THE SOCIAL IMPACTS OF MASS LAYOFF:

POLICY AND PROGRAMMATIC IMPLICATIONS

FOR THE ENHANCEMENT OF WORKER WELL-BEING

Craig Icing

University of Michigan

January 1982 ......

CRSO Working Paper /I254 Copies available through: Center for Research on Social Organization University of Michigan 330 Packard Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109 Table OF Contents

I. Introduction :. . 1 Problem Statement A. Workers at Risk of Unemploynlent B. The Social Costs of Uncmployment Introductory Remarks Aggregate Level Findings Conclusion 111. Unemployment as a StressorI Elaborating The Social Impacts of Mass Layoff I . the Etiologic Linkages Pollcy and Progranlmatic Iniplicationa A. Unemployment as a Social Stressor for tlie Enllancement of Worker Well-neing B. Stress Mediating Factor6 Marital Status Gender 38 Social Class 40 Stress Reinforcers: Economic Deprivation and Duration of Unemployment 44 Attribution of Blame 48

' Age and Persistent Hardship 5 1 C. Coping Responses and Phases of Adaptation Craig Clemens King and Adjustment . , University of Michigan 1'. Anticipation

January 1982 2. . Job Loss: Resolution of Uncertainty 61 3. Adaptation to Prolonged Unenlployment I A.~roliFerationof Negative Stress Reactions 70 D. Suggestions for Further Research: An Agenda 7 9 IV. Policy and Program Recommendations 8 1 A. Preventive policy Options 82 B. meliorative Policy Options 8 5 1. Instrumental or Functional Support 85 2. ~sychologicalSupport Services 88 BIBLIOGRAPHY 9 1 I i Introduction of suitable alternatives to the work role as a basis for Three hundred thousand workers have been laid-off in establishing and maintaining identity and self-esteem is the automobile and affiliated industries, most of whom face limited, especially for males. By contrast, actual economic permanent displacement^ "...even the highest estimates deprivation can be readily reduced through the provision of anticipate a gain of only about one-half the jobs lost during unemployment benefits. In fact, those workers who are 1980." (Detroit Free Press, January 25 and May 6, 1981.) eligible for supplemental unemployment benefits (SUB) may s Massive lay-off are not at all unusual in the auto industry . . receive up to 95 percent of their former after-tax wages. but two factors make tho current crisis ulliquely devastating. (Shostak, 1980, p. 31.) But the duration of eligibility First, there has recently occurred an abrupt shift in consumer for these benefits is quite limited and the Michigan demand toward smaller, more fuel efficient automobiles - Employment Security Commission reports that the rate of wt~ichrequire less labor to n~anufacture. Furthermore, exhaustion of unemployment benefits is already running about American auto makers vere slow in responding to these new 20,000 cases per month. Significantly, only a tiny proportion inarket trends and in the interim have suffered a sharply of these families are showing up on the 'welfare rolls - about reduced volume of sales. Increasing use of robotics in five to ten percent. (Detroit Free Press, January 11, 1981.) the auto industry further reduces the need for workers. A Many would not qualify until they had liquidated most of second unique feature is the large number of white-collar their hard-earned assets. There are indications of growing workers who I~avebeen clisplaccd in contrast to previous periods rates of arson as laid-off workers try to cash-in on insurance vllcn jnb instability vils a problem faccd overwhelmingly by , policies. How the remainder survive is undocumented, but one blue-collar auto workers. Chrysler, for example, has "slashed might expect to find instances of people sharing quarters its lion-production entployment from 13,000 to 24.000." and receiving loans from relatives and friends, participating (Detroit Free Presfl, October 26, 1980.) in the "irregular economy", sending other family members to The problem of massive unemploymcnt in this industry is work, and migrating to other areas. likely to create a slew of secondary but equally important Stresses caused by financial inadequacy and loss of the problems. For job loss results in two main precipitators of work role appear to .be giving rise to evidence of serious psy'cl~osocial strossc loss of the work role and economic ., social and psychological strain. Official statistics for deprivation. As we shall see in this paper, the availability Michigan already show marked increases in various indicators

% . . ., .., . ..: . . of distress1 child abuse jumped 37 percent in 1980, sub- of unemployment, due to the harmful effects of negative em- stance abuse climbed 10.4 percent in 1980, and suicide rose ployment status change on individual functioning. For example, , - . 27 'percent in 1979. (Ann Arbor News, March 15, 1981. ) Fur- M. Harvey Brenner has determined from aggregate time series . ther compounding the problem are severe cutbacks in State and analyses that the sustained 1.4 percent increase in the . . , Federal funds which have diminished the capacity of health unemployment rate from 1970 to 1975 cost the country $21 and human'service agencies to respond effectively to these billion as a result of lost income due to illness and mortal- . stress-induced social pathologies. For instance, Judson " ity', and in expenses incurred 'through increased admissions Stone, Director of the Six Area Community Mental Health . , to state prisons and mental hospitals, and thrdugh added . . Center, complains that despite an unprecedented and over- public outlays for jobless and welfare payments. (Brenner,l977.) whelming influx of unemployed clients seeking help for The present literature review is intended to contribute

problems, including numerous cases of mari ta 1 disorganization insights to the policy debate. A substantial body of empiri- and alcoholism,,the agency has been forced to lay-off 30 cal and conceptual studies on the social impacts of unemploy- ' members of its own staff and close intake due to reduced ment is critically analyzed in this paper. An attempt is made availability of funding (personal communication). to synthesize findings from diverse disciplinary approaches The issues highlighted in the foregoing discussion to the problem and arrive at intelligent conclusions with

demand study by concerned policy-oriented social scientists. , regard to the nature and dynamics of the impacts of job loss, Findings from social research are needed to enable policy and to propose policies and programs to lessen the negative makers to assess human costs and benefits inherent in impacts. ~ecause.our interest is primarily in how macro- economic and social policy decisions which affect the job economic change affects the well-being of masses of workers, security of multitudes of people. By way of illustration, . ., the discussion will be limited to problems of unemployment . ,,<> Business Week, (May 22, 1978). summarizes the employment precipitated by plant closings or other instances of mass dimensions of current fiscal policy initiatives: "Achiev- layoff. This' approach has the further advantage of ruling- ing a drop of 1 percent point in the inflation rate through out a'priori the alternative and potentially confounding macroeconomic policy may entail a 2-point, 2-million person '. , hypothesis that unemployment is caused by individual mental, increase in the unemployment rate (and a loss of $100 bil- physical, or other disorder or deficiency. l lion worth of output). Some researchers are claiming While a variety of social impacts will be reported in enormous long term costs to society from rises in the rate summary form,.more intensive analysis will be limited to mental health effects, family disorganization, and worklife 11 Problem Statement A. Workers at Risk of Unem~lovment instability. - The analysis will follow a format organized to ernpha- The first step in trying to estimate the social impact size the policy implications of the nature, dimensions and of unemployment is to identify the characteristics of workers dynamics of the problem of mass unemployment and its impacts. most at risk of being laid,-off and of suffering proionged The. first task'is to identify the population subgroups which unemployment during economic downturns. Even a brief review are particularly at risk of job loss and prolonged unemployment of the literature readily reveals that the probability of and hardship during economic downturns. Then, a "case1* will unemployment is greatest for those workers comprising the be ,established for studying with closer scrutiny the psycho- more disadvantaged sectors of the labor force. Ferman and social processes accounting for the negative effects of un- Gardner (1979, pp. 206-207) show thatt employment by first reviewing the literature which consis- "~i~her-leveljobs tend to be dominated by . I prime age white males and low-level jobs by dis- tently shows an aggregate level association between rates of proportionate numbers of women, teenagefs, and prime age black males... (B)lacks have more frequent unemployment and a host of secondary social problems., spells of unemployment at a given level of aggre- gate unemployment than do whites. Blacks and non- The underlying causal iinkages between job loss and skilled workers are more likely at any time to be- . . , come unemployed than are whites or more highly secondary impacts'will be elaborated using a psychosocial stress . skilled workers. At any given aggregate unemploy- ment rate, periods of unemployment decline with model. Literature identifying and defining unemployment as age for all race and sex groupst within each age group, white males have thc lowest number of such a source of stress will be carefully examined. Factors which periods ." precipitate, mediate, and reinforce the objective and sub- Hence we see that white males, already di&roportionately jective experience of the stress of job loss will be seen to advantaged through their domination of high status and well- be of particular,importance for the development of preventive paying occupations, ,are normally least vulnerable to the

, and ameliorative policy proposals. The social impacts of job threat of unemployment. More detailed examination of ' loss will be regarded as positive and negative coping responses risks of unemployment by occupational level further confirm . . the cumulative disadvantages faced by ,workers with lower . . which occur with regularity in a sequence of phases of adap- . tation and adjustment, again with implications for policy status occupational characteristics: . and programmatic intervention. The analysis will conclude "It has been observed that unemployment rates for blue-collar workers, operatives, non-farm with additional recommendations for ameliorative policies laborers, and craft workers are more cyclically , ,., 8. sensitive than those for white-collar workers, . , , . . . ., .. , and programs, and for further' study where indicated. . . . 1 . . I 8' professional and technical workers, and managers. with dependent children during the 1975 recess ion was greatest Additional direct evidence appears in the finding . that the employment of production workers in manu- 'for female heads of households and expecially for those with facturing industries fluctuates proportionately more over the cycle than does the employment of children under 6 years of age or between 13 to 10 years of managerial or supervisory entployees. Within par-' ticular industries, the employment of lower-wage age. Male heads of households with children under 6 years workers is found to be more cyclically: sensitive." (Ferman and Gardner, 1979, p. 205.) of age were next most likely to experience lengthy unemploy- The impacts of job loss on the lower socioeconomic and ment. ~eneraliyspeaking, those heads of households.with lover occupational status worker are multiplied when the dependent chiidren who were more likely to experience lengthy family is taken as the unit of analysis. Schlozman and 1 . .... unemployment (15 weeks or more) included women as,opposed to Verba (1979) found in their national survey of the impacts i ' . .,;, men, blacks in contrast to whites, blue-collar workers compared of unemployment, using a systematic random &le of the metro- to white-collar workers and workers with less than twelve years , . politan labor force, that two-thirds of the unemployed (ti35711 I ,, " : of education. (.Moen, 1979,) This evidence persuasively

I were the main wage earners for their households, and that ! supports Moen's call for new kinds of measures of unemploy- forty-five percent of this group had dependent children. ment to account for the hardships created by job loss that ! In view of similar findings, Moen (1979, 1980) argues force- befall not just the worker but his family as well. fully that present methods of collecting unemployment statistics . . The felt.impact of family hardships is substantiated by which merely ascertain the employment status characteristics Schlozman,and Verbaes (1979) finding that unemployed main of individuals are sorely inadequate because they fail to wage earners with dependent children were more dissatisfied account for impacts on families. Using data from ISRgs' with their income, family life, and life accomplishments than Panel Study'on Income Dynamics, to study the family impacts were the unemployed' without children. adding to the already , of unemployment during the 1975 recession, she found that greater dissatisfaction expressed by the unemployed as a whole 17 percent of main household breadwinners having families with each of these subjective quality of life indicators in with children under age 18 became unemployed for some period : , . ' comparison to the employed, during the recession, and 58 percent of these were ,jobless for The foregoing discussion describes the probability of fifteen weeks or more. Moreover, this group appears to job loss and prolonged unemployment for a variety of affected suffer from persistent hardship, insofar as 47.5 percent of groups'using data from national cross sectional surveys. them had aiso experienc'cd unemployment during 1974. The Additional data from more localized studies are useful for probability of lengthy unemployment among heads of households understanding unique features of displacement in the context of a plant closing or ,other instance of mass .layoff. Since were still unemployed had a significantly higher level of our interest is focused particularly on the, impacts of job . education, : lere much younger and l earned less income than any loss in the faltering automobile and associated industries, other group.: Those workers still employed at Sheet and .Tube

, it is appropriate that we report characteristics of long-term had'exactly the opposite characteristics. Displaced workers unemployed workers who were displaced in the partial closing who were re-employed elsewhere resembled the continuously of a plant in an affiliated heavy manufacturing industry - employed except for lower earnings on their new jobs. '~arly the Youngstown Sheet and Tube steel mill op,erations shut- . ., . retire6 resembled the continuously employed except that they , down in Youngstown. Ohio. Buss and llofstetter (1981) sur- were somewhat older, had less education, and reported a lower . . veyed a random probabi 1ity sample of steelworkers at Youngstown income from their pensions.

