Building Better Global Economic Brics
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China-India Relations Strategic Engagement and Challenges
AAssiiee..VViissiioonnss 3344 ______________________________________________________________________ China-India Relations Strategic Engagement and Challenges ______________________________________________________________________ Zhang Li September 2010 . Center for Asian Studies The Institut français des relations internationals (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-86592-774-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2010 IFRI IFRI-BRUXELLES 27, RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THERESE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 – FRANCE 1000 – BRUXELLES – BELGIQUE Tel: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tel: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] WEBSITE: Ifri.org China Program, Center for Asian Studies, IFRI The Ifri China Program‟s objectives are: . To organise regular exchanges with Chinese elites and enhance mutual trust through the organi- zation of 4 annual seminars in Paris or Brussels around Chinese participants. -
Financing the African Union – on Mindsets and Money
ecdpm’s Making policies work DISCUSSION PAPER No. 240 Financing the African Union on mindsets and money Political Economy Dynamics of Regional Organisations in africa PEDRO By Kesa Pharatlhatlhe and Jan Vanheukelom February 2019 Summary With 55 member countries, an elaborate institutional architecture, a broad policy agenda, and a high dependency rate on its former colonisers and main donors, the African Union (AU) is probably the world’s largest and most complex regional partnership configuration. Until 2017, repeated efforts at reducing dependency on foreign funding and increasing the yearly contributions from the member states of the AU had largely failed. Unpredictability and unreliability of funding by both African member states and by external funders led to wider management and staffing challenges. Due to a financial crisis of the AU around 2016, a renewed and joint push at different levels of the AU resulted in hands-on institutional reforms, piloted by Rwanda’s charismatic President Paul Kagame. This paper analyses the margins of manoeuvre for reformers and their external supporters to resolve money and governance matters within the wider context of institutional reforms of the AU. It has introduced a levy on eligible imported goods into the continent and has established systems to instill more discipline in planning, monitoring and implementing of budgets. A handful of donors are doing some soul searching as past promises to harmonise aid and align it with priorities and management systems of the AU have not effectively reduced the unintended burden of their fragmented, earmarked and overly ambitious support. Clearly, this paper is about money, and about the difficulties of financing the African Union. -
Everyday Intolerance- Racist and Xenophic Violence in Italy
Italy H U M A N Everyday Intolerance R I G H T S Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Italy WATCH Everyday Intolerance Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Italy Copyright © 2011 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-746-9 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org March 2011 ISBN: 1-56432-746-9 Everyday Intolerance Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Italy I. Summary ...................................................................................................................... 1 Key Recommendations to the Italian Government ............................................................ 3 Methodology ................................................................................................................... 4 II. Background ................................................................................................................. 5 The Scale of the Problem ................................................................................................. 9 The Impact of the Media ............................................................................................... -
Potential Partnership in Global Economic Governance: Canada’S G20 Summit from Toronto to Turkey John Kirton Co-Director, G20 Research Group
Potential Partnership in Global Economic Governance: Canada’s G20 Summit from Toronto to Turkey John Kirton Co-director, G20 Research Group Paper prepared for a presentation at TEPAV, Ankara, and DEIK, Istanbul, Turkey, June 7-8, 2010. Version of June 13, 2010. Introduction The Challenge In less than two weeks the most powerful leaders of the world’s 20 most systemically significant countries arrive in Toronto, Canada for their fourth summit of the Group of Twenty (G20). It will be their first meeting of the newly proclaimed permanent priority centre of international economic co-operation, the first co-chaired by an established and emerging economy, and the first held in tight tandem with the older, smaller Group of Eight (G8) major power democracies. In Toronto the G20 leaders will confront several critical global challenges. The first is the European-turned-global