 26, March 2011 Foreign Policy at BROOKINGS Brazil and China: South-South Partnership or North-South Competition? Carlos Pereira João Augusto de Castro Neves A CKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper was originally commissioned by CAF. We are very grateful to Ted Piccone, Mauricio Cardenas, Cheng Li, and Octavio Amorim Neto for their comments and valuable suggestions in previous versions of this paper. F OREIGN P OLICY AT B ROOKINGS B RAZIL AND C HINA : S OUTH -S OUTH P ARTNER S HI P OR N ORTH -S OUTH C OM P ETITION ? ii A B STRACT o shed some light on the possibilities and lim- three aspects, but also on the governance structure its of meaningful coalitions among emerging and institutional safeguards in place in both China Tcountries, this paper focuses on Brazil-China and Brazil. The analysis suggests that, even with ad- relations. Three main topics present a puzzle: trade vantageous trade relations, there is a pattern of grow- relations, the political-strategic realm, and foreign di- ing imbalances and asymmetries in trade flows that rect investment. This paper develops a comparative are more favorable to China than Brazil. Therefore, assessment between the two countries in those areas, Brazil and China are bound to be competitors, but it and identifies the extent to which the two emerg- is not clear how bilateral imbalances may affect mul- ing powers should be understood as partners and/or tilateral cooperation between the two countries. -
India's Relations with the Latin America-Caribbean Region
IDSA Occasional Paper No. 45 India's Relations with the Latin America-Caribbean Region Prospects and Constraints Sanjay Badri-Maharaj India's Relations with the Latin America-Caribbean Region... | 1 IDSA Occasional Paper No. 45 India’s Relations with the Latin America-Caribbean Region Prospects and Constraints Sanjay Badri-Maharaj 2 | Sanjay Badri-Maharaj Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, sorted in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA). ISBN: 978-93-82169-73-4 First Published: April 2017 Price: Rs. 150/- Published by: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses No.1, Development Enclave, Rao Tula Ram Marg, Delhi Cantt., New Delhi - 110 010 Tel. (91-11) 2671-7983 Fax.(91-11) 2615 4191 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.idsa.in Cover & Layout by: Geeta Kumari Printed at: M/S Manipal Technologies Ltd. India's Relations with the Latin America-Caribbean Region... | 3 India's Relations with the Latin America-Caribbean Region Prospects and Constraints Introduction With a population of over 630 million in 2015,1 the Latin America- Caribbean region is a diverse and dynamic entity covering well over 13 per cent of the world’s surface, with a combined gross domestic product (GDP) of over USD 5 trillion in nominal terms or over USD 7 trillion when calculated by Purchasing Power Parity (PPP).2 As India’s international political and economic clout grows, it has embarked upon enhancing its ties with Africa, East and South-East Asia with significantly more prominent political, diplomatic, economic and even military outreach to the said regions but has made relatively little effort towards similarly increasing either its presence or prominence in the Latin America-Caribbean region. -
The Rarity of Realpolitik the Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’S Rationality Reveals About International Politics
The Rarity of Realpolitik The Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’s Rationality Reveals about International Politics Realpolitik, the pur- suit of vital state interests in a dangerous world that constrains state behavior, is at the heart of realist theory. All realists assume that states act in such a man- ner or, at the very least, are highly incentivized to do so by the structure of the international system, whether it be its anarchic character or the presence of other similarly self-interested states. Often overlooked, however, is that Real- politik has important psychological preconditions. Classical realists note that Realpolitik presupposes rational thinking, which, they argue, should not be taken for granted. Some leaders act more rationally than others because they think more rationally than others. Hans Morgenthau, perhaps the most fa- mous classical realist of all, goes as far as to suggest that rationality, and there- fore Realpolitik, is the exception rather than the rule.1 Realpolitik is rare, which is why classical realists devote as much attention to prescribing as they do to explaining foreign policy. Is Realpolitik actually rare empirically, and if so, what are the implications for scholars’ and practitioners’ understanding of foreign policy and the nature of international relations more generally? The necessity of a particular psy- chology for Realpolitik, one based on rational thinking, has never been ex- plicitly tested. Realists such as Morgenthau typically rely on sweeping and unveriªed assumptions, and the relative frequency of realist leaders is difªcult to establish empirically. In this article, I show that research in cognitive psychology provides a strong foundation for the classical realist claim that rationality is a demanding cogni- tive standard that few leaders meet. -