' Sheet and Tube (N=282), which included 144 workers displaced ' What is striking about these findings is the implication . approximately six months prior to the interviews by the closing that younq men, presumably those most likely to ,have. young, of the Campbell Works early in 1978. A comparison group of dependent children, were most likely to be displaced and to

' . 00 autoworkers was selected by random sampling from the nearby suffer long term unemployment, in spite of relatively high . . Lordstown, Ohio General Motors plant. The sample of steel- levels of education. Seniority and work experience were workers, all male, included subsamplesoft workers who remained apparently the characteristics of blue-collarmen who were mpst employed at the mill (Na130)1 workers who had been terminated I resistant to displacement and most successful in finding new but had been able to retire early because of their status at jobs. the mill (No3611 workers who had been terminated but found These findings for Youngstown Sheet and Tube support other employment (N.50): and workers who had been terminated . those of Hoen (1979, 1900) and Schlozman and Verba (19791, and remained unemployed (N=60). Many of the latter had already with the exception of race, which apparently made no difference exhausted their unemployment benefits at the time of the inter- in this case because of union protections against discrimina- view, about six m~nthsafter the closing'. tion. Parnes and King (1977) in their analysis of middle- An analysis' of variance was performed toascertain statis- aged male job losers in the ~ationalLongitudinal Studies,

tically significant (~~~05)differences between the five groups also found no evidence of racial discrimination in the like- on demographic characteristics of education, race, age, income, lihood of displacement for men with substantial job tenure,

and marital s'tatus. No differences between groups were found , . , ,. ....: , ,.. apparently regardless of union membership. Thus, they find ., , .. ..,I . , . . . , ,. , ,.;...... , .:. <. for ,race or marital status. However, displaced,w~r~t~ who ...... that. .. :the best prptection against displacement that workers . .., . ' 6. - '". . . . .I ? ,:, , have ii seniority and that this is enhanced by employment in . .. w a unionized firm. Not surprisingly, then, Parnes and King and thus to downward social mobility as a result of these show that while there were no differences between displaced patterns of skidding and bumping which rebound throughout workers and a matched control group on education or occupa- local labor markets during economic crises such ilS that tiona 1 level, the displaced nonetheless had "less attractive" precipitated 'by a major' plant closing. jobs to begin with, as these men were characterized by lower ~nother'roasonrelatively less advantaged workers ore earnings and annual incomes, higher incidence of pre-displace- more likely to suffer unemployment during economic downturns ' ment periods of unemployment, greater dislike for their jobs, is the greater sensitivity of small fums within a given and were much less likely to be covered by pensions on industry sector, (which are more'likely not to be unionized) their jobs. These factors seem to suggest that employment . . to the threat of macro-economic crises, Mick (19751, in his in presumably non-unionized shops offers both less job analysis of trends in plant closings in rubber and plastics stability and less desirable conditions of work, again show- industries in Connecticut from 1954 to 1970, concluded that ing that those workers who are already relatively disadvantaged in absolute numbers the most closings occured in the smallest are more iikely to suffer displacement and prolonged unemploy- plants, employing from one to nine workers. (Iiowever, two- ment. thirds of eliminated jobs during this period were accounted A plausible way to account for these variable probabili- for by closings of plants employing 50 to 249 workers.) Sig- ties of uncmployment is to examine patterns of "skidding and nifiCantly,,Mick adds that, "At best only one-fo.urth of bumping" as workers look for new jobs in the local labor organized labor appears to be covered by any provision re- market during economic crisis (Ferman and Gardner, 1979). lated to plant movement and shutdowns. And, relatively speak- "Bumping" describes the displacement and replacement of workers ing, these workers are more likely to be concentrated in lar- by others with greater saniority or other human capital; ger bargaining units (over 10,000 employees) than in smaller "skiddingN refers to the taking of jobs lower in the occu- ones." (Mick, 1975, p. 207.) pational status hierarchy which offer less income or fewer The ripple affects of a major plant closing extend well fringe benefits, or less protection from arbitrary employment beyond patterns of skidding and bumping within the affected practices. Evidence we have reviewed shows that certain industry itself. Cottrell (1951) describes the widespread already disadvantaged groups, already at the bottom of the impacts of, technological change on a railroad town originally occupational py;amid, are more sensitive to displacement built as a "division point" td service steam locomotives, which required frequent adjustment. Introduction of longer B. The Social Costs of Unem~loyment range diesel locomotives rendered the town's servicing function . Introductory Remarks obeolete, with devastating impact upon virtually all sectors The reader may wonder why one should bother examining - of the cormnunity's uorkforce. Within the railroad industry, the secondary social problems resulting from the stress of workers hurt most included those who could not transfer joblossinananalysisaimedatrecommendingpoliciesand : seniority to other work,locations, and workers whose jobs programs to mitigate the effects of macro-economic crises as wore made obsolete,. Drastic reduction of opportunities for they affect citizens of local communities. For, obviously employment in this sinqle industry town devastated local the .most direct manner of preventing the emergence of these merchants without customers, bondholders unable to foreclose stresses and their effects is to enact and enforce a national on a dead town, churches whose congregations disappeared, and "full employment" policy ensurir~gadequate employment of homeowners forced to sell at a considerable loss - it any all members of the labor force. However, at present it is sale were possible'at all. Least harmed were those firms increasingly evident that the American taxpayer and his Cottrell calls the "nomahs" I chain-store outlets which representatives in the Federal Government are unwilling to simply relocate or charge costs against more profitable outlets. subsidize needed counter-cyclical employment programs and Technological changes and the failing competitive, and programs targeting loans and grants to distressed communi- position of the American auto industry have threatened cities ties and industries. In fact, enormous program cuts loom like Detroit which are heavily dependent on the auto industry darkly for the victims of the present recession, includingcuts 3. witheffectssimilarly touching upon all sectors of the loca'l counter-cyclical manpower programs such as CETA, as well as economic structure. Newsweek (May 4, 1981) reports that: , , basic supportive services such as Food Stamps, and block "[Jnless it quickly raises money and cuts expenses, qrants and loans to troubled cities. A new philosophy . Detroit could be bankrupt by July 1.. . The auto industry's slump and the influx of Japanese im- ports have devastated Motown - raising the' unem- .. reigns in the halls of government today much akin'to ployment rate to more than twice the national . . . Darwinian "survival of the fittest" notions of free enter- average and threatening the solvency of the State . I. of Michigan. Middle class residents who hadn*t ... ,. already fled the city arc eyeing Sun Belt jobs, prise and social justice. Whatever the sources of this . , ..and about half of the residents who remain re-. , . , . -, :we ceive some form of public assistance. With ex- . political trend cannot effectively deal with them here penditures rising at twice the rate of revenues in recent years, Detroit has already cut services - its implications for less advantaged sectors of Michigan's sharply and laid off more than 1,000 police officers workforce during this recession are potentially staggering. - but the worst is vet to come. Frozen out of the . . bond markets, the city is set to end its fiscal year Some hopeful cornmentitors feel that the American iublic's $119.6 will . .. with a million deficit and start fiscal . -. . 1982 short anottler $150 million . ..Mayor Coleman , , , . , compassion will finally be aroused when it becomes apparent Young told the city council a fortnight ago,. ..,We. . : are at the very edge of an abyss.'" . that the recession's victims may not survive wittiout Curther , I help. As Corinne Gibb, Dctroit0s chief city planner states: public policy issue thusly1 "The blue-collar segment of American society will diminish very rapidly.. .That indicates a need 1 "If the cause of psychological strain (un- for massive, fast rctraining...That is an issue the employment) cannot be removed, then the alternative federal government can't be allowed to ignore. What is to identify the li'fe circumstances of the un- will make (federal policy) change is the pure pub- employed that can be changed to promote their mentai lic outcry which is bound to develop as the situa- well-being. Such identificatio,n is a prerequisite tion becomes perfectly clear, as the urgency and for the planning of meaningful services." (Figueira- great scope of the problem clarifies, which I think McDonough, 1978, p. 395.) will happen over this summer. We will be running out of unemployment benefits, special union layoff Social Impacts of Unem~loyment: Aaqreqate Level Findinas benefits, simultaneously with drastic cuts in food stam~vrosrams and other sorts of carryinq devices 1; this section of the paper we will establish a case eo that large numbers of people will b;! up against I the fact of possible starvation." (Detroit Free for subsequently studying more closely the precesses under- Press, May 3, 1981.) I lying the social effects of unemployment by reviewing the ~hus,while current socio-political trends reflect literature showing an association between aggregate level the general hostility of much of the American public to measures of macro-economic change and a number of secondary a socialized economy which would @ facto eliminate the social problems. Aggregate level studies implicitly assume cyclical threats of job loss endemic to a free market econ- and oftentimes lend support to EmileDurkheimos fundamental omy, there remains a strong element of American popular thesis linking anomic social conditions with increased rates concern that all citizens employed or otherwise be able - - of incidence of individual psychological disorder as well as to live at least with some rudiments of diqnity. (See, disordering of social groups. (Miller, 1979.) Anomie for instance, Lee Rainwater, What Money Buys, 1974.) This 'refers to a societal condition of disintegration in which tradition in American public opinion suggests that the certain groups and individuals find themselves unable to public and its political representatives are most likely attain the social and economic rewards and statuses which to be moved to ameliorative action by evidence that the un- are culturally prescribed and expected. In a seminal for- employed need help to survive with dignity. And it is for mulation of this theory, Nerton (1930) contends that the this reason'that this paper will devote the bulk of the individual experiences anomie as a stressful disjuncture remaining analysis to evidence of the indignity of the. between socially prescribed goals forpecuniary and occupa- effects of job loss, to the causal processes which account tional success and access to institutional means to achieve for these impacts, and to the developm'ent of recommendations them. 'The frustrated individual, depending on his' own pre- for ameliorative policies and programs. ~osephinaFigueira- ' dispositions and opportunity structure, may ad just or ' ' FlcConough (1978) fkmes the research issues surrounding this , . . . , . adapt through one or more of several basic coping responses8 be primarily responsibl'e' (e.g., spouses of the unemployed, the innovation, ritualism, retreatism, or rebellion. .More spe- chronically unemployed, or,even the fully employed), or for

' cifically, the "innovator*' is one who tries to achieve that matter, whether the association is entirely spurious cultural goals through unconventional means, such as crime and is caused by some third variable involved with other . or participation in the "irregular economy" - defined as contemporaneous socio-cultural, demographic, or institutional "work that is unrecorded and unmeasured by any private or changes(such as fluctuations in mental hospital capacity or public monitoring agency and 'which entails a cash exchange" increased or selective outreach and case recording by social (Dow, 1977). The "ritualistu-is one who despairs of upward agencies .) Thus, in order to develop targeted ameliorative social mobility kt continues to pursue whatever inadequate, policy proposals, it will be necessary in subsequent sections dead-end conventional opportunities,may be available to him. to more directly assess impacts of unemployqgnt using studies The "retreatist" is one who. abandons both culturally induced. focusing on the unemployment experience itself. success goals and institutionalized means and copes through The only aggregate level cross-sectional study located escape into alcohol' or drug abuse, vagrancy, and/or psycho- for review which addresses the relation of macroeconomic change logical withdrawal and deterioration. And finally there is to rates of individual well-being is a theoretical paper by the "rebelw who seeks emancipation from the reigning standards . Elliot Sclar (1978). Sclar contends that the trend toward and attempts to introduce a new social order. , growth of huge, highly mechanized corporate firms which serve Aggregate level analyses generally presume these national and international markets has deprived local communi- and related kinds of adjustments are being made in response ties of conk over their productive resources and has much to stressful macro-economic change, as reflected in increased reduced the need for skilled labor. As a result', in~communi- rates of individual mental and physical ' illnesses and beha- ties where traditional Loca lly-owned employment-related mech- vioral disorders and in indicators of the disintegration of anisms for building support systems have been undermined, social order such as rates of crime, divorce, and child and labor has been deskilled and made more dependent. An Ex- spouse abuse. We will briefly review some of these findings. ample of the potential dangers to job security was Illustra-

It should be apparent, however, that such aggregate level ted previously in a ,review of CottrellDs (1951) case study associations cannot always convincingly account 'for whether describing the fatal dependency of a railroad town built to it is the newly unemployed themselves who are exhibiting serve the interests of an industry spanning a national market. symptoms of distress or whether some other social group may . The need to remain competitive in this national market required the introduction of a new technology (diesel-powered loco- ', .. dent variable was lagged one to two years behind the economic motives). This factor led to a decision by corporate head- measure. This finding was interpreted as evidence that eco- quarters to rwldly eliminate the economic base of a town of nomic downturns provoke pathological disorders leading to its own creation, leaving the dependent and.now obsolete' mental..hospitalization. It was also found, however, that work force to fend for itself. Taking the theoretical analysis select demographic subgroups .'experienced exactly the converse ... , . . . . . ' of potential negative consequences a step further, Sclar hypo- .. .. relationship^ people with less than grammar school education, thesizes that these kinds of structural changes in the organi- women vith high school educations, and the elderly showed a zation of the labor market have led to dependency and feelings decreased likelihood of mental hospitalization during down- . . of helplessness among, workers, creating a greater risk of . . turns of the economy. Brenner contends that these latter ...... , individual dysfunction as a result of macro-economic change. groups are unusual in that they & relative to other social The thesis remains to be tested with historical or comparative groups when the economy shrinks, and they experience relative cross-sectional data but it has a certain plausibility. I. 'deprivation during economic expansion.