financial crisis, erupting in May even before the previous American-turned-global financial crisis of 2007-9 had been solved. The second is the devastation to trade, investment and development that these financial-turned-economic crises cause. The third is the environmental and social problems they exacerbate, from climate change and energy to food and health. And the fourth is strengthening the G20 itself and the international financial institutions and other global bodies more generally, to govern more effectively, equitably and accountably today’s complex, uncertain, intensely interconnected world. Can Canada and Turkey work together at Toronto to cope with these and other challenges that the world confronts? At first glance, Canada and Turkey would appear to be distinctly different countries, within the global community and as members of the G20, the institutionalized club of systemically significant countries that was created in 1999 in response to the Asian-turned-global financial crisis then and that leapt to the leaders’ level in response to the American-turned-global financial crisis continuing today. -
The Role of the Bric in Africa's Development
Journal for Contemporary History 41(1) / Joernaal vir Eietydse Geskiedenis 41(1): 80-102 © UV/UFS • ISSN 0258-2422 / e-ISSN 2415-0509 http://dx.doi.org/10.18820/24150509/jch.v41i1.5 THE ROLE OF THE BRIC IN AFRICA’S DEVELOPMENT: DRIVERS AND STRATEGIES Mills Soko1 and Mzukisi Qobo2 Abstract National interest still trumps friendship in international relations. The notions of solidarity that were popular among developing countries in the 1950s and the 1960s have no resonance in 21st century diplomacy, which is largely driven by commercial considerations. Many developing countries still view the advent of rising powers – some of whom were part of the Third World movement that arrayed itself to counter imperialism – as offering promise for development progress. Taking an analytic assessment of the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) countries’ role in Africa’s development, this article argues that such hopes are misguided. BRIC countries are not primarily driven by Africa’s development concerns, but are seeking to fulfil their own commercial interests, as well as use Africa as an avenue for shoring up their international legitimacy and credibility. The article arrives at this conclusion by examining how each of the BRIC countries implements its commercial and diplomatic strategies on the African continent. South Africa is excluded from this analysis as the focus of the article is on how the non-African members of the BRICS formation pursue their diplomatic and commercial strategies on the African continent. Keywords: BRIC countries; drivers; development; strategies; Africa. Sleutelwoorde: BRIC-lande; dryfvere; ontwikkeling; strategieë; Afrika. 1. INTRODUCTION Since 1995, the African continent has registered rapid economic growth and development against the backdrop of both a commodities’ boom and expanding investment in a diverse range of sectors, from natural-resourced based industries to wholesale, retail, trade, telecommunications and manufacturing. -
The 2018 G7 Summit: Issues to Watch
AT A GLANCE The 2018 G7 Summit: Issues to watch On 8 and 9 June 2018, the leaders of the G7 will meet for the 44th G7 Summit in Charlevoix, Quebec, for the annual summit of the informal grouping of seven of the world's major advanced economies. The summit takes place amidst growing tensions between the US and other G7 countries over security and multilateralism. Background The Group of Seven (G7) is an international forum of the seven leading industrialised nations (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States, as well as the European Union). Decisions within the G7 are made on the basis of consensus. The outcomes of summits are not legally binding, but compliance is high and their impact is substantial, as the G7 members represent a significant share of global gross domestic product (GDP) and global influence. The commitments from summits are implemented by means of measures carried out by the individual member countries, and through their respective relations with other countries and influence in multilateral organisations. Compliance within the G7 is particularly high in regard to agreements on international trade and energy. The summit communiqué is politically binding on all G7 members. As the G7 does not have a permanent secretariat, the annual summit is organised by the G7 country which holds the rotating presidency for that year. The presidency is currently held by Canada, to be followed by France in 2019. Traditionally, the presidency country also determines the agenda of the summit, which includes a mix of fixed topics (discussed each time), such as the global economic climate, foreign and security policy, and current topics for which a coordinated G7 approach appears particularly appropriate or urgent. -
Brics Versus Mortar? Winning at M&A in Emerging Markets
