DOCSLIB.ORG

The Rise of BRICS- a Multipolar World? Shraddha Naik, Research Scholar Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi Asia-Pacific ISA Conference Hong Kong- June 25-27, 2016

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Rise of BRICS- a Multipolar World? Shraddha Naik, Research Scholar Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi Asia-Pacific ISA Conference Hong Kong- June 25-27, 2016 The Rise of BRICS- A Multipolar World? Shraddha Naik, Research Scholar Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi Asia-Pacific ISA Conference Hong Kong- June 25-27, 2016. Abstract: Key Words: BRICS, World Order, Regionalism, Interregionalism, Emerging Powers. With the rise of new groups of emerging powers, the world in the 21st century is witnessing a shift in power calculus. The BRICS has certainly created a new constellation in the world system. It has emerged as a new region of their own with certain shared similarities and common objectives. Since its formal inception in 2009, the group has been trying to create a niche in international system and stresses on forming a multipolar world. The countries together demand for a revival in the traditional setting of the United Nations Security Council, reforms in the international financing system such as the World Trade Organisation, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and have initiated a new discourse of the Global South on the Responsibility to Protect and Climate Change. The introduction of the BRICS Development Bank has been one of the prime contributions of the group thus, showcasing their willingness and capabilities in accepting the responsibilities that comes with the growing power. Highlighting the BRICS as a new interregional grouping of the emerging powers, the paper will assess the achievements and divergences of the group and its efforts to raise its status and create a multipolar world. Introduction The world order has witnessed a regular transformation from period to period. Its consistent nature of revolving depicts the power cycle dynamics in international relations. Following this theoretical analysis of power cycle, the BRICS grouping imprints its potential arrival. With the growing political and economic importance to the grouping and economic slowdown of the established powers, raises pertinent questions of whether the group has arrived finally? Leading to an interrogation if, BRICS can be an important factor in turning the current phase of world order from that of unipolarity to multipolar world. The BRICS grouping is highly looked upon by the governments of the five countries. There is a greater amount of stress led on insisting the significance of the grouping for engaging at the bilateral, group level and global level cooperation’s among the member countries. According to former Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh “BRICS has demonstrated the shared will and capacity to engage with each other as well as with the world community in addressing and seeking sustainable solution to global economic and political challenges and concerns for the promotion of global stability and well being” (MEA 2012). There is a visible shift in the platform for discussing the major global issues. The G20 has taken a prominent position in discussing the current crisis, which was earlier managed by the G7 countries. This has raised a great level of speculations among the developed world community. The changing dynamics of the balance of economic power has also led to the transformed political and soft power. This growing phenomenon is evident thorough the formation and successful organisation of the grouping such as the BRICS (Acharya 2014), (Stuenkel 2015). The emerging powers move beyond the regional domain. As the world is witnessing a geographical diffusion of power, the emerging powers have engaged themselves in improving their economic and political powers along with the hard power capability. It clearly seems that social and economic transformation in the interregional groupings of the emerging countries like the IBSA, the BRICS, the G20, and Brazil-South Africa-India-China (BASIC), combined with their large populations as well as their diplomatic and political rise, underpins the ever more visible shift in the global balance of power. Antkiewicz and Cooper mention that “such power shift calls for change in the current world order and with the global financial crisis; the future global economic and political leadership must include the participation of the biggest countries of the South” (Antkiewicz and Cooper 2011: 300). The rising share of new groupings in international system is a result of the gradual process of regionalization. States that share a geographical proximity and aim for a security and economic engagements have led to the formation of progressive regional groupings that has surpassed to all the regions of the world. With the process of globalization and complex system of international trade, the movement of regionalism surpassed from old regionalism to the new form of regionalism that engages in not just political issues but also economic, cultural etc. The phenomenon of interacting beyond the regional