Direct empirical tests of the association of macro-economic A partial repikation of Brenneris work by Marshall and . \ . : .i . . fluctuations and a vazriety of mental illnesses and behavioral . . Funch (1979) arrived at certain more .precise specifications disorders are exemplified in recent aggregate time-series anal- . . ' of the relation of mental illness to the economy. Brenner yses by Brenner (1973, 1975, 1977), Marshall and. Funch (1979). had contended that there was no need to be concerned with Catalano and Dooley (39791, and Stocks and Buss (1981). Bren- variations over time in mental hospital capacity since of- neres path-breaking study (Mental Illness and the Economy, 1973) ficial admissions policies vere apparently not associated continues to generate considerable interest and some controversy. with economic cycles. Taking note of' the fact that actual

Brenner took aggregate measures of employment levels and,of . administrative procedures maynonethelcsshave changed signi- industrial productivity, ?nd examined how rates of first ad- ficantly, Marshall and Funch included an explicit measure of missions to New York state and private mental hospitals varied '"hospital capacityw as well as an indicator of economic with economic conditions over a 127 year period. When he con- conditions in their time series analyses. Like Brenner, trolled for long term and cyclic trends, he found that rates they find a strong negative relation between economic con- of first admissions to mental hospitals varied inversely with ditions and first admissions to mental hospitals for the economic conditions, and particularly strongly when the depen- working age population (35 to 65 years of age). But outside this age-specific subgroup and particularly for females under

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, I.' :,. :,. . .< ' ., .., ...... , , ;,,, .:..":.. . . ;, . . ' .:::,;,.;...... ;, ;, :.,a',". ''. . , . ....,.. ...:. . ' "., :'. , . . . .,Sf , ' ...... ,s ,, .,i,,t' ,;"' , .. . .' .. ' . ,. '1 . , . %.< ,,!, ,;*:.., , :' 22 . a' , , #'O, ;,> . 3 .I ' _. . , ' ,...... , . . .,.I ' ( . . ., ,. ,. .,; .I, ...... , ' .,:>.: : . ,. , ' :. . ~...... :.! . :: ...... > , times. On the suriace, this would seem to indicate that . age 15 or over 65, hospital capacity was a better predictor . . economic crisis does ' indeed ' provo,ke e tress-induced mente 1 of levels of first admissions; This evidence suggests that disorder effecting primarily the working age population and cconomic stress is more salient as a cause of mental hospi- , - especially males. Additional analyses show .that this may not, talization for people of working age, whereas family intol- . - however, be the case. Catalano and Dooley found no evidence erance may be more figural' in the hospitalization of young of cross correlations between eymptoms ,and inpatient case and old dependents. openings which yielded significant lagged relationships for Catalano and Dooley (1979) echo the concerns of Marshall any demographic subgroup, as would have been expected under and Funch (1979) that Drenner failed to rule out hypotheses an illness-provocation hypothesis. Rather, when they con- alternative to the individual stress model such as family or ' trolled for same month symptoms, they found significant social intolerance, or lessened ability to care for disturbed cross-correlations between inpatient case openings and persons. To test these and other hypotheses, they use a economic change. Therefore, the data sugqest that macro-eco- more powerful cross-lagged panel correlational research design, and nomic change does "provokew mental disorder) rather, it multiple weekly cross sectional probability samples (N=1,140) uncovers pre-existing conditions of mental disorder. Thus, from Kansas City, Missouri, collected between October 1971 tolerance for existing disorders among males and the middle and January 1973. Respondents were interviewed personally to ' aged appears to decrease during economic downturns insofar obtain measures of life events 'and indicators OF physiological as 'changed job market conditions may decrease the ability. and mental health. Also obtained were monthly case opening . . of marginal or unstable workers to hold a secure job. As a counts frbln, a major publicly-funded mental health center. . , result professional help is sought to restore the main bread- EIeasures of the monthly metropolitan unemployment rate were winner to a competitive level of functioning as quickly as ' coupled with measures of absolute change in the size and struc- possible. By contrast, existing disorders among women and ture of the metropolitan work force, to create an index of , . the young appear to be less likely to be uncovered during weighted (directional) absolute~conomicchange. Their findings . economic downturns. Catalano and Dooley offer the explana'tion ' are very .interestingc rates of mental health utilization that women's dual roles of domestic social support and supple- among females and the young (aged 18 to 30) increase posi- mental income provision become ever more needed by the family tively with measures of macro-economic well-being, while males, durinq economic downturnst and similarly that the young also the middle-aged (31 to 51 years) and the elderly show decreased provide a needed source of social support, consolation and rates of mental health service utilization during good economic and supplementary income during such times.

\

< , . , ,. . :i . .' ...... , ..:23 .,,sv,.., .,.,,. . .' .;..;.. : . . ., . ,. ,- ...... , ; , . , ;., j . . , , ; I,...... "...... ,. .:;:$: ... , ...... ,!'.' ....., . .: . . .:...... :,;. ,:. : . , :..; :: ..: ' ' ,...... , .- These explanations seem less than' completel'y c'bnv'iicing. more than 4,700 jobs since the closing of the steel mill in

It appears equally plausible. that women and' the young stand . ,.., sectors of the economy including local transportation equip- , . . . . . at tho back of the "queue" for persons granted assistan& at ': ment and durable metals manufacturing. These rapid employ- ...... , '.:'.' .,'. , . :.:. .. ?... :.,j:.,:' : .. public mental health centers, particularly in of high . ,, , . . merit gains coupled with provision of unemployment insurance, ,,..., : . , . . .'.... ,. ...:.. .;' ... ;...... ,., .. ., . . ,. . ,, . I ., - demand for services such as during econo~ic"d&wnturns. This . ....,. , :.trade adjustment assistance and other income supports 'to the ...... (, .,' .. .(...... , ...... :, unemployed served to dramatically minimize potential negative , latter interpretation is more consistent with. the findings of , ,,., ;., ...... , ' '; , , , , ...... ,.,,:;:.\.. i...... ,: ...... ; . .,: .; j;:,:;,,,. " Ptarshal1,and Funch (1979) that hospital c&kicity 'is a better ,' .,':,:,:'!,::':,:;:;,: ,,,, ,,,:.,,, , ,,,., impacts of the plant closing on the well-being of the local .... : , : , ,. ., r , .:;;,. '.: ...... , , ,. ,. predictor than economic change of levels of firsf ,adrn~ssions, , :;.:;':i~":::'...... '!~.:.:~':~~~.~~.economy and the populace. Stocks and Buss note that their ...... ;,: ...... ::. .. : ..., ,. , .:, . .. :. .,I to mental hospitals for young and old dependents, 'yherea$... , : , :,. .., :,.,. , , . findings stand in stark contrast to catastrophic predictions ... .. ;...... :...... : economic stress is more salient as a cause,of mental hopt-.. , ,'.:!'::;.::;.".'...... " ' ,. ",'by other hastily prepared impact studies,which implicitly

' . : . . . .I .. .,,:., ::::>."'

talizat.ion fo,r people of working age.. ,, Il?"

(1979) for research looking at institutional variables such . , ,',' income support programs. as union formation and activity, community integration, and . . In their time series analysis Stocks and Buss (1981) com- government health and labor policies to complement data, on. pared two extended deseasonalized regression lines for Mahoning individual response to economic change. County (containing Youngstown). The first regression equation

A recent aggregate time series analysis includes a variety is computed from data collected a year or more prior to closing , . of institutional contexts in framing interpretations of the ' . and data collected around the time of closing; the second

' covariation of rates of economic and social disorders with ', , regression equation from data collected at the time of closing

economic cycles. Stocks and Buss (1981) 'used a .variety of and actual figures a year or more after closing. Trends were

techniques to discern aggregate level impacts on the Youngstown, . . compared as they emerged in the following indicators before Ohio community resulting from the partial closing of the Camp- and after the plant shutdown: mortality rates, per capita

bell Works of Youngstown Sheet and Tube in September 1977. . . liquor sales, .monthly new car sales, real estate transfers,

From the start they alert the reader to the fact that despite ...... bankrup-tcies filed,. marriage 'licenses' granted, court cases,

' ... the loss of 3,900 jobs as a result of the plant closing, mean ,, . , ,, and divorce petitions granted. The only clear and signi-

levels of manufacturing employment twelve.n)onths before and . ' . ficant differences found in ~rojectedand actual trends after the closing were'identical, resulting,from a gain of . were increases in domestic relations court cases, which showed ..'. ;.. an alarming and steep rise two years after the closing, and a dwmard trend in marriage license applications filed.' garding the likelihood of economic revitalization and shortages Interpretation of these aggregate level findings of of labor fostered by the media and community leaders. Sensi- - marital disorganization and low rates of marital social for- tivity to these kinds of contextual variables is not often mation is nccessarily speculative. Nonetheless, in the follow- seen in the time series literature, perhaps because many ing section we will review consistent evidence from case studies studies employ data from areas so large that attention to and surveys of the unemployed showing that job loss has dis- localized environmental variables is made infeasible. In integrating effects or1 marital relationships predisposed to focusing on a single community, and a single plant closing, instability. Furthcr, we may speculate that because young Stocks and Buss were able to account for important contextual workers with low seniority were disproportionately displaced factors.

in the closinq and~ere'dis~roportionatelysubject to long term ,..,. . Conclusion unemployment (see Buss and Hofstetter, 1.9811, it is no surprise In this section we have briefly reviewed evidence of that the instability of their work careers apparently hindered I fairly consistent'aggregate level associations between macro- . . creation of marital unions. economic cycles and rates of behavioral and social disorder. Certain other indicators also showed expected negative I We noted that this research tradition assumes anaunderlying trends: bankruptcies, real estate transfers, and new car sales. model of anomie social conditions which require behavioral I But Stocks and Russ wisely caution that these findings are I adjustments and adaptations by affected individuals and inconclusive in view of contemporaneous changes in institu- social collectivities. But we have also commented on the tional variables, including liberalization of bankruptcy filing inherent limitations of agaregate.leve1 data in specifying . statutes, rising interest rates, and declining consumer buy- the etiologic processes linking macro-economic change with ing power, Beyond what has already been noted, they further individual behavioral disorder. Even so, in a particularly contend that impacts of the'closing on the local economy were sensitive analysis Catalano and Dooley were able to discern minimized because of a relatively diversified economic struc- :: evidence that unemployment tends to uncover existing problem- Lure which readily adapted to changing market conditions by atic behavior instead of provoking it as many commentators

eceking out new customers and more aggressively pursuing old 'have' claimed. : This evidence has profound implications for ' , customers. Finally, negative social impacts, which will be the weighing of potential cbsts and banefits of alternative ...... I. .... , seen in later sections of the paper. to be dependent not only policy and program interventions; Catalano and Dooley frame . _, .. I' .a. 8...... (..(..' . ,.on objective conditions but subjective perception of those ' . I the issue thusly:' i ' . conditions, were minimized 'due to a climate of optimism re- "If economic change provokes disorder, the , , P .' . . I\ human costs 8 should be taken into account, along is reviewed showing that the stress of unemployment is medi- with the cost of serving those victims who request help, and deducted from the anticipated benefits of ated by social psychological, economic, and social organi- any policy that encourages change. If economic change uncovers existing disorder, only the costs zational factors, including1 shared sociocultural meanings of servicing new demands should,be accounted and deducted. There may, of course, be a sub-symptom of working and being out of work1 perceived and objective distress provoked by economic change that should be counted as a cost. The challenge is to measure downward status mobilityt financial inadequacy and insecurity 1 those beyond the anecdotal level." (Ci&alano and Dooley, 1979, p. 340. ) and presence of various forms of social support. The studies In conclusion, then, these etiologic 'issues have potent reviewed show that these objective and subjective factors consequences,for the policy debate. In contradistinction to vary for.incumbents of different ascribed and achieved sta- . . Catalano and Dooley, one might argue that even if the cumulative tuses, such as gender, marital status, age, and education and evidence upholds their "uncovering" hypothesis, policy makers occupational level. weighing costs and benefits of economic policies'still might want ~ertain'termstypically found in the literature on stress- .I to consider the potential loss to the labor force and. to 1 ful life events and illnesses and behavioral disorders will overall levels of productivity of displaced, disturbed and inform the analysis of the individual impacts of job loss. I marginally productive qorkers and their labor. There are, I Alan McLean, editor of a series of monographs on stress, of course, yet other issues of social justice to be considered defines essential terminology as follows~ bcyond the social and economic costs incurred by policies which -...Stress defines a process or a system which in- cludes not only the stressful event and the reaction result'in worker displacement. The former issue of cost/bene- to it, but all the intervening steps between. The stressor is a stressful event or stressful condition fit analysis is a topic we must leave to the economists who that produces a psychological or physical reaction in the individual that is.usual1y unpleasant and some- have the requisite expertise in these matters. The latter times produces symptoms of emotional or physiological disability. The stress reaction concerns the conse- is essentially a question of prioritizing values which must quences of the st= provided by a stressor. It is, in other words, the response to a stressor, and be resolved through the political process. We are left, then, it is generally unhealthy. Most often, such reactions may be defined in rather traditional psychological with tho important task of weighing evidence from studies of terms, ranging from mild situational anxiety and de- pression to serious emotional disability." (in the unemployed themselves to discern etiologic processes Shostak, 1900, p. vii.) relevant to policy formation. Additional definitions useful to the analysis are given by

111 Unemlovmerit as a Stressort Elaboratinq the Etioloaic. . ' Rabkin and ~truening(1976, p. 1014) t Mediatino factors Linkaqes are "...those characteristics of the stressful event, of' Literature identifying and defining unemployment as a the individual, and of his social support system that in-. source of stress is examined in this section. Evidence fluence his perception of or sensitivity to stressors." And Eli Chinoy's case study of production workers in a Yichigan finally, predis~osinqfactors are defined as .longstand- ".. factory (Automobile Workers and the American Dream) I *'.. .Chi- ing behavior patterns, childhood experiences, and durable noyss interviews show work to be regarded as a form of daily personal and social characteristics that may alter the sus- part-time imprisonment, through which one pays off the fines ceptibility of the individual to illness." incurred by one's pursuit of the good, or rather the 'qood A. Unemloyment as a Social Stressor time* life at home and on vacations." (Chinoy, 1955, p. xix.) The first question to be addressed is whether unem- Alienation is the reason eighty percent'of the blue-collar ployment can be considered a social stressor. Much of the operatives Chinoy interviewed expressed a desire to leave the literature on job loss presumes so. James House asserts, factory. Many of these men dreamt of finding independence and for example1 "Work is no longer seen as a means to mere autonomy in occupations such as small business or farming, but survival but rather as an almost irreplaceable eiement in very few were successful in making these dreams a feality.. . establishing a personls sense of self and personal worth." Auto workers have developed a set of ambitions and goals (Ilouse, 1974, p. 145.) This contention finds support in circumscribed by the reward structure of the workplace. Ex- empirical studies assessing the strength of desire to work. tremely limited opportunities for advancement from the shop Norse and Weiss (1955) found that 80 percent of respondents floor lead to gradual abandonment of hopes for conventional

surveyed reported they would continue to work even if they occupational "success," giving way to a high premium on steady could live comfortably without working. A more contemporary work and maximization of income. Chinoy comments8 analysis of National ~ongitudinalSurvey data by Parnes and "Aspirations of factory workers are limited by the objectively limited possibilities for ad- King (1977) asked the same question (in 1966) and found that vancement. Even so they don't blame their failure to rise on forces beyond their control. Instead they even among middle aaed men displaced from their jobs, as maintain self-esteem by ...redefining advancement to include the goals and interests with which they are many as 67 percent would continue working even if they did actively concerned, by projecting their hopes and aspirations upon their children, and, to a lesser not have to, in comparison to 72 percent of a matched-con- extent, .by minimizing success and emphasizing alter- native values...They extend the meaning of ambition . tinously-employed control group. and advancement to include the search for security, ' the pursuit of small gains in the factory, and the It is important to note, however, that the desire to constant accumulation of personal possession^.^ (Chinoy, 1955. p. 124.) work,may co-exist with feelings of alienation from one's In short then, despite severe alienation from their jobs, I particular job. David Riesman comments in his preface to