BRICs Versus Mortar? WINNING AT M&A IN EMERGING MARKETS The Boston Consulting Group (BCG) is a global management consulting firm and the world’s leading advisor on business strategy. We partner with clients from the private, public, and not-for- profit sectors in all regions to identify their highest-value opportunities, address their most critical challenges, and transform their enterprises. Our customized approach combines deep in sight into the dynamics of companies and markets with close collaboration at all levels of the client organization. This ensures that our clients achieve sustainable compet itive advantage, build more capable organizations, and secure lasting results. Founded in 1963, BCG is a private company with 78 offices in 43 countries. For more information, please visit bcg.com. BRICs VeRsus MoRtaR? WINNING AT M&A IN EMERGING MARKETS JENS KENGELBACH DOminiC C. Klemmer AlexAnDer Roos August 2013 | The Boston Consulting Group Contents 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 THE GLOBAL M&A MARKET ReMAINS IN A DEEP FREEZE Disappointing Results for Public-to-Public Deals Emerging Markets Claim a Growing Share of Deal Flow Key Investing Themes 13 LEARNING FROM EXPERIENCE AND MANAGING COMPLEXITY: THE KEYS TO SUPERIOR ReTURNS Serial Acquirers Reap the Rewards of Experience The Virtue of Simplicity 17 A TOUR OF THE BRIC COUNTRIES Brazil Looks to the North Russia Seeks Technology, Resources—and Stability India Aims at Targets of Opportunity China Hunts for Management Know-How—and Access to the Global Business Arena 31 EMERGING THEMES AND ReCOMMENDATIONS 34 Appendix: Selected trAnSActionS, 2012 And 2013 36 FOR FURTHER ReADING 37 NOTE TO THE ReADER 2 | BRICs Versus Mortar? exeCutIVe suMMaRy espite the current worldwide lull in mergers and acquisitions, there’s Dnot much argument that emerging markets will remain a hotbed of M&A activity for some time to come. -
FROM the G7 to a D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’S Challenges
FROM THE G7 TO THE D-10 : STRENGTHENING DEMOCRATIC COOPERATION FOR TODAY’S CHALLENGES FROM THE G7 TO A D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’s Challenges Ash Jain and Matthew Kroenig (United States) With Tobias Bunde (Germany), Sophia Gaston (United Kingdom), and Yuichi Hosoya (Japan) ATLANTIC COUNCIL A Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security The Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security works to develop sustainable, nonpartisan strategies to address the most important security challenges facing the United States and the world. The Center honors General Brent Scowcroft’s legacy of service and embodies his ethos of nonpartisan commitment to the cause of security, support for US leadership in cooperation with allies and partners, and dedication to the mentorship of the next generation of leaders. Democratic Order Initiative This report is a product of the Scowcroft Center’s Democratic Order Initiative, which is aimed at reenergizing American global leadership and strengthening cooperation among the world’s democracies in support of a rules-based democratic order. The authors would like to acknowledge Joel Kesselbrenner, Jeffrey Cimmino, Audrey Oien, and Paul Cormarie for their efforts and contributions to this report. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. © 2021 The Atlantic Council of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Atlantic Council, except in the case of brief quotations in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. -
Angela Merkel Energy Security Spotlight on Africa
40 Years of Summits Inside: a special supplement focusing on four decades of debate and decision-making GERMANY: THE SCHLOSS ELMAU SUMMIT AN AUTHORISED PUBLICATION OF THE 2015 G7 SUMMIT Angela Merkel Germany’s Chancellor outlines the summit agenda Energy security Spotlight on Africa Creating a sustainable future A focus on the continent’s prospects and countering climate change for growth and development Sanofi_placed.indd 2 23/04/2015 11:42 Sanofi_placed.indd 3 23/04/2015 11:42 THE ANSWER IS BLOWING IN THE WIND Security of supply. Air pollution. Energy poverty. Unemployment. Climate change. Volatile fossil fuel prices. The world is full of problems. When shaping the society of tomorrow, we need to deal with all these problems at the same time. The good news is that to all these problems, there’s one solution. Wind energy is clean. It’s scalable. And most importantly, it’s competitive. Today, the cost of wind energy is lower than nuclear. Lower than gas. In some cases even lower than coal. And that’s before we add the costs of pollution. In short, the answer to many of our most pressing questions is literally blowing in the wind. €/MWh 125 100 75 50 25 0 Gas Coal Solar Nuclear Wind onshore Wind Source: ECOfys/European Commission solutionwind.com #solutionwind Clean. Competitive. Ready. European Wind Energy Association_placed.indd 1 13/05/2015 12:19 Contents G7 Germany: The Schloss Elmau Summit | June 2015 Introductions and leaders’ perspectives The G7 in numbers 10 40 years of G7 meetings — commitment for 38 A look at how the G7 members -
G7 to G8 to G20: Evolution in Global Governance CIGI G20 Papers | No