capacities also flourished thorough the phenomenon of interregionalism. Both the processes of regionalism and the interregionalism have observed intensification across the world in the 21st century. The trend towards interregionalism has been more intense in the coming decades. With the fall of the cold war, liberlization of the economies, and emergence of the post colonial countries the old interregionalism got further transferred to the ‘New interregionalism’ focussing issues related to trade, investment, culture and security. Genesis of BRICS The Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa (BRICS) interregional grouping is seen as one of the most ambitious endeavour of the emerging powers and through it these countries are trying to play more active role in international politics. Many scholars now stress on the rising paradigm of the BRICS countries. The countries which were seen as mere talk shop for some years have now attracted major attention from the officials, academics and the media from all over the world. BRICS was formed in the year 2006 and comprises of total membership of five countries namely Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The BRIC idea was first conceived in 2001 by Goldman Sachs which is one of the influential companies in the world, as part of an economic modelling exercise to forecast global economic trends over the next half century. It was first used by the Goldman Sachs in their Global Economic Paper No. 66, “The World Needs Better Economic BRICs The grouping was initially envisioned as an economic model that would create an alternative in finance structure of the world which was based on the growing GDPs of these countries. Eventually the members of the grouping broadened the scope and objectives of the grouping to more issues of international importance that also had relevance to the emerging powers of the Global South. The grouping got more popularised after the publishing of the second work by the Goldman Sachs in the year 2003 titled’ Dreaming with the BRICs: The Path to 2050”, declaring it as both economic and political entity to reckon with (Wilson 2003). South Africa was later added to form BRICS grouping in 2010 (Fourth BRICS Summit 2012).With the inclusion of South Africa the grouping attained a comprehensive characteristic by adding a region of Africa which is relatively lesser represented at the global arena leading Goldman Sachs to declare the first ten years of the 21st century as “BRICS Decade”, (Wilson 2010). Overview of BRICS 2010 GDP in PPP GDP Share in World Per Capita (US $ billion) GDP GDP (US$) (in per cent) Rank in GDP 1990 2010 1990 2010 1990 2010 World 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Brazil 8 2,172 508 2,090 3.3 2.9 3,464 10,816 Russia 6 2,223 - 1,465 - 3.0 -- 10,437 India 4 4,060 326 1,538 3.1 5.4 378 1,265 China 2 10,086 390 5,878 3.9 13.6 341 4,382 South 26 524 112 357 0.9 0.7 5,456 7,158 Africa Source: IMF Database. The Finance Ministers of BRIC met in 2006 to discuss the possibility of establishing an interregional grouping of the four countries drawn from different regions. The first summit of the BRIC grouping was held in 2009 in Russia, signifying the need for many developing nations to meet in new formats. In the first summit the members laid emphasis on the need to develop an alternative financing system, and in the second summit held in 2010 in Brazil, the group pressed the need for a stable and predictable currency system. The third summit held in Sanya, China, in 2011 was significant for the induction of South Africa in the grouping, which made BRIC into BRICS. The fourth summit was held in New Delhi in 2012 and in 2013, the fifth summit was held in Durban, South Africa. The grouping preferred to focus on giving credits and trade payments in each another’s national currency, and also proposed for political negotiations to resolve crises in Syria, Libya and Iran. The grouping envisions its role in reforming the financial institutions. In its fifth Summit in 2013, the member-countries decided to set up the BRICS Development Bank to mobilise resources for infrastructure and sustainable development projects in BRICS and other developing countries. They also established a $100 billion Contingency Relief Arrangement (CRA) to forestall short-term liquidity pressures, provide mutual support, and further strengthen financial stability. The member-states have taken common stand on various global issues such as the situation in West Asia and the global economic recession. It has also created the BRICS Business Council and Consortium of Think Tanks. BRICS as an Interregional Grouping How do regions and countries in a grouping come together? What is the nature of such formations? How has it helped uphold principles of sovereignty and modern state systems? Louise states that “interregional grouping has come about because of the presence of certain identifiable traits which regional units, zones, states or territories share. Such groupings are smaller than international system of states, but larger than any individual state or non-state unit.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Greater China: the Next Economic Superpower?