1. autoworkers express even greater fear of layoff. Their -7 '. . .. ! , , work does not seem to have much intrinsic meaning for them: rather it is valued prill~arilyfor its extrinsic rewards, i.e., , disorder posit that individuals will vary 'in the degree to as a means to "getting ahead,'' vhich is framed in terms of eco- which they perceive the social stressor as indeed stresgful. I. ,

, nomic security and a visibly comfortable standard of living. In large part ites the subiect'ive experience of stress which Marie Jahoda (1979) comments in a very interesting article bears potentially negative consequences for individual psy- 1 - - that workers who experience alienation with regard to disagree- chological and physical well-being. able conditions of the organization and reward structure of B. Stress-Mediatinq Factors . . vork may nonetheless find work psychologically supportive, A'sophisticated social psychological study of the effects ' because work fulfills certain latent psychological functions c of employment status change on self attitudes by Richard Cohn . "First among them is the fact that employment (1977, 1978) is quite informative with regard to the circum- imposes a time structure on the waking day. Secondly, employment implies reqularly shared '.., stances under which unemployment is perceived and experienced experiences and contacts with people outside the nuclear Family. as stressful. Cohn presents and tests several fundamental Thirdly, employment links an individual to aoals and purposes which transcend his own. postulates derived from social psychological theories. (See Fourthly, unemployment 3efines aspects of personal status and identity. Fiqure 1, copied from Cohn 1978, p. 82.) First is that the Finally, employment enforces activity.'' (Jahoda, 1979, p. 313.) relative importance of employment status to the individual Beyond the loss of manifest functions such as economic ade- will vary with his subgroup's epectations regarding members' quacy and security,its the loss of these latent functions that I employment status, which are presumably reflected in the indi- helps make unemployment psychologically destructive to even I viduales value system. The relative importance of employment the most alienated industrial worker. It might be added that status depends sirililarly on the presence of alternative com- the need to satisfy these functions may account in part for ponents of self-concept. survey evidence reviewed earlier showing that the vast major- Cohn9s second postulate is that individuals will vary in ity of workers would worlc even if they didn't have to in how they evaluate changes in their self-concept depending on order to live comfortably. what they perceive as the cause of their unemployment. Thus, For all of the reasons described it seems unquestionable change in employment status is hypothesized to have both direct that job loss qualifies as a potentially stressful life event. impacts on the employment status component of self-concept, But life events objectively defined as stressful do not neces- and, indirect effects through impacts on social role performance - sarily have equivalent impacts on individuals1 to begin with, and these may.in turn affect still othcr evaluations of com- etioloqical thcories.of stress-induced illness and behavioral ponents of self -concept. Third, to the extent that environmental indicators provide information that unemployment is due to external factors, then L most of the impact of unemployment on self-concept will be indirect rather than direct, i.e., through impaired role per- ' f ormance.

I Cohnvs theoretical framework helps to organize at least b4I u!! 5 0 01 a01u tF1 some of the diverse literature treating the impact of unem-

:;ti CoC a' I -2b2 4-I I UOU 1 ployment on the well-being of the worker, in particular, that u28 UUU I lU CU 0 sm4a I tn1e s 1 is$ I.. part dealing with psychosocial stress processes. And his C4mU i: mrn cfl- omeu $2; I ~ScuO. I own empirical work is informatfve as well. Cohnvs analysis -4s a uwou I 4ULn ( ac 01 a, &ZSS employs a logistic probability model. for use with a discrete "ggj dependent variable (satisfaction with self.), and a nonequiva- uu rncc UOUP)m lent control group design, to compare respondents from the cu-a % 5% Panel Study of Income Dynamics who have experienced unemploy- so; a, S%u% ment with those who have not. (Cohn, 1978.) Acknowledging 1 c b44J that unemployment is not a random evenk Cohn controls for 0.d m- S. UU E ti self-attitudinal differences other than those associated with iip 0 m 4 rl obu employment status change. Still, it should be noted that it =2:3 4 .:g(II ""83 ti' is possible, despite careful attempts to adjust for initial ;gem a $9 0 0 eel4 differences, for non-randomly selected groups to vary system- *Pa 6 .: $5: $2 atically on uncontrolled and unmeasured variables. Yet another CE 2 \ potential weakness of the research design is the single measure of self-satisfaction, "Are you more often satisfied or dissat- isfied with yourself?" It is well known that survey respondents tend to verbalize a positive self-image in response to such questions, yielding a negatively-skewed distribution of responses.

As a result, the true nature of the extent of differences bo- tween groups on this measure will tend to be under-estimated. and loss of initiative subsequent to job loss, as measured by .' \ ' Thus it is very suggestive that Cohn finds a significant I scores on the, Rotter Internal/External Control scale. relationship between employment status and self-satisfaction Marital status as a mediatins factor (pr.001), after adjusting for prior level of self-satisfaction, 'Of course, not all unemployed people react to the. stress. Moreover, th~effect of employment status change on self-satis- of job loss in the same way. A variety of factors predispose faction was not conditional on prior level of self-esteem. individuals to react in different ways, while the same or These findings serve as evidence going "beyond the anecdotal other factors may also mediate the relation between stressors levele' that job loss Qoee in fact provoke distress) it does and stress reactions. One variable that plays this dual role not solely "uncover" disorder as Catalano and Dooley (1979) is marital status. The presence of a spouse and children can have suggested. It should be acknowledged, howe\;er, that dis- predispose one to stress because of felt responsibilities to satisfaction with self may be symptomatic of psychological fulfill the role of economic provider,'and this sense of role distress of a lesser magnitude (i.e., "sub-symptom distressv) I failure can also be aggravated by pre-unemployment marital re- than the illness-risk factors Catalano and Dooley were concerned lations which are tense and unsatisfactory. On the other hand, I with. Still, it offers some evidence that unemployment does families characterized by mutual support, warmth and flexibility "hurtw psychologically. in thg,face of role changes may give the jobless person social , I . Other studies reveal "sub-symptom" psychological stress support which alleviates stress. reactions provoked by unemployment. Schlozman and Verba (1979). Komarovsky's (1938) case studies of the families of mar- who studied a national random sample of the metropolitan work- ried, skilled blue-collar men who lost their jobs during the force,with an over-sampling of the unemployed, comment8 "A Depression are particularly informative with regard to the im- number of respondents reported an increase since the onset pact of unemployment on the quality of family relations. Pre- of unemployment in symptoms that are often associated with unemployment relations within the family proved critical in nervous tension - difficulty sleeping, frequent headaches,, determining whether the family became disorganized as a re- increased drinking or smoking, irritibility." (p. 63) Other sult of the role failure of the mant evidence of "sub-symptom" distress is given in the Parnes "When the ground of the husband's authority was ,, primary (i.e., based on love, admiration, respect, or and King (1977) analysis of National Longitudinal Survey data, trad~tionalacceptance), the family showed a remarkable . . stability in the- face of unemployment. It appears, . . in which it was found that many of the displaced middle' aged thus, that unemplovment does not so much chanae the ' sentiments of the wife towards the husband, as it makes men studied suffered an increased sense of powerlessness emlicit the unsatisfactory sentiments that alreadr meaningful conclusion, one might speculate that no change in existed ~riorto the de~ression." (Komarwsky, 1938, p. 54. Author's italics.) self-attitude reflects the employed husbandgs membership in , In 13 of 59 families studied, husbands suffered a loss of a marital union characterized by a "balance of power" and by status in the eyes of their wives and children. These men mutual respect. The domineering patriarchal jusband, by con-

reacted to this stress in any of a variety of ways, including1 , trast, would probably not allow his wife to go to work under

I physical and emotional abuse of the spouse and childrent dis- normal conditions, but he may be forced to capitulate in the plays of hyper-sensitivity and irritability) stubborn refusal face of his own unemployment. Thus, when Cohn looked at uncm- to change roles (i.e., to help with the housework and child ployed husbands, changes in role performance were signi fi- rearing11 seeking of compensations outside for humiliation cantly related to lowered self-concept, as might be expected. at home (e.g., engaging in extra-marital affairs, frequenting Gender as a mediatins factor ealoons in search of drunken escape and companion8hip)t or Cohn next tests a hypothesis that the.impact of unemploy- complete capitulation in defense against accusations and blame. ment will vary with the centrality of employment status to Cohn.(1978) was unable to test for these kinds of behavior- the individual's value system. Differential sex role sociali- al stress reactions, but he did examine indirect effects on zation'suggests that women are not necessarily expected to work: self-satisfaction 'through changes in role performance for mar- they have an alternative role of motherhood available to them. ried males. Changes in role performance were embodied in Indeed, when Cohntested the impact of unemployment on married measures of the husbandls relative economic contribution to women with children, they were signigicantly less likely than . the family, and the amount of time the husband spent doing married men with children to experience dissatisfaction with housework. The former measure implies that the wife has themselves as a result of unemployment. By contrast, when assumed the role of the main provider.. The latter measure he compared the impact of unemployment on' self-satisfaction seems to reflect psychological repercussions of the dimension for male and female heads-of-households, there was no'oigni- of *'capitulationeeas a coping response. Cohn found that ficant difference, Thus, mere sex role socialization alone

. ' among employed husbands, change in role performance vas not does not mediate the impact of unemployment) there must also significantly related to change in self-attitude. Cohnls be a satisfactory alternative role realistically available to -.. . t. .

inte'ipretation of this is rather shallow) he says merely that women. . ' . . .iii_ the change iv the husband's role performance may result from Two 'additiorkl studies comphro impacts of 'unemployment . , . , ._'

. the vife going to wor)). Taking his suggestion to a more , on men and women, but unfortunately neither contrbl'for kari: . r- ,' , . tal status, and neither has data comparable to Cohnls on "self- , ,. (. ' . . . 'I...... ,. . .. . , : . '., .. ... a . . . , . :. ,, . , . . ., 8, I , . , a . :: . . . . ' ,.:.,' . . . , ., ,. . . . I . ...:. ! 'I' . -., . . .: .. 2 ..,I...,

. . , ....'.I..t ., . . . . , . satisfaction." Warren (1900) reports' summary resultsfrom 13 percent of respondents in a normal population (mean score I a large random sample survey of households in suburban ~etroit of 37). The mean depression score for unempioyed women was1 communities. She finds that while women in general report five points higher on the index than that for men (54.5 twice the number of stress symptoms as men, unemployed women versus 49.4). These findings and those reported earlier by report almost four times as much stress symptomatology as do Warren reveal that the near total neglect in the research

' unemployed men. These data are reported in gross summary form ' literature of the impacts of unemployment on women is quite and it is not possible, to disaggregate them by socioeconomic ,.. . 'unwarranted. The need for more attent,ion to the prdblems of or occupational status,,which may bc indicated since the study unemployed women is further underscored by evidence reviewed

over-sampled blue-collar households. Warren finds that blue , . earlier showing that rates of unemployment for women - and collar women, in contrast to men and to white-collar women, especially single parent women - are particularly sensitive

have less access to and lover rates of utilization of systems . to fl.uctuations in the economic cycle. .. , . .. . of informal social support and of profesoional help as well, Social Class as a mediatina factor which accounts in part foi the startlingly high stress levels Occupational status is a factor of singular importance

she reports for unemployed women. ,.. in mediating the impacts of job loss. Draginsky and Braginsky Landau et a1 (1980) report comparative data on depression (1975) assert a relatively untested colloquialism: "The for laid-off male and female blue-collar auto workers completing higher one's status and the more sudden one's fall, the a self-administered questionnaire at a HESC office located with- greater the impact." Evidence from the Ppvell and Driscoll in a United Autoworkers Union hall near Ypsilanti, Michigan. ( 1973) case study of unemployed professional and technical The reliability and validity of the findings are marred by a men would seem to support claims of high levels of distress fifty percent refusal rate, but at least there were no pro- . . in this group. By contrast, evidence from the Cohn (1978) .., portionql differences by race or sex between those who were , survey would contest this contention. He hypothesized that or were not interviewed. Mcasures OF dopression were taken for white-collar workers, the salience.of alternative compo- with the Zung Self-Rating Depression Scale. The findings, once nents of self-cancept such as occupational status and educat'ional

, .. again, are not disaggregated by marital status, but it is re- . .. . attainment would be greater than that of employment status. ported that some eighty percent of the sample were young and Indeed, he finds no difference in self-satisfaction between married. Forty percent of respondents scored above 56 on the employed and unemployed white-collar workers. . When he 'con- Zung Index - the mean score for a sample of male psychiatric : trols for educational status, only white-collar workers with . i outpatients diagnosed depressed or anxious - in comparison to . . . i