G7 TO G8 TO G20: EVOLUTION IN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE CIGI G20 PAPERS | NO. 6, MAY 2011 Gordon S. Smith G7 TO G8 TO G20: EVOLUTION IN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE TABLE OF CONTENTS SUMMARY Summary 3 This paper provides a brief history of the evolution of Acronyms 3 the Group of Seven (G7) from its origins in the aftermath of the 1971 breakdown of the Bretton Woods system of G7 to G8 to G20: Evolution in Global Governance 4 exchange rates and the oil crisis in 1973. It then discusses Russia’s participation at summits after the fall of the Works Cited 8 Berlin Wall, formally joining the group in 1997, thus becoming the Group of Eight (G8). The paper gives a CIGI G20 Resources 9 concise account of the formation of the Group of Twenty About CIGI 10 (G20) finance ministers and central bank governors in the late 1990s, in the wake of financial crises in Asia and Latin America, which was elevated to a leaders’ summit forum at the outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008. The paper wraps up with a discussion of the differences in the G8 and G20 models, concluding that the G20 process is still the best option for meeting the challenges of complex global governance issues. ACRONYMS 3G Global Governance Group ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations AU African Union BMENA Afghanistan, the Broader Middle East and North Africa CFGS Centre for Global Studies G5 Group of Five G7 Group of Seven G8 Group of Eight G20 Group of Twenty IMF International Monetary Fund Copyright © 2011 The Centre for International Governance Innovation. -
Banking on the Future of Asia and the Pacific the and Asia Future of the on Banking
BANKING ON THE FUTURE OF ASIA AND THE PACIFIC Banking on the Future of Asia and the Pacifi c 50 Years of the Asian Development Bank This book is a history of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), a multilateral development bank established 50 years ago to serve Asia and the Pacifi c. Focusing on the region’s BANK DEVELOPMENT YEARS OF THE ASIAN economic development, the evolution of the international development agenda, and the story of ADB itself, Banking on the Future of Asia and the Pacifi c raises several key questions: What are the outstanding features of regional development to which ADB had to respond? How has the bank grown and evolved in changing circumstances? How did ADB’s successive leaders promote reforms while preserving continuity with the e orts of their predecessors? ADB has played an important role in the transformation of Asia and the Pacifi c over the past 50 years. As ADB continues to evolve and adapt to the region’s changing development landscape, the experiences highlighted in this book can provide valuable insight on how best to serve Asia and the Pacifi c in the future. Peter McCawley Peter “ADB is a child of genuine aspiration by people across BANKING ON the region and the establishment of ADB represents the spirit of regional cooperation.” THE FUTURE OF ASIA ADB President Takehiko Nakao AND THE PACIFIC YEARS OF THE ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK Peter McCawley ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK 6 ADB Avenue, Mandaluyong City 1550 Metro Manila, Philippines www.adb.org ADB@50 History Book_COVER 6x9 - 2.6 cm spine.indd 1 6/15/2017 1:45:13 PM BANKING ON THE FUTURE OF ASIA AND THE PACIFIC 50 YEARS OF THE ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK Peter McCawley © 2017 Asian Development Bank 6 ADB Avenue, Mandaluyong City, 1550 Metro Manila, Philippines Tel +63 2 632 4444; Fax +63 2 636 2444 www.adb.org All rights reserved. -
Explaining the BRICS Summit Solid, Strengthening Success1
Explaining the BRICS Summit Solid, Strengthening Success1 John J. Kirton John J. Kirton —Professor, co-director, BRICS Research Group, co-director, G20 Research Group, director, G8 Research Group, Munk School of Global Affairs, University of Toronto, 1 Devonshire Place, Room 209N, Toronto, Ontario M5S 3K7, Canada; E-mail: [email protected] Abstract The BRICS have emerged as a solid, increasingly comprehensive, cooperative success, both alone and within the G20, on behalf of all emerging countries, as demonstrated by its summit performance since its start on the margins of the G8’s Hokkaido Summit in 2008 through to its gathering at the G20’s Brisbane Summit in 2014. This success is due primarily to the failure of the other international institutions from the 1944–45 and 1975 generations to give the leading emerging powers an equal, effective place and thus to solve the new, compounding global financial crisis and other challenges arising since 2008. The BRICS is a plurilateral summit institution growing in its level, membership, agenda and interaction intensity, with its summit performance rising substantially across an increasing array of major dimensions of global summit governance. This performance has been driven somewhat by the global financial, economic and food shocks since 2008, but primarily by the failure of the multilateral organizations from the 1940s, the G8-plus process from 2003 to 2009 and the first two G20 summits to give the big emerging powers the equal role, rights, responsibilities and effective influence warranted by their rising relative capability and international openness and needed to solve the new challenges of an intensely interconnected world.