    Washington University in St. Louis Washington University Open Scholarship Weidenbaum Center on the Economy, Murray Weidenbaum Publications Government, and Public Policy Contemporary Issues Series 57 2-1-1993 Greater China: The Next Economic Superpower? Murray L. Weidenbaum Washington University in St Louis Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/mlw_papers Part of the Economics Commons, and the Public Policy Commons Recommended Citation Weidenbaum, Murray L., "Greater China: The Next Economic Superpower?", Contemporary Issues Series 57, 1993, doi:10.7936/K7DB7ZZ6. Murray Weidenbaum Publications, https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/mlw_papers/25. Weidenbaum Center on the Economy, Government, and Public Policy — Washington University in St. Louis Campus Box 1027, St. Louis, MO 63130. Other titles available in this series: 46. The Seeds ofEntrepreneurship, Dwight Lee Greater China: The 47. Capital Mobility: Challenges for Next Economic Superpower? Business and Government, Richard B. McKenzie and Dwight Lee Murray Weidenbaum 48. Business Responsibility in a World of Global Competition, I James B. Burnham 49. Small Wars, Big Defense: Living in a World ofLower Tensions, Murray Weidenbaum 50. "Earth Summit": UN Spectacle with a Cast of Thousands, Murray Weidenbaum Contemporary 51. Fiscal Pollution and the Case Issues Series 57 for Congressional Term Limits, Dwight Lee February 1993 53. Global Warming Research: Learning from NAPAP 's Mistakes, Edward S. Rubin 54. The Case for Taxing Consumption, Murray Weidenbaum 55. Japan's Growing Influence in Asia: Implications for U.S. Business, Steven B. Schlossstein 56. The Mirage of Sustainable Development, Thomas J. DiLorenzo Additional copies are available from: i Center for the Study of American Business Washington University CS1- Campus Box 1208 One Brookings Drive Center for the Study of St.
    [Show full text]
  • China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States
    Order Code RL32688 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Updated April 4, 2006 Bruce Vaughn (Coordinator) Analyst in Southeast and South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Wayne M. Morrison Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Summary Southeast Asia has been considered by some to be a region of relatively low priority in U.S. foreign and security policy. The war against terror has changed that and brought renewed U.S. attention to Southeast Asia, especially to countries afflicted by Islamic radicalism. To some, this renewed focus, driven by the war against terror, has come at the expense of attention to other key regional issues such as China’s rapidly expanding engagement with the region. Some fear that rising Chinese influence in Southeast Asia has come at the expense of U.S. ties with the region, while others view Beijing’s increasing regional influence as largely a natural consequence of China’s economic dynamism. China’s developing relationship with Southeast Asia is undergoing a significant shift. This will likely have implications for United States’ interests in the region. While the United States has been focused on Iraq and Afghanistan, China has been evolving its external engagement with its neighbors, particularly in Southeast Asia. In the 1990s, China was perceived as a threat to its Southeast Asian neighbors in part due to its conflicting territorial claims over the South China Sea and past support of communist insurgency.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Scholvin, Sören Working Paper Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization GIGA Working Papers, No. 128 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Scholvin, Sören (2010) : Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization, GIGA Working Papers, No. 128, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue.
    [Show full text]
  • Here Come the 'Brics'
    oe Geo Factsheet www.curriculum-press.co.uk Number 278 Here come the ‘BRICs’ BRIC or ‘the BRICs’ is a grouping acronym for Brazil, Russia, India and China, first coined in 2001 by Jim O’Neill, Head of Global Economic Research at Goldman Sachs, a Wall Street Bank. Figure 1 Introducing ‘the BRICs’ Russia Energy exports, as major player in the global gas and oil industry Brazil Farm exports and growing hi-tech industry e.g. aircraft. China Global leader in biofuels and energy secure Manufacturing as the 'workshop to the world'; increase in its own TNCs and moving into services such as finance and banking India Hi-tech industry and outsourcing/offshoring plus home-grown manufacturing. Youthful, potentially innovative population GDP (PPP) Population Area Total $17,921 billion (2010 estimate) Total 2,851,302,297 (2010 estimate) Total 38,518,338 km2 (2010 estimate) China $9,712 billion China 1,336,970,000 Russia 17,075,400 km2 India $3,862 billion India 1,179,618,000 China 9,640,821 km2 Russia $2,209 billion Russia 192,787,000 Brazil 8,514,877 km2 Brazil $2,138 billion Brazil 141,927,297 India 3,287,240 km2 Brazil, Russia (a former superpower of the bi-polar Cold War), India Figure 2 The BRICS compared and China (emerging superpower) matter individually, but does it make sense for these huge countries which currently combined Categories Brazil Russia India China account for more than a quarter of the world land area and more Area 5th 1st 7th 3rd than 40% of the World’s population to form a global grouping which Population 5th 9th 2nd 1st is not an economic bloc or formal trading association such as the EU? It is more an alliance by which they can convert their growing Labour Force 5th 6th 2nd 1st economic power into greater political clout as a counterweight to GDP (nominal) 8th 12th 11th 3rd the Western dominance of the IMF, WTO and other global decision GDP (PPP) 9th 7th 4th 2nd making bodies.