The Kiwi That Roared: Nuclear-Free New Zealand in a Nuclear-Armed World
Wade Huntley THE KIWI THAT ROARED: NUCLEAR-FREE NEW ZEALAND IN A NUCLEAR-ARMED WORLD by Wade Huntley Dr. Wade Huntley is Program Director for Asia/Pacific Security at the Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainable Development in Berkeley, California, where he produces the Northeast Asian Peace and Security Network’s Daily Report (www.nautilus.org). He has an article in the March 1996 issue of International Studies Quarterly and is working on a book based on his doctoral dissertation, “The Citizen and the Sword: Security and Democracy in the Liberal State.” The University of California’s Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation provided support for research on this article. n July 14, 1984, New policy was widely criticized as a evance to larger democracies, is that Zealand elected its fourth frivolous moral exercise indulging a mass public is ill-suited to make O Labour government and vocal anti-nuclear activists and play- wise and prudent decisions regard- thus brought into effect its policy de- ing on an impassioned and unin- ing state security. Recent research claring the country “nuclear free,” formed public, while needlessly on this subject indicates that popu- which included prohibiting port entry jeopardizing the country’s national lar opinion is not as volatile and in- by any ships either under nuclear interests and sacrificing its ANZUS coherent, nor its effects on security power or carrying nuclear weapons.1 alliance relationship with the United policy as pernicious, as once The government’s commitment to States.3 This judgment is rooted in thought. However, many of these this policy reached a moment of truth two converging claims. -
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Light of Organization Theory Written by Hossein Aghaie Joobani
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Light of Organization Theory Written by Hossein Aghaie Joobani This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Light of Organization Theory https://www.e-ir.info/2013/02/22/the-shanghai-cooperation-organization-in-light-of-organization-theory/ HOSSEIN AGHAIE JOOBANI, FEB 22 2013 Introduction Since the end of the First World War, international organizations (IOs) have sprung up at a rapid pace, and particularly after 1945, they gradually evolved into becoming integral components of global governance. IOs have gained prominence by engaging actively in the processes of interpretation, production, and promotion of norms, principles, and policies in the global political system. The ambit and jurisdiction of IOs vary depending on the basic structure and content of their founding charters, although the purview of their activities encompasses a wide variety of issue-areas. As different types of IOs expand, the question arises whether or not their avowed purposes and overall functions comport with widely-held rules and democratic values, and if there is any universal model or replicable institutional structure that can be possibly utilized as a definitive example of a successful international institution. For instance, the European Union (EU), which is perceived as a supranational entity with an extraordinarily wide range of competencies, has successfully managed to profile itself as a bureaucratic organization capable of expanding its power while avoiding, albeit not entirely successfully, the risk of weakening its legitimacy. -
A 'BRICS' Wall? the Complexity of China-India Multilateral Politics
Indian Foreign Affairs Journal Vol. 7, No. 2, April–June 2012, 175-194 A ‘BRICS’ Wall? The Complexity of China-India Multilateral Politics Jagannath P. Panda* Many believe that the rise of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) forum is the collateral starting point of a new multipolar world order. The recently concluded 2012 New Delhi BRICS summit pushed this notion ’ ahead, prompting a debate whether BRICS is the key to a “non-Western order”. The Delhi Declaration stated that the BRICS platform is a key in enhancing “… security and development in a multipolar, interdependent and increasingly complex, globalizing world”.1 Within the prism of the decline of the neo-con idea of a US-dominated unipolar world order, the dialogue of BRICS has gathered momentum, with concepts like “non-polarity” and “post- American world” becoming more popular. Experts and scholars have argued their part of the jingle, realizing the weight and vitality of the emerging economies and the developing powers in a rapidly evolving global order, which is versatile and multi-faceted in nature. Richard N. Haass argues that “twenty- first-century international relations is turning out to be non-polarity: a world dominated not by one or two or even several states but rather by dozens of actors possessing and exercising various kinds of power”, indicating a shift from the previous world order.2 Fareed Zakaria argues that “the age of American unipolarity – which began with the collapse of the Soviet Union – has ended”.3 Most of these debates indicate that the world is changing rapidly, and the rise of BRICS is the immediate attraction, where the spotlight is often on the emerging economies, especially on China and India.