, ;. ,," . .. ,, I I.. .. a high school education or less ehow a significant decrement morale, discouragement and a scnse of hopelessness. ' This may indicate that the more adversity the indi- in eelf-satisfaction as a result of employment status change. vidual suffers previous to unemployment, the more he suffers during unemployment, and as a corollary, r This latter finding remains inconclusive 'however, for he was . , continued adversity saps the morale, rather than builds it up, So that those who suffer most can take unable to disaggregate the analysis by upper versus lower suffering the least.'' (Eisenberg and hzarsfeld, 1938, p. 374.) level white-collar status. Thus, it could well be that edu- But the authors insert an important qualifier, acknowledging cation is but a proxy for further distinctions in occupational . the contextual relevance of differential evaluations of em- levell and it may be that lower white-collar workers experience ployment status within specific socio-cultural groups. unemployment in much the same way as do blue-collar workers. In support of this thes+, ethnographic studies of the black In Cohn's study, blue-collar workers do suffer a signigicant ghetto (e.g., Liebow, 1967; Hannerz, 1969) reveal that in decrement in self-satisfaction with employment status change, these communities characterized by low social' mobility, cbnic and level of educational attainment makes no difference. unemployment, and employment instability, no great stigma at- Explanation for Cohnss finding is suggested in the inter- '..: taches to the unemployed individual. In the same vein, Camn pretation given by Schlozman and Verba (1977) with regard to (1959) found that the "lower lower class," comprised of families their own finding of greater psychological strain among chronically unemployed and on relief continually lower occupational status unemployed people. They comments - even in prosperous times, adjusted relatively readily to the "The unemployed professional retains a sense of his professional identity... The unemployed assembly ~epres'sion. Not only did they .experience a relative f ncrease line worker or tile jobless typist is less likely to have derived a scnse of self-esteem from his profes- in status as others moved darn, but they also benefitted from sion in the first place, rather he is more likely to . have gained a scnse of self worth from his ability to greater experience and familiarity with techniques for utili- . hold a steady job and to act as a responsible bread- winner. Under these circumstances unemployment would zing and manipulating social agencies. (Bakke. 1940, p. 254.) eeem to be particularly threatening: deprived of be- ing a good provider, the unemployed nonprofessional Despite the fact that these chronically poor people display has no other identity to fall back on." (Schlozman and Verba, 1979, p. 65.) a variety of stress reactions even during good economic times An exhaustive review of studies on unemployed men during such as alcoholism, emotional instability, and stress-induced the ~e~ressionreveals the stability of the observed general illness, they tend to take unemployment as a normal way of relationship between occupational status and unemployment life, and as a result they were 'least adversely affected by stress reaction across timet . . . the Depressiont their high normative levels of stress rcnctions "...(Glenera1 maladjustment is greatest among men from remained easentially the same. the lower occupational strata and among men with the least education.' They are characterized too by poorer Hence, evidence of increased strain 'or psychological ' stress reaction as a result of job loss appears to. be most on extrinsic motivations rooted in a re-definition of occupational prominent among middle socioeconomic class blue-collar workers success which, dwells on security and the accumulation of and lover middle class blue and white collar workers. But material possessions. Thus, it is the lost sense of security even here there are important qualifications to be made, and and capacity to augment status through material acquisitions - these are concerned with the level of skill of the worker, the that appears particularly problematic for the laid-off extent of economic deprivation experienced, and the presence factory operative. This is not to say that lover occupa-

of social support. , tional status blue - and white-collar workers do not also i ' There are some authors who contend that more highly suffer from loss,of certain other "latent functionsw of work ,I skilled blue collar workers may be more subject'to increased (Jahoda, 1980), especially those resulting from removal stress as a result of job loss. LeMastersg Blue Collar Aristo- from a structured setting which enforces activity, organizes crats (19751, an ethnographic study of construction and crafts the passage of time, and provides for regular social inter- workers conducked over a five year period in .a tavern, revealed action outside the family. .,, . . the almost total absence of feelings of alienation about .I(.. (I .. :, .... ,.. Stress reinfort-'ei-kt economic de~rivation,and 'duration of '. :. . . ,:: ,,:, p,;, ' 51.. . L. . . their jobs, ib contrast to high levels of alienation c~tnhonl~~~-~:~;; :. .I-...... ,.. ,.?.'. .;:::t< . ,.,L, 2 , , ,,., ;;. .,.. ;..,.$ "i...;!: ..... :: ::l'unem~lovment . . reported among factory .production operatives.:, These men >,., , ' .

enloved working in jobs characterized by high levels of Reinfbrcing the interpretation above are the autonomy and independence, and when laid-off they' missed' work . . findings of a seminal study by Kasl and Cobb (1979) on the ...... terribly. As LeMasters says, I ...... ,,/.%. . impacts of job loss on the mental and physical health of . , , : ..' . . . , .:: , "In the period of observation being reported on, I.' . .. . . ' ::.'.:{j'.. .:.. .blue-collar factory operatives who were permanently displdced, I' I' ...... ;:I ,: .:,I.. ' never heard a single man say that he hated,hi's work , . . . i . - . . . ,., .: , .. or even disliked it. Complaints were heard about . . ,. I., 'as ,a result of plant closings. Kasl and Cobb found that, in < . .. particular foremen, or the weather on outside con- ., , .i.... ' . . ., , ,..;. . ,. , struction jobs, but as a group the men oeemed to ; .:;. .:...... ;., '. : . , general, the mental health of job loss and unemplbyment . ,.,. ' .,,.'1 '\ .. ,:. ,' , , , . ".. . enjoy their work. They joked about incidents on '; ., ,, ,,, ,, .1 , , :. , ,I, ' ' ' . 'I , . , ', .:;',. , , , ;, .,.. ., the job, they drank beer after work with members , .I,. . ,.l::.. ,: . ,appears to be a limited one, both in terms of its magnitude . : ,:, !,. , ['v . of the crew and they earned good wages.'! . . ,... . ' .,..,,.a, I,,. . - I,. ' .. ,, ,. , (LoHasters, 1975, p. 20.) . . , ' :,, :, , . as well as ir;' terms of its duration. @I (Kasl and Cobb, 1979, , . I '.I ...I. . . ,..:' Ilence, it is likely that skilled blue-collar. ,,.)rbrkers:';'i,'il, , ., , , ": :':';:,,' ' . p.. 293.) But a variety of circumstances surrounding the . , :, . , . :,:, 1,'. , 8 .,, ..I. '. . ,. . ,,,, , ,:,:,,,::,," , value work for its intrinsic satisfaction; to greeter::. .,,. , . ,. "'impacts of this instance of mass layoff importantly restrict . .:. , , .. .. ' , ,.,. .. .'... .. ' , , .:i,:.,." .,,.: . >$ , . ' degree than alienated semi-skillqd =nd ,~nskillbd~.fi&ory , .:.. ;.,. . ', .. the generalizability of the results. Thus, Knsl and Cobb :. , !, production vorkers, who appear to place' grtiH't& ~inphasis ' . caution: "(T)here is no question in our mind that the results . .. obtained could have bocn different had we studied some group the greater the level of perceived stress and poor health of men other than low skilled blue collar workers. Stated experienced." (House, 1981, p. 61.) differently, it is likely that our results are generalizable The importance of additional 'mediating factors in the only to other groups who have a weak attachment to the work relationship between unemployment, occupational status, and role and whose work is not a particularly meaningful activity." stress reactions is further illustrated in findings from two (m.)Furthermore, the closings came during a time of studies of displaced professional men. In a study of laid-off relative economic prosperity which allowed for the rapid aerospace engineers, Craig Little (1976) found that the only re-employment of most of these workers, who alcm received mediattng factor which predicted:'dissatisfaction with the severance pay and unemployment benefits that minimized feelings consequences of job loss at the .05 level was "economic of economic insecurity and deprivation. Loss of opportunity deprivation," or severe decrements in standard of living. for social interaction and support may have been minimized it tie notes that the respondents often had sizeable savings due to the fact that an entire plant was shut down, so that to draw upon, as well as substantial earnings by their the full cohort of workers went through the experience generally well-educated and readily-employable wives. ' together and thereby enllanced thc possibilities for the P study of unemployed scientists and engineers by building of cbmmunity support structures. It .must be Powell and Driscoll (1973) characterizes the reaction of men noted, however, that in times of macro-economic crisis such during the month initially following lay-off as one of as the present, in contrast to the period of study spanned by "relaxation and relief ." significant evidence of stress the Kasl and Cobb research, the entire community may be econ- and strain did not appear until several months of fruitless omically distressed and thereby impaired in its capacity to job search led many men to doubt the value of their prior respond with adequate support. (Liern and Liem, 1979, p. 363.) occupationai and educational 'achievements ("alternative Supporting Kasl and Cobb*s caution that rapid re- components of self-concept," as Cohn (1978) conceptualizes employment may have minimized the stresses resulting from them). Thus, even among unemployed higher level white- the plant.closings, Jim Ilouse (1981) concludd from a re- collar workers, it seems that stress and strain may arise under examination of their data that1 "The important stressor in circumstances of substantial economic deprivation and the thie itudy turned out not to be loss of a job, per se, but how undermining of alternative components of self-concep't that long the vorker was unemployed.... On almost a11 measures of appears to result from prolonged and unsuccessful job search. interest in this etudy, the greater the length of unemployment, Notably, economic deprivation tends to be a positive function of the duration of unemployment. (Kasl and C*bb, 1979, P- fLq6.) . Landau et a1 (1990) present provocative insights into of job loss and its impacts. / / the impacts of economic deprivation on well-being,aamong Draving together the diverse findings of the studies ...... , workers receiving unemployment compensation. Unexpectedly, reviewed, it appears that under conditions of perceived they found that objective measures of relative econorflic depri- economic hardship and prolonged unemployment, white-collgr vation were not associated with depressive symptomatology workers come to resemble blue collar workers in their among laid-off automobile workers. However; perceived negative reactions to the stress of unemployment. . financial hardship was associated with high scores on the Attribution of blame~as~a;.mealiatingfactor Zung Self-Rating Depression Scale. Evidence from another study which aleo: sampled respondents reporting at a MESC Yet another factor which mediates the impact of job office further specifies how perceived economic deprivation loss is attribution of blame. Cohn (1978) tests an hypo- interacts with receipt of unemployment benefits. Figueira- thesis derived from attribution theory which predicts that McDonough (1978) found that length of unemployment has a the individual's self-concept is less likely to be negatively curvilinear effect on financial worry: levels of worry are' evaluated to the extent that the cause of unemployment can greatest among respondents unemployed less than five months be attributed bo external factors (e.g., to periods and or more than ten months. This suggests that financial regions characterized by high'rates of unemployment). As worry is generated by the initial shock of unemployment but expected, dissatisfaction with self was found to be diminishes over time, only to be. renewed in anticipation of significantly higher amonf respondents living in areas with the eventual termination of benefits. low unemployment rates. Other adverse consequcnces of job loss when coupled with Caplan (1979) provides further insights into how economic deprivation are summarized by Mich (1975) in his external attribution of blame may serve as a positive review of the literature on the social costs of plant coping response. Numerous studies have shown that as the shutdowns I duration of unemployment becomes prolonged over many months, "Economic deprivation was found to be strongly the unemployed person tends to become apathetic and listless) associated with dissatisfaction with life, reduced social interaction, political alienation, economic overcome by feelings of powerlessness, fatalism, and pessi- ' radicalism, and destruction of integrated, closely knit patterns of life inside and outside the plant." mism, he no longer learches vigorously for work. (See, for (Mick, 1975, p. 205.) example, Pouel.1 and Driscoll, 1973) Zawadski and Lazarsfeld, Economic deprivation is a potent reinforcer,of the stress .,' , ...... ' 1935.) Caplan describes this as a state of "learned help- to exist to the same extent that it did during the Depression.. . lessne8s." in which a person, through repeated unsuc- *'.,.. Schlozman and Verba (1979) report findings from their national :