    [Show full text]
  • The Disharmony of the Spheres the U.S
    The Disharmony of the Spheres The U.S. will endanger itself if it accedes to Russian and Chinese efforts to change the international system to their liking By Hal Brands and Charles Edel AKING THE STAGE at Westmin- A “sphere of influence” is traditionally under- ster College in March 1946, Win- stood as a geographical zone within which the most ston Churchill told his audience he powerful actor can impose its will. And nearly three “felt bound to portray the shadow decades after the close of the superpower struggle which…falls upon the world.” The that Churchill’s speech heralded, spheres of influence former British prime minister fa- are back. At both ends of the Eurasian landmass, the mously declared that “from Stettin authoritarian regimes in China and Russia are carv- in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain ing out areas of privileged influence—geographic hasT descended across the Continent.” He went on to ex- buffer zones in which they exercise diplomatic, eco- plain that “Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, nomic, and military primacy. China and Russia are Belgrade, Bucharest, and Sofia all…lie in what I must seeking to coerce and overawe their neighbors. They call the Soviet sphere.” Though the Westminster ad- are endeavoring to weaken the international rules dress is best remembered for the phrase “iron curtain,” and norms—and the influence of opposing powers— the way it called attention to an emerging Soviet sphere that stand athwart their ambitions in their respective of influence is far more relevant to today’s world.
    [Show full text]
  • Unions Help Increase Wealth for All and Close Racial Wealth Gaps by Aurelia Glass, David Madland, and Christian E
    Unions Help Increase Wealth for All and Close Racial Wealth Gaps By Aurelia Glass, David Madland, and Christian E. Weller September 6, 2021 The United States faces large wealth divides, particularly by race and ethnicity. The median white family has about 10 times the wealth of the median Black family and more than eight times the wealth of the median Hispanic family.1 Wealth is also much more unequally distributed than income, with the top 5 percent of families hold- ing about 250 times as much wealth as the median family.2 Unions play a key role in redressing these large wealth gaps. They increase wealth for all households—no matter their race or ethnicity—and tend to provide larger increases for Black and Hispanic households than for white households. Unions help households by raising incomes, increasing benefits, and improving the quality and stability of jobs.3 All these things lead to both direct and indirect increases in wealth. When workers earn more money through union contracts, for example, they are able to set aside more of their paychecks and enjoy the additional tax incentives that come with saving.4 Moreover, benefits such as pension plans grow wealth, while others such as health or life insurance reduce the amount union members need to spend from their own savings during periods of illness or income loss. This helps cushion families’ savings against downturns like the recent COVID- 19-induced recession, and additional savings can be put toward a child’s college education or the purchase of a home.5 Finally, strong union
    [Show full text]
  • Geography, Power, Strategy & Defence Policy
    GEOGRAPHY, POWER, STRATEGY & DEFENCE POLICY ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF PAUL DIBB GEOGRAPHY, POWER, STRATEGY & DEFENCE POLICY ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF PAUL DIBB Edited by Desmond Ball and Sheryn Lee Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Geography, power, strategy and defence policy : essays in honour of Paul Dibb / editors: Desmond Ball, Sheryn Lee. ISBN: 9781760460136 (paperback) 9781760460143 (ebook) Subjects: Dibb, Paul, 1939---Criticism and interpretation. Defensive (Military science) Military planning--Australia. Festschriften. Australia--Military policy. Australia--Defenses. Other Creators/Contributors: Ball, Desmond, 1947- editor. Lee, Sheryn, editor. Dewey Number: 355.033594 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photograph: SDSC Photograph Collection. This edition © 2016 ANU Press Contents Acronyms ..............................................vii Contributors ............................................ xi Photographs and Maps ..................................xvii Introduction .............................................1 Desmond Ball and Sheryn Lee 1. Introducing Paul Dibb (1): Britain’s Loss, Australia’s Gain ......15 Allan Hawke 2. Introducing Paul Dibb (2): An Enriching Experience ...........21 Chris Barrie 3. Getting to Know Paul Dibb: An Overview of an Extraordinary Career ..................................25 Desmond Ball 4. Scholar, Spy, Passionate Realist .........................33 Geoffrey Barker 5. The Power of Geography ..............................45 Peter J. Rimmer and R. Gerard Ward 6. The Importance of Geography ..........................71 Robert Ayson 7.
    [Show full text]
  • 2 the Intellectual Origins of the Eurasian Union Project
    2 The Intellectual Origins of the Eurasian Union Project Stephen Blank The Eurasian Economic Union and its component Customs Union comprise Vladimir Putin’s “flagship” policies.1 But these organizations are merely the latest iteration of an increasingly crystallized Russian policy aspiration dating back to the collapse of the Soviet Union. As Jeffrey Mankoff recently observed, “In one form or another, re-integrating the states of the former Soviet Union has been on Russia’s agenda almost since the moment the Soviet Union col- lapsed.”2 Arguably, Russia has never reconciled itself to losing an empire. The reintegration program that is proceeding under Putin in fact began under Boris Yeltsin’s leadership, notwithstanding the fact that the Commonwealth of Inde- pendent States (CIS) was first thought of as “divorce court” for former Soviet Republics. Furthermore, these organizations are not the only elements of Putin’s reintegra- tion plan. The overall project has always had a military dimension, namely the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) that grew out of the 1992 Tashkent Collective Security Treaty (CST).3 And the leitmotif of all these plans has not just been economic or military integration, but equally crucially, the privileging of Russian sovereignty over that of CIS countries, a hallmark of neo-imperial and sphere of influence policies. Russian leaders do not refrain from admitting this openly. In August 2008, immediately after the war in 1 Iwona Wisniewska, Eurasian Integration: Russia’s Attempt at the Economic Unification of the Post-Soviet Area, OSW Studies: Centre for Eastern Studies, Warsaw, 2013. 2 Jeffrey Mankoff, Eurasian Integration: the Next Stage, Central Asia Policy Brief, Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University, 2013, p.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Rise As a Global Security Actor: Implications for NATO
    China’s Rise as a Global Security Actor: Implications for NATO Meia Nouwens, Research Fellow for Chinese Defence Policy and Military Modernisation, IISS Helena Legarda, Senior Analyst, Mercator Institute for China Studies December 2020 The International Institute for Strategic Studies Contents Introduction 4 A tool of the United States: China’s view of NATO 6 Old foes, new challengers: the Sino-Russian relationship 8 Protecting NATO’s defence-industrial edge 10 Going global? 14 Conclusion 17 Notes 18 2 IISS | MERICS China Security Project briefing Index of maps and tables Map 1: The varied landscape of Chinese investment and investment-screening mechanisms across NATO 13 Table 1: Personnel and capabilities of Chinese, US and select European navies, 2020 15 Map 2: NATO’s and China’s partners in the Indo-Pacific 16 China’s Rise as a Global Security Actor: Implications for NATO 3 Introduction ‘We recognise that China’s growing influence and inter- and armed uninhabited aerial vehicles (UAVs) to the national policies present both opportunities and chal- Middle East, Central Asia and Africa – without accom- lenges that we need to address together as an Alliance.’1 panying terms and conditions defining or limiting their With these words in the December 2019 London use. Beijing is also expanding its stockpile of missiles, Declaration, NATO leaders made clear that China has some of which have the range to reach NATO coun- become a new strategic point of focus for the Alliance. tries. Accordingly, NATO allies will increasingly have Despite the careful language, this shift reflects grow- to factor in these changes to their operational environ- ing concern among NATO members over China’s ments.