cessful attempts (such as seeking employment on many I, survey I occasions without success), has come to accept the belief . . "... The unemployed dsd not blame themselves for their .. joblessness. ' ;*lo f mund , bittles-of ,:the personal guilt that choice and control are no longer possible." (Caplan, about joblessness said to be characteristic of the 1930's. The unemployed, however, did not deny per- 1979, p. 103.) Learned helplessness is a negative coping sonal responsibility: most individuals took it upon themselves to cope with uneinployment by finding new response that could conceivably be overcome through counsel- jobs and making efforts to manage better financially. ... Our respondents do not seem to have lost their ing, for the research literature."...suggests that the belief in the individual's responsibility to take care of himself, but they couple it with an equal1 learned helplessness rcspdnse might be erased if people insistent belief that the government has a responsi- bility also." (Schlozman and Verba, 1919, p. 348.) could learn to attribute past failures to the nature of Thus, it appears that the ideology of the "American Dream" the environment and not to their own incapacity to handle I which focuses responsibility on the individual for his them." (w. success or lack thereof has come to be tempered by belief The literature suggests that the spouse should be in entitlement to supportive government benefits and services involved in this counseling as well. Komarovsky (1'940) and Zawadski and Lazarsfeld (1935) report that extreme bitter- in times of personal economic difficulty. Also significant ness and divisiveness is created when wives accuse their 1 is the finding that today's unemployed experience their jobless husbands of indolence. Komarovsky reports that the joblessness as a personal problem and not as a collective 34911 tendency for the wife to blame her jobless husband was one. Schlozman and Verba note (.1979, p. "It is associated with real personal unhappiness and with prefer- greatest for those men whose pre-unemployment authority '<. ences for certain policies designed to ameliorate the within the family vas based on economic or physical coercion . . . , situation, but not with general disenchantment with American rather than love and respect. Also suggesting a need for ,, life, wholesale changes in social ideology, or adoption of marital counseling in some cases is a finding from Gore's , . . radical policy positions." In conclusion, then, counseling (1978) analysie of the ~obb'andKasl data, to the effdct that, which attempts to promote exbernalization of.blame through : . men who felt unsupported by their wives and friends were , . . condemnation. of the "capihist systemw is likely to fall on , ' much 'more likely to blome themselves for their unemployment. deaf ears. External attribution of blame is more usefully Still, internal attribution of blame does not appear,, directed toward specific features of the,economic environ- react more strongly in terms of reported illness symptom- . . ment such as the rate of unemployment. atoldgy to the initial impact df job loss, but they also .,$ .,$ recover .more quickly and more totally than do older workers. acre and :persistent Lhardshie (Kasl, Gore, and Eobb, 1975, p. 112.) Age appears to interact curvilinearly wi+ perceived There is strong evidence that the probability of re- hardship and its impacts as a result of. unemployment. unemployment-and of downward .'social mobility increases with Younger men (in their thirties and forties) are more likely age, particularly for men displaced in late middle age. to be burdened with the responsibility to provide for Sheppard (1965) followed men displaced as a result of the dependent children, but are also more quickly re-employed collapse of the Packard Motor Company, and found that, among disi "4 than are displaced men in late middle age. ~oreoverjolder whites, one-third of workers under fifty years of age middle aged men are more subject'to the added stresses of suffered re-unemployment , moving up to two-f ifths of re-unemployment and downward social mobility. workers aged fifty to fifty-nine, and one-half of workers Eisenberg and Lazarsfeld (1938) conclude from their over age sixty. In this study a gr,kater proportion (59 percent) review of Depression-era studies that unemployed men in of men who were re-unemployed suffered :high levels of anomia their thirties with dependent children were most discouraged (a measure of sense of normless~issrelated to apathy and and had the worst morale of any age group. It is important depression) than the proportion 340 percent) of workers who . . to note that duting the Depression young as well as older men never found a new job during the two years spanned by the suffered very long term unemployment, sometimes lasting for study. Drawing upon insights from Durkheim's theory of years. Nonetheless, it appears that today in economically anomie, Ferman and Gardner interpret'this result as indicating distressed communities such as Youngstown, Ohio, blue-collar that repeated status changes "... generate a milieu of menrin their thirties are less able than somewhat older men uncertainty about the worth of existing group ties and values." to compete for job opportunities on the basie of work Ferman and Gardner, 1979, p. 216.) . experience, and as a result face a greater probability of Permanent displacement for the older middle aged blue long term unemployment. (Duss and Hofstetter, 1981.) In collar worker often signals the beginning of a series of tight labor market conditions (i.e., when job opportunities . .. undesirable labor market experiences. Shostak (1980) comments: arc plentiful), men in their thirties and forties seem to **Many ... know that working for a new employer, I "Fathers who suffered a.heavy income loss while welcomed for its affirmation of one's adult- (classified as tleprived) experierlced a more unstable hood and value to others, means starting at the work life into the war years than the nondeprived, bottom again: Reemployed blue collar males over as indicated by multiple jobs and employers, one . forty-five, for example, will never .qualify for the' or more shifts in line of work, less time in a consistent line of work, a fluctuation in occupa- longer vacation periodthey had slowly worked up to , in a previous job1 this is no small loss for a tional status (e.g., movement down, up, down),. household head who goes back to a rank beginner's and status loss between 1929 and WorPd War 11. ' two-week vacation schedule (and comparable cutbacks These aspects of the family career are highly inter- in retirement and insurance benefits) .** (Shostak, related (average r= ,461 and formed a satisfactory 1980, p. 29.) index of persistent hardship through a principle factor anal sis .... Middle aged men working at a new job face the same prospects Accordkg to this measure , persistent hardship i represents a substantial link between family depri- of limityed or indefiniCe layoff as do younger workers with vation during the early 1930s (ro $56) and lack of V I completion of college in the postwar ears (r= -.32). .equivalent years of seniority. Thus, in Parnes and King's The disadvantage of persistent hardship is most >,$; . pronounced among sons from the middle class, where (1977) study of displaced middle-aged men, it was found institutionalized career paths are particularly disrupted by a disorderly work life." (Elder and that re-employed men had worked substantially fewer hours Rockwell, 1979, pp. 265-266.) per week during the previous year than a matched control Because there occurred an enormous growth in profes- group that had never been displaced. (The measure was eionel: and technical jobs during the post-war era, creating taken several years after the initial displacement exper- tight labor market conditions, many sons of deprived families ience.) Worse yet, fully three-fifths.of displaced workers who failed to enter or finish college still managed to subsequently suffered downward occupational mobility, . succeed in their'work lives. But when these sons were compared with only one-fifth of controls during the period studied in their forties (during the 1960's), it was found that past hardship revealed itself in a high incidence,.of

A fascinating longitudinal archival study of the impacts psychologicaf problems. Elder and Rockwell comment1 of worklife instability among fathers in the Great Depression "Though health problems are more often acknow- ledged by the least successful men, and especially by Elder and Rockwell (1979) reveals that the hardhp incur- those from deprived homes, energy decline, heavy , . ,drinking, and the use of therapy are most prevalent red during the Depression persisted even through the in the lives of men who moved upward from Depression hardship to work life achievement. Such hardship prosperous war years and created further hardships for their did not hamper work life accom lishments among the college entrants but its psychPC toll continues to eons who came of college age in the late 1940esr blight a sense of well-being." (Elder and Rockwell, pp. 292-293. ) C. Copinq ~esponsesand Phases of Adaptation and Ad iustment In conclusion, then. latter day advocat~s.~of~~p~licie~...... of benign neglect toward the unemployed during these troubled' ; ", ... U,nemployed persons are seen to'employ a fairly delimited economic times would do vell to consider the potential long set of means to cope with the consequences of job loss. These term consequences not only for the jobless workers themselves cognitive, af fective and behavioral coping resppnses ,can be but also their offspring. Extrapolating from Depression- regarded as either positive - insofar as they mollify or era findings, particular concern ought to be directed toward eliminate the stress of unemployment and improve the indivi- ameliorating the consequences of unemployment for young heads dual's chances for re-employment, or as negative insofar as of household with young dependent children. they aggravate the stress of job loss, create new stresses, or otherwise impair the individual's chances for re-employment. I The type of coping response employed tends to follow a fairly predictable pattern of changes revealed in a convergence within phases of'adjustment or adaptation over the course of the unemployment experience. The precise nature of the type of coping response utilized at any given time depends on per- sonal predispositions. mediating environmental factors such i as: the overall rate of unemployment as it affects proba- . bilit'i6s and expecta.tions for re-employment: access to social networks providing emotional support; access to formal and

. informal instrumental support services such as unemployment I benefits, severance pay and welfare] and gifts and loans of goods and services by kin and friends: as well as measures affecting concrete job options including job retraining programs, relocation assistance programs, and coll~ctivebar- gaining agreements providing for rights to "bumping" and early retirement, and so on. The analysiq of coping responses can

. . usefully be organized around the typical progression of phase8 of adjustment in order to emphasize implications for develop- ntent and appropriate timing of ameliorative interventions. or dolrnwar'd status mobility. Generally, studies of the The process of psycllological adjustrirent to long term un- unemployed (e.g., Powell and Driscoll, 1973.1 Zawadski and I employment is very succinctly summarized in a statement by Lazarsfeld, 1935) indicate that .widespread contemplation of Jahoda (1979, p. 31011 suicide, and less frequently, actual attempts at suicide "...(T)he onset of unemployment produces an immediate mainly characterize certain of the long term jobless during shock effect whicll is followed by a period of almost constructive adaptation in which some enjoy their a phase of intense moodiness coming around six months after free time and many engage in active job searcht but deterioration follows quickly with boredom and de- displacement. ) clining self-respect ending in despair or fatalistic apathy." A very typical response to signs of impending termination ,Thie process can be broken dovn into a series of rather dis- is denial or disbelief. (Taber, .Walsh and Cooke, 19791 Root, tinct phases to highlight the implicati.ons for policy. 1979.) Rumors of an "eleventh.hour reprieve" tend to run

(1) Anticipation, the first phase of adaptation and adjustment high in plants threatened with shutdown. This avoidance response appears to have mostly negative long term consequences, A number of studies indicate that the anticipation of in that it distracts the worker from the need to plan an effec- possible or probable job loss, as a result of the adnouncement tive course of action! it gives a false sense of security of an impending plant closing, or as a result of seeing busi- which reduces the likelihood of organized collective pressure ness fall-off and friends being laid-off, is frequently met on the company to provide for retraining and other support with considerable fear, anxiety and uncertainty. (Eisenberg services: and it also reduces the rate of utilizhtion of such and hzarsfeld, 19301 Powell and Driscoll, 19731 Slate* 1969.) services when they are provided., The potential magnitude of this anxiety may be implicated Both anxiety and accompanying defensive responses of ,in tho disturbing report by Slote (1969) that three of seven denial can be reduced through forthright and consistent dis-

midd1.e aged salesmen at a Detroit paint factory scheduled for ' semination of accurate information jointly prepared by managc- shutdown died during the period between first notification of nient and unions, regarding plans for plant shutdown. Ilowever , the impending closing and the actual closing two,years later. . . management often avoids giving ample warning for fear of acts One of tliese men was an apparent suicide. (It is noteworthy of sabotage and severe attrition of the labor force needed to , : . " that in a study of 103 consecutive ~iuicidesamong white males . . maintain levels of production prior to closing. (Buss and in New Orleans, (Bkeed, 1963) fully three-quarters of the cases ~edburn,198t) And unions often hcsitate,to admit their lack had suffered some form of substantial worklife instability of success in maintaining security of employment for their members. (See, for example, Slote, 1969.) Nonetheless, it fits.,should 'be extended to cover the post-termination period: should be recognized .that well-coordinated plans for proactive. othekise, workers who stand to lose everything are likely to services arid benefits to workers facing displacement have take out their anger on the company. The substantial costs been found to minimize negative consequences of shutdowns for of such a policy can be diffused through deferred payment plans all affected parties1 vorkers, management, and unions. in conjunction with a risk pool established by community agencies Buss and Redbyrn (1901) develop a very persuasive case and private insurance companies. Fourth, job retraining pro- in support of a coordinated plant phase-out plan. They grams'may be useful - so long as they. are based on careful estimate that the precipitous closing of the Campbell Works needs assessments for the local labor market. Fifth, the com- of Youngstdwn Sheet and Tube, in which 4,000 displaced workers pany should offer liberal relocation benefits so that it may were given as little as three days prior notice of termination, benefit frbm continued employment of its skilled labor pool. resulted in the staggering sum of $183 million in unemployment Last, but not least, a planning council comprised of and other benefits paid to the ill-prepared victims. By representatives of social service agencies, community leaders, contrast, other companies such as Armour, have long pursued union and management officials, and the media should be es- more responsible policies in their plant shutdowns to help tablished to'coordinate and integrate the planning and delivery workers train for and obtain new employment prior to a care- of supportive services to displaced workers. Creation of an fully timed and controlled sequence of termination, at vastly effective coordinating council of this sort is very difficult reduced costs to the corporation. (Stern, 1969) to accomplish in view of longstanding..interorganizational com- The elements of a coordinated plan for plant shutdown petition and animosity. For example, Buss and Redburn (1980) are set forth by Buss and Redburn (1981'). ~irst,there should describe the failed attempt to create an effective decision be early warning of the impending closure. Restriction of making seminar of leaders in the Youngstown, Ohio community. information has been found to increase stress and the likeli- It is apparent that the creation and management of a highly hood of fighting back by angered workers. Second, the company complex and unwieldy structure of this sort demands the special * should bring in to the plant career counseling experts to expertise of very skilled outside organizational consultants, ' . help workers find new employment through training in job such as the team of social scientists from the Institute for

search techniques. Better yet, the company can invite in Social Research which su~ceeded~erynicelyin putting together , personnel interviewers from similar companies which may have a workable Community Services Council for a city (Grand Rapids, need for the displaced workers. ' l'hird, health insurance bene- Michigan?) faced with the,closing of a large auto parts manu- . . Cacturing plant. (Taber, Walsh, and Cooke, 1979.) . even go on vacation a3 did 8 of the 58'displaced workers studied 'I In sum, then, many things can be done to prevent or by Briar (1978). This period of relaxation may be helpful : mollify the stress of job loss in anticipation of impending in recovering from the stress of anticipation and in

displacement of masses of workers. It is evident, 'however, building strength to confront the new stresses of job search. : from reports reviewed earlier that many workers dispiaced . Not all workers respond this way to job loss, however. Those c!uring the present reccssionary period have not benefitted from who most avidly denied the impending closing of the plant the kinds of enlightened policies and programs recommended studied by Slote (1969) were characterized as "rigid and un- herein. As these workers suffer prolonged unemployment and ', adaptable typesw who reacted to termination with shock underemployment, they are likely to move through the con- and indignation. However, even these reactions may eventually tinuum of phases of adjustment to joblessness common to give way to 'numbness and apathy, f ollared eventually by

the long term unemployed. Even at this late point in time, , relatively calm adaptation and active job search. (Zawadski

ameliorative policies and programs can be targeted to these and Lazarsfeld, 1935. ) workers and the problems they will likely encounter. So, we To repeat, during this initial period following tenino- next examine the phase of ad justment subsequent to antici- tion, sometimes after a spate of relaxation most workers engage pation~ job loss, and specify ameliorative interventions in concerted efforts to find another job. We suspect, however, appropriate to problems encountered in this phase. i that this may not be so true of some laid-off autoworkers. (2) Job loss1 resolution of uncertainty The fact is that massive auto industry layoffs in past years have generally been followed sooner or later by increased Briar (1970) refers to the phase immediately follwing . I demand for automobiles and therefore for labor. It seems upon job loss as the "mantle of optimism'' phase, and Powell .. likely, therefore, that any tendency toward denial or avoi- and Driscoll (1973) refer to it as the "peri.od of relax- . . dance of confrontation with the present day reality of serious . ation and r6licf." Thc majority of workers .appirently tend . damage to and, technological change in the industry, which . to respond to actual termination with relief at the resolu- practically eliminates the possibility of recall for most : tion of the stressful uncertainties they tend to experience