    [Show full text]
  • Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy : from Indifference to Engagement
    University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Faculty Scholarship 2013 Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American foreign policy : from indifference to engagement. Charles E. Ziegler University of Louisville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/faculty Part of the Asian Studies Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Original Publication Information Published as Ziegler, Charles E. May/June 2013. "Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy: From Indifference to Engagement." Asian Survey 53(3): 484-505. © 2012 by the Regents of the University of California. Copying and permissions notice: Authorization to copy this content beyond fair use (as specified in Sections 107 and 108 of the U. S. Copyright Law) for internal or personal use, or the internal or personal use of specific clients, is granted by the Regents of the University of California for libraries and other users, provided that they are registered with and pay the specified eef via Rightslink® or directly with the Copyright Clearance Center. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHARLES E. ZIEGLER Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy From Indifference to Engagement ABSTRACT This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
    [Show full text]
  • The Shanghai Cooperation Organization
    The Shanghai Cooperation Organization SIPRI Policy Paper No. 17 Alyson J. K. Bailes, Pál Dunay, Pan Guang and Mikhail Troitskiy Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Abbreviations and acronyms v Map of member and observer states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization vi Table A.1. Basic data for the member and observer states of the Shanghai vi Cooperation Organization, 2005 1. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a regional security 1 institution Alyson J. K. Bailes and Pál Dunay The background and purpose of this assessment 1 Origins and basic features 3 The Shanghai Cooperation Organization members and their interests 8 The Shanghai Cooperation Organization and its members’ security 20 Evaluation and conclusions 27 2. A Russian perspective on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 30 Mikhail Troitskiy Introduction 30 Russia in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 31 Russia and the substance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s work 35 Looking ahead 40 In conclusion: Russia’s general vision 44 3. A Chinese perspective on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 45 Pan Guang Introduction 45 The strategic significance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization for China 45 The demonstrative role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Chinese 46 diplomacy China’s driving role in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 48 The substance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s work: achievements 50 and challenges Looking ahead: big tasks and a long journey 55 In conclusion: key points 58 About the authors 59 Preface There is a clear trend in the 21st century for regional organizations to multiply, to become more multifunctional and to devote themselves in whole or part to security goals.
    [Show full text]
  • Hard Power in Cyberspace: CNA As a Political Means
    2016 8th International Conference on Cyber Conflict Permission to make digital or hard copies of this publication for internal use within NATO and for personal or educational use when for non-profit or non-commercial Cyber Power purposes is granted providing that copies bear this notice and a full citation on the N.Pissanidis, H.Rõigas, M.Veenendaal (Eds.) first page. Any other reproduction or transmission requires prior written permission by NATO CCD COE. 2016 © NATO CCD COE Publications, Tallinn Hard Power in Cyberspace: CNA as a Political Means Ragnhild Endresen Siedler Analysis Division Norwegian Defence Research Establishment Kjeller, Norway Abstract: This analysis is a contribution to the scholarly debate on how cyber power influences international relations. It answers the following question: In what ways can an actor apply CNA to dominate an opponent, and what may restrict him in this effort? It uses Schelling’s (2008) argument for dividing power into coercion and brute force, and thus the paper distinguishes between actions that inflict harm and those that impose limitations. Through this approach, it describes the difference between CNA as a means of pure destruction and CNA as a means of forcible accomplishment in order to elucidate different ways of using CNA. This analytical approach aims at generating insight into the nature of CNA threats, which in turn, facilitates development of appropriate responses. The paper argues that defensive cyber strategies and doctrines primarily should focus on CNA as a means of forcible accomplishment. However, it also discusses CNA in the form of coercive threats. It explores this type of power by assessing how the technological and organizational preconditions of CNA apply to severity of consequences and credibility.
    [Show full text]