, , workers, would be intensified by memories of industry re- -8 . during the anticipation phase. Depending on the extent of coveries in the past. For this 'group, the period of high ,. ;.: their financial reserven, they may actually wait for some ' , anxiety and uncertainty coupled with denial, which generally ., - time before engaging in active vigorous job search; they may I ...... ,. . . ;...... :: ,; ' : ...... ,. . .. , ,...... , . ,. . ,7. '!. ,.,; . . ' . .( ...... :. . . . characterizes the "anticipation" phase, 'may be '.thr us&. ; !# .': ..,+.*f gservic&.l, while it has been found thdt the 'probability' of ., , ;.;",A. '. ,. . . ,: ., ,:;;ic . ..,*... "..: . , %;, ,-r,::.; .!< ...... out the duration of eligibility for unemployment~,bggn~f~f$,~; . . , . professi&nbl mental health utilization amon# the unemployed is ,.. . . .: ..>...... ,. .;:. " . Powell and Driscoll (1973) report, ttiat,:it,is dukfig this ' inversely'related to frequency of contact with close friends, there is evidence that those who receive professional help period of concerted job search effort, which...... lasts.an.'average, .... of three months, that friends and family: give maximum .support. have better morale than those who report wanting professional . ... . Marital relations tend to remain as go* as.'fhey have been ...... ;...... ,. . help but not receiving it. (Linn' and XcGranahan, 1980. ) Buss . . .. ,. : ...... : . . ...,...... :, ...... "" ...... ,.: ... generally, and wives often 'help their unempkoyed husbands in : ; , '..an&~edburn(1980) propose one possible proactive measure to ,...... 1:. .. . . ,. :..: ....I.... :...... " .. , the job search. The suppor,tiveness offered by ,friends and ,, ...... reduce avoidance of professional .help by blue-collar workers, ...... :... ., ., :: . .';.'!, ...... , :: '"y: :. ....il ...... '...... :.., .. ., .I .,;; :. and that is to introduce the workers to the availability family is of utmost importance to the job deeker'in this , , I&.. ../...... :.: . 1 < ' ,..,*. . ' . . :.;.: .... !] "' period. Powell and Driscoll comment: ' , ,. " ...... !".(:..,, ...... ,,. ... . and content of services through presentations given by agency ...... '. ..::... . : ,.. " ...... "Critical to the maintenance of a coricerted . .,: .. ' . . <.,, .: . ,.. ,. , staff,at plants facing impending shutdown. After the fact of ...... , . effort is the capacity to avoid becoming overly de- ._...... :, ... . . pressed or anxious in the face of rejection letters :. ,'j.:!.;,;:.'' '.' . . ",displacement, a media campaign to raise public awareness of , . . :, .i." from potential employers or worse, .no .;response at , , : ,,.., .,,.::. - ' ' ' a 11, The unemployed person' must bqunce:.bdck 'Quickly.:. benefits of such services may be in order. to remain active." (Powell' and Driscollj'.!l973, p. 19.) Another perhaps more feasible solution is suggested by With regard to help in "bouncing back," it has been ... findings that paraprofessional counselors may be equally as found that blue-collar workers are far more inclined than and friends I effective in reduction of mental health symptomatology as white-collar workers to rely entirely on family/for emotional are professional therapists, according to an exhaustive revicv support, and to dismiss any value to services of professional

I of the literature by Durlalc (19791. There 'have been efforts mental health agencies.. A study of mental health service i to implement this knowledge in centers servicing the needs utilization in Youngstown (Buss, 1900) found that displaced i .' of laid-off workers. A successful unemployment crisis center blue-collar workers generally knew of the availability and I ' ! in Seattle staffed mainly by paraprofessional c&nselors (@*Pro- location of such services, but did not regard'them as perti- ject Start-Up") is described by Briar (19781, nent to their needs. As a result, there was no sign of the The United Auto Workers union has set up ten crisis cen- I massive displacement of 4,000 workers from Youngstown Sheet '! ters for laid-off autoworkers, also staffed by paraprofessionals and Tube in the client flow through local mental health agencies. I (more precisely, by laid-off autoworkers who have received Workers without helpful friends and family may suffer . . . ..short periods of training.) Evidence reviewed by Ourlak suq- needlessly ?e a result of their reluctance to use mental health ' ' bests that these Goqrammatic developments should be supported ' <. : ' '.. ... end encour'aqcd. their situation "secretw in an effort to hide feelings of shame The most likely source of "paraprofessional" emotional ond humiliation. (Uriar, 1978, p. 49.) 1

support help may be the spouse or "significant otherw of the , Social withdrawal and "secrecy" might be minimized . . laid-of f worker. llouse ( 1981) reviewed studies examining in communities which are perceived to be sincerely concerned. soclal support and work stress, and found that the strongest Thus, I:asl, Gorc and Cobb (1975) and Gore (1978) discovered bufferinq effects of social support on work stress come that health impacts of unemployment were much lower for blue from a sinqle other1 support from additional others does not .collar married men displaced as a result of a rural plant clo-

cohtribute much more to the reduction of stress. (House, 1981, ',: sina in contrast to men displaced in an urban plant closing.

p. n5.) As has been suggested earlier, however, marital coun- This was due, itwas argued, to the lesser importance of the seling may be indicated for couples whose relationships tend workplace as a source of social support for the men in the

to be tense and mutually unsupportive, even in good times. rural community, relfecting the cohesion of the largely Polish Nonetheless there are instrumental and other benefits American ethnic community in the area. Moreover, the rural to be gained through social networks extending well beyond community responded to the threat to its economic base close kinship circles. Research by Granovetter (1973) on with an atmosphere of solidary concern not evident in the the "strenath of weak tiesw indicates that awareness of urban community. Further support for these dynamic processes available job opportunities is maximized through maximally is qiven in the finding that in the urban group there was a widely-cast contacts with acquaintances and friends. Grano- sianificant increase in dissatisfac~ionwith perceivcd social vettcr remarks that "Labor economists have long bcen aware support from anticipation to termination phases, in contrast that blue-collar workers find out about new jobs more through to the experience of the rural men who reported a siqnificant per~onalcontacts than by any other mcthod....Recent studies decrease in dissatisfaction with perceived social support over suone~tthis is also true for those in professional, techni- the same period. Noreover, individual patterns seen in a cal, and managerial positions..." (Granovetter, 1973, p. 1371.) measure of neqative stress reaction - "days saw doctor" - were Case studies of blue-collar unemployed by Dakke (1940, p. 269) positively related to level of dissatisfaction with social sup-

and Sheppard (1965) confirm that the chances of successful port, (Kasl, Gore, and Cobb, 1975; Gore, 1978.) In sum, re-employment are most enhanced through informal job seekin? then, this evidence points to. thd need to organize di~tresscd

. activity. Tllus, unen~ployedworkere should be encouraged to . .. . :. . communitie~to promote a po.sitivc supportive oricntotian to . ., . . . . inform acquaintances of their etnployment. needs1 this may re-, " the oroblems of the unemployed.

quire Rome prompting since many of the unemployed try to keep - Ferman ( Ferman and Ulehar, 1979) has suqgested exljandinq ducinq and activities have to be cut back, as as the notion of social support beyond emotional social support items well resources which aid in the job search (e.g., newspapers, and informal job search networks to include the "irregular

telephone and a well maintained auto). Schlozman and Verba ' ' economy" and "functions 1" or instrumental support by family and others. The "irregular economy" (also called the "infor- note that as the length of unemployment increases, further mal economy"~ Jahoda, 1979) has been defined to include efforts to cope are made primarily through further cuts 'in "work that is unrecorded and unmeasured by any private or family spending and not through generating further resources. public monitoring agency and which entails a cash exchange." \ This may be due to the fact that the functional support system (now, 1977, p. 111.) "Functional support involves doing has already been taxed to its limit. Thus, Powell and Driscoll things to help out," says Ferman (1979, p. 41811 these things (1973, p. 19.) report that as continued efforts of the unem- may include gifts and loans of money, loan of' an automobile, ployed to find employment'prove unsuccessful and the length babysitting help, doubling-up in homes of friends and relatives, . , . of unemployment is prolonged, friends of the unemployed who sending other family members to work, and so on. were once helpful now begin to avoid them. It is also likely Unemployment, even when accompanied by unemployment bene- that insofar as occupational and skill level vary positively fits, tends to create financial hardship for families regard- with the ability to successfully find "odd jobs" (Schlozman less of occupational level which they deal with both by cutting and Verba, 1979, p. 55.) which may include such activities back on expenditures and by making efforts to generate addition- as unlicensed plumbing, auto repair, carpentry, tax accounting al resources. (Schlozmari and Verba, 1970, pp. 90-91. ) (jn the "irregular economy'), that the 'income-generating possi - Schlozman and Verba (1979, p. 86.) found no particular pattern bilities of these activities may quickly reach a maximum thres- to what was cut back1 "There seerned to be as many ways to cut hold for the lesser-skilled and lover status unemployed. Thus, back on expenses as there were respondents." Briar (1970, p. there appear to be concrete limits to the amount and duration

53.) by comparison detected cutbacks generally being made in of extra-employment informally-generated resources for the these items and according to those priorities1 health insurance, unemployed. beer and liquor, fire and life insurance, and telephone; and In other pertinent findings, it has been found that while virtual elimination of the following.itcms and activities was perceived adequate emotional and functional' social support noted as we111 clothing, going out, gifts, trave1,entertaining are strongly related to comparatively reduced economic worry

. , at home, magazines and ncwspapers, and auto upkeep and repair, . . . and pr;!*chological moodinc.ss among uncmploycd recipients of

Thus it appears unforturlate that many potentially stress-re- , , ; such support, the effectiveness of social support in reducing these indicators of stress declines over time. Figueira- the chronically unemployed. In the first place, as was stated Hclbnough (1970, pp. 396-397.) concludes from her analysis earlier, the conservative ethos'in prcsent socio-polikical I of survey data on unemployed Dctroiterst trends ,qreatly reduces the likelihood of enactment of full "('rlhe groups most severelyhitby unemployment employment policies, or even of expansion of work-relief (having been out of work for long periods of time and not expecting to be called back), even when re- programs, Second, as will he seen in the next section of the ceiving active support, report similar levels of dis- . satisfaction and negative moods as the group with un- paper, prolonged unemployment oEtcn appears to give rise to met needs. Thus local services geared' to active sup- port, although the best palliative for the population symptoms of severe psychological distress, which are best in general, appear to be insufficient in cases of chronic unemployment." treated by professional mental health workers. Such treat-

Fiaueira-FfcDonough suagests that objective conditions which ment may be indicated even in the event of re-employment, since are very ~tressful,such as prolonged unemployment, are the neoative side-effects of prolonged unemployment are stressful ovenrhelminglf, and the only real solution is to change those revealed to be quite enduring in many'cases. objective conditions (i.e., obtain a job). Jahoda (1979) (3) Adaptations to ~rolonuedunemployment: a proliferation makes a similar point when she says that alternative social of neuative stress reactions

institutions such as school, voluntary work, and social . . :Ihen attempts to secure re-employment are unsuccessful clubs may satisfy some of the latent psychological functions for four or more months subsequent to termination, evidence of work; yet: of serious personality and social disorganization begins to "I know of none, howcver, in our sociqty which emerge. (I~owelland Driscoll, 1973.) Studies have found combines them a11 and, in addition, has as compelling a manifest reason as making one's living. It is that some of the unemployed during this stage of adaptation equally true that nobody prevents the unemployed from creating their own time structure and social contacts, increasingly suffer from intcnse moodiness, anxiety, and from sharing goals and purposes with others or from exercising their skills as best they can. But the despair; crratic behavior; feelings of panic, rage, self- psychological input required to do so on a regular basis under onp's own stcam entirely, is colossal." doubt and self-criticalness I so=ial withdrawal I escape into (,Iahoda, 1979, p. 313.) drunkenness: deep and potentially suicidal depressiont. and In conclusion, while we agree with ~igueira-YcDonough . . I' .. disorganization. (Fowcll and Driscoll, 19731 Zawad- that the negative psycho-social consequences of chronic 'ski and hzarsfeld, 1935: Eisenberg and Lazarsfeld,' 1338.) unemployment are best resolved through re-employment, we This period of "vacillation and doubt" lasts from one to disaoree that the need for policies to provide formal up- three months and gives way to a final period of "malaise portive social services is therefore contraindicated for !. , . . I and cynicism", marked by stabilization of mood swings and of , . interpersorial relations but also bringing increased apathy, 7 2

listlessness, resignation, and fatalistic helplessness. (Pow- in remarks made to the unsuccessful interviewers. In order to ell and Driscoll. 19731 ~awadskiand Lazarsfeld, 19351 Eisen- plan for provision of adequate treatment services, then, it hero and Lazarsfeld, 1938. ) appears that estimates of the absolute and relative numbers It is very difficult to ascertain from the literature of unemployed at risk of psychological or other disability exactly what proportion of the unemployed are likely to evince would have to be culled from intake statistics at treatment the mare extreme symptoms of psychological distress noted here. agencies and from other official statistics, and adjusted for . Clearly the likelihood of serious psychological deterioration known rates. of underreporting as well as under-uti lization of

for any particular individual dcper~dsupon the variety of services which may be inferred from epidemiological studies predisposing and mediating factors that have been examined in on other populations. the analysis. Indications of high levels of alienation among study ~ccurateneeds assessments for intervention are made very non-respondents, as noted, may plausibly be reqarded as evi- difficult by the fact that many of the unemployed become quite dence of a generalized tendency' toward social withdrawal and alienated and refuse to participate in research studies. Worse isolation, The literature is replete with observations of yet, this tendency appears to increase as a'function of the social withdrawal among the unemployed, (Bakke, 1910) Jahoda, lenqth of uncmployment. Thus, Komarovslcy (1940, p. 7.) ack- 19791 Komarovsky, 19401 Pope, 19641 Eisenberg and Lazarsfeld,

nowledges that 10 of 89 families contactcd refused to parti- 1938.) Importantly, social isolation is known to be psycho-. cipate in the study. Slote (1969, pp. 241-242.) notes that loqically debilitating and to decrease one's ability to with- . hc was able to secure thc cooperation of oniy 58 of the 120 stand stresses. (Linn and IfcGranahan, 1980.) Reflecting displaced bluc-collar workers whom he solicited, and comments on consequences of social withdrawal among the families he that many of those who refused seemed to take the plant closing studied during the Depression, Bakke observes: especially hard. Similarly, longitudinal panel studies of the "Those men and women and children impressed one as secure and most thoroughly inotivatcd toward sclf unemployed steelworkers by Buss in Youngstown, Ohio, and of reliance who...were geared into the life of their community. The degree of their insecurity and the unemployed Detroiters by Fcrman et a1 (1900) have been marred loss of thcir desire to be self-reliant appeared to be almost directly proportional to the extent of the by initial refusal rates of at least 20 percent, and the fur- breaking of those ties." ( Rakke, 1949, p. 304. ) ther attrition of half of the remaining rcspondents over time. In a st.udy of the long term repercussions of uncmploy- nuss comments (personal communication) that approximately 10 ment on levels of social participation, Pope (1964) spccu-

percent of the attrition has been due to migration from the ., lates that displacement results in the loss of job based ' areaj the remainder is due to tremendous alienation as revealed friends, of thc network of contacts mnintaincd through participation in tha union, and of long'range time perspec- I lower income workers. Pope exp1,ains that, in the first case, tives and feelings of security which normally enable broader . hiqhcr educa'ted and high income vorkcrs who have i 'suffered aoals and interests and thus more widespread social contacts. 'unemployment become particularly cynical, for instance, with I r Further, unemployment rcsults in feelings of shame as well reqard to the union's ability to retain jobs. In the sccond as loss of prcstiqc which lcad to lcsscned social interaction case, it was found that rates of participation in formal I and loss of social slcills. Pope commcnts I qroups by more poorly educated, older and lower income work- "The unemployed isolate has little practice in ers were so lo~ianyway that cumulative economic deprivation interacting, cannot keep abreast of the current oossip among his former friends, and is always afraid could not make any difference. that his lack of work may be mentioned and cause him embarrassment. A vicious circle develops in which An analysis of i,nformal association with kin found an the uncmploycd worker increasingly withdraws from so- cial contact, becomes more isolated and more uneasy inverse relationship with cumulative economic deprivation, in social situations, withdraws further, and so on." (Pope, 1964, p. 291.) especially for men who spent their teenaqe years (during the

Pope further hypothesizes that decreased social interaction Depression) growing up in Detroit. Ile comments that "It is will persist into thc indefinite future as a result of loss probable that with respect to one's relatives losinq one's of social skills and lack of motivation to seek social con- job is felt to be shameful." (Pope, 1964, p. 237.) By contrast, it vas found that there vas no relation between cco- Pope f 1964) test.ctl these hypottleses using a stratified, nomic deprivation and association with non-kin. rope ( 19641, pc~rposivqhomogcncous sa~nplcof older, high senibrity, Driar (19701, and nakkc (194n)'observe that while thc rinem- blue-collar and lowcr white-collar men employed in a Detroit ' ' '. ployed withdraw from contact wit); many old friends, they auto parts manuEacturjnq poant, A measure of "cumulative tend (eventually) to create new f ricndships with persons economic deprivation" was created, representing the total cumu- similnrly deprived. Sometimes they join together to form lative number of months of unemployment ever experienced by mutual self -help associations which the members find tip- the respondent. llis analyses found that cumulative economic mendously supportive. (Ffaurer, 1979; Briar, 1978~Bakltc, deprivation was inversely related to social participation in 19/10,) formal oroups (e.g. , n ttcndance at fornral volunt'ary associatioris, : I.iem and Liem (1979) raviev evidence suggesting that union meet innu, and church services) for certhin. subgroups c what.~~nnmploymentchanges i~ who is looked upon as n friend. the hiahr?r educated, younper, nnd higher, income responde'nts. To some'undetermined extent, these processes may reflect There was no relation f,or more poorly educated, older, and . . . , "tlicrapeutic withdrawal" from social networks' which themselves than the punishinq effects subsequent to heavy drinking are inhibiting." (nrenner, 1975, p. 1290. ) were a source of stress. (Tolsdorf, 1976.) But they may al- Supporting this interpretation is evidence from a study by so reflect predispositions toward "negative network orienta- Pearlin and '~adabauqh(1976) which found that poor people who tions" or low levels of interpersonal trust which are developed display hiqh anxiety over perceived, financial inadequacy are early in childhood in response,to hostile, belligerant or un- most likely to have a low sense of mastery over the environ- involved parents. (Tolsdorf, 1976.) This latter response ment and to suffer low self-esteem and to use alcohol to cope. predisposition tends to unselectively insulate the individual Case studies provide more direct but delimited evidence from potential sources of support. o+ ctbe.Lsi of patterns of increased, decreased, and unchanged consumption:. Drinlcinfr may be seen as a behavioral coping response among unemployed respondents. ( Bakke, 19401 Uriar, 19781 reflecting in similar ways negative processes of "e~capism*~ I Cavan, 1959; Cavan and Ranck, 1938; Elder and Rockwell, 19791 which can create new stresses, rather more ambiguously evaluated. . I:omarovsky, 19401 Zawadski and Lazarsfeld, 1935; Eisenberq and processes of "social facilitation", or positive processes of Lazarsfeld, 19311.) The survey of laid-off auto workers in increased emotionally supportive social interaction (drinking Ypsilanti, Yichiqan condi~ctedby Landau et a1 (1980) provides for "social convivial", reasons). ?I. Harvey Brenner ( 1975) the most suqgestive indications of the proportions of workers has discerned tlirouqh agqregate titne series analyses that per I fallinq into each category of changes in drinking behavior capita alcohol consumption increases within months of any I subsequent to job loss8 19 percent reported drinlcinq more"^ given cconomic downturn, and that most of this increase is I 33 percent reported "no change or less often"; and 48 pe,rcent accounted for by greater consumption of distilled spirits. Ile ! reported they "don't drink" (a statistic of dubious reliabil- finds lagged effects (lagged from one to two years be- ity and validity). The authors report that respondents with hind the cconomic downturn) for increases in arrest rates hish levels of measured depression were overrepresented for public drunkenness and driving while intoxicated, and amonq those who reported drinking at all. The case studies lor first admissions to mental hospitals for alcoholic also &norally obscrve that exceptionally distressed persons psychosis and other alcohol-related mental diborders. Ile I I with a predisposition toward heavy drinking increase their is careful, however, not to frame his interpretation of these i i drinking in 'response to joblessness. Several authors cotnment results in moralistic overtanes: on khe stress-reinforcinq consequences of this copinq response, "The data of the present study suggest that alleviation of the effects and aftermath of econ- omic stress may he a stronger stimulus to drinking insofar as it. appears to hinder re-employment and'interfere rnarriaae, birth, death, or important holidays durina I the year. Thus tile tavern is among the most impor- with responsible parenting and qood marital relations. tant of neiqhborhood institutions where people can - form and maintain friendships with others whom they Ironically, however, it seems that re-employment may cure the know well but may not associate with at home. This is especially true of friendships formed at work prohlcm, or at. least bring it under control. E.' E. LeMasters which may reach across ethnic or tcrrirorial divisions ' in the neiqhborhood or the larger community." (1974) obsorved clianqes in drinlrino patterns among skilled (I:ornblurn, 1974, pp. 80-81. ) blue collar workers who became unemployed I This evidence, when combined with the finding reported by

"'Phr?). tend to drink more when they don't I'ope (Iq64) noting that the unemployed tend to withdraw work. Yar~v of thssc mcn have what might be called "a drinkinq problem," which.they control, at least from social with kin hut maintain social in part, by not drin?inq on the job eight hours a day, five days a week. Unemployment upsets the participation with non-kin, tends to lend some persuasive- dellcate balance or ,their drinking proqram - partly because they spend more time at the tavern when ness to our specuutions that increased drinking among some they arc not working." (Le>!asters. 1975, p. 26. ) responsents may in fact represent increased social inter- Thus, as has been noted in regard to other secondary problems action, with attendant potential benefits to be gained caused by job loss, the most direct and immediate "cure" through emotiona1.a~well as functional or instrumental in this case may be re-employment, or prevention of.the job social support. loss in the First place. Failing this, treatment for 'I alcoholism seems to be indicated. . . I There is insurficiont cvid~ncereported in the literature I on uncmployment to confirm or disconfirm our hypotheses that '

Rome OF the jobless who drink for facilitative or convivial I reasons may benefit from increased social interaction. The ! best evidcnce that we have to support these hypotheses is . . I

indirect. In o study of life anlonq bluc-collar steelwbrkers " and their social relations in Chicago, ~or'nblum( 1974) observes I

"In their homcs, blue collar families most ' ' 'often associate with relatives and friends of long standing who arc Cree to drop in at almost any time. lnvi tat Ions to otl~erneiqtlhorhood friends are reservcd Cor spccial occasion5 in the life cycle, such as ! Suaaestions for further research1 an aqenda aud to unemployment stress and stress reactions. A particu- lar area of interest is the impact of mass layoff; there are There is a further need for high-quality qualitative plenty of research subjects available if some means can be research on the unemploycd. The most recent book-length ' discovered to enhance their cooperation (such as cash pay- case st,udies are written by journalists (Slote, .I9691 ments for participation.) ?laurer, 1979), and while informative, they lack the methodo- As Jeanne Gordus (1979) has noted, the existing research logical riqor and depth expected of scientific research. The experience of today's unemploycd may vary im important literature simply is not adequate to serve as a basis for accurate needs assessments and policy formulation. Thus ways from what was observed in the many case studies conducted further research efforts should attend not only to personal durinq the Depression. A special interest of ours is characteristics of the jobless and those at risk, but qualitative research to test our hypotheses about drinking equally important is attention to the mediating and pre- habits amonq 'the unemployed. disposina impacts of contextual factors, such as8 city size, Studies focusing on unemployed women are nearly non- region, and composition of the indubtrial base; governmental existent, and in view of enormous increases in labor force health and economic policy1 community integration; types of participation rates of womcn as well as in the incidence of .. .. industries affected, their ownership patterns and factors female single parent households, further neglect of the study o: unemployed women is inexcusable, aesearch reviewed in entering into decisions to close or relocate plants; the internal organization and structure' of.'industrial work this paper atatdored by Mocn (19793 and Narren (1979) point

forces (after Sclar, 1978). These kinds of'research topics , to extraordinary hardships befalling unemployed women, and and variables will provide insights into comparative and especially sinqle women with dependent young children. The socio-historical patterns and experiences of unemployment fact that this literature review centered around the problems across place and facing unemployed men merely reflects the overvhelming bias ,time. of the research literature; Studies c,onducted on existing or ncw longitudinal and cross-sectional data are indicated, to better specifp. the characteristics of. people that predispose them to job loss 111. Policy and Proqram Recommendations I A. Preventive policy options

Negative consequences arising from job loss may be The following policy options are recommended to prevent i minimized or' eliminated in two basic wayst (1) Through I job loss or to provide rapid re-employment in times of or elimination of the stressor .event itself, or# economic crisis. (2) Through bufferinq the stress via mechanisms of functional -- A national "full employment" policy, to commit policymakers and emotional support. From the standpoint of the affected to maintain levels of unemployment not to exceed a set rate individual, prevention of job loss, or rapid re-employment, which provides for a reasonable amount of slack in the labor are certainly the prcrerred solutions. ' I market; The full employment policy may be enforced through It can also be argued that, society as a whole would ! fiscal and monetary initiatives aimed at preventing or shorten- benefit from~coymitmentto a full employment policy, for ing recessions, and through promotion of counter-cyclical

two reasons. First, job loss and prolonged unemployment . public employment programs and private sector employment entail considerable economic and social'costs to society programs subsidized through tax credits and other means. as o result of the loss of productive resources of labor . through labor force non-participation and individual dys- -- Economic assistance in the form of grants and loans to function. (B.renner, 1977.1, Second, the disproportionate prevent plant closings. A notable precedent has becn set by nega tive impacts of nlassive unenlploymant befalling already the provision of pederally-guaranteeb loans to Chrysler disadvantaqed sectors of the labor force are offensive to I Corporation. In many cases, corporations are unwilling ! principles of social justice and equity. tlence, ,policy to operate viable plants because they yield only marginal initiatives to prevent or eliminate uncmployment necessarily i I . profits) these are prime targets for government-subsidized . take first priority. l

, .. may not be implemented, either in general or in specific live 'in. (Blasi, 1979.) . Such measures have the advantage

cases, then ameliorative policies,should be adopted to ,. for the taxpayer of saving tremendous amounts of money paid ! minimize the negative consequences of job loss affecting out in unemployment compensation, welfare and health services, Individuals and their families, and the communities they .. . and job re-training programs. Enactment of foderal laws

, . live in. requiring advance notification of business closing Or 03 i

...... relocation is needed to enable the prompt, smooth transfer .,of ' . . , ... -- ~ollective'hargainingagreements to provide for the , . :, :, . .., . .. . , . . '..'.. " . .,'?d. . , . , , . ., . ownership and operation. Community task forces should be .. , . ,... . , . .... : . . eGinttjal.i'ty of plant shutdown or relocation.. A pre-planned - . I created to bargain with company management and government contingency plan for handling a possible shutdown or mass officials in the purchase of facilities. (Blasi, 1979.) layoff has henefits for the corporation, in the saving of - Work-sharing as an alternative to mass layoff . During the money paid out in benefits, continuation of productivity 1975 recession companies in many Western European countries levels up to the moment of closing, retention of skilled cut back the hours of all workers rather than laying-off labor, reduction of sabotage, and strengthening of the certain individuals. Partial unemployment compensation was corporate public image. Organized labor benefits in obvious provided to make-up for up to 65 percent of wages lost due to ways as well, in particular, through relief of uncertainties fewer hours worked. (Eloen, 1979.) California enacted a law arising from notice of impending shutdown, and through in 1978 permitting an employer,,with the consent of workers instrumental protective devices to ensure employment secur-

and the union, to implement work sharing and partial unemp1oy'- ity, rapid re-employment, and/or financial security and ' ment insurance in lieu of layoffs. Workers may benefit from adequacy. The collective bargaining agreement should include increased job security, employers from retention of skilled clause requiring advance notice of plans for shutdown or labor, and the union from retention of dues-paying members. mass layoff, providing for negotiation of possible transfer

(Shostak, 1980, p. 31.) .. ' of ownership to worltcrs and/or the community whcre feasible -- Promotion.of inter- and intra-union cooperation in the as an alternative to shutdown. Also needed is severance pay

re-employment 'and relocation.of displaced workers across with bonuses keyed to the desirable layoff schedule. , industries and regions. Shostak (1980) has noted an oft- Extension of health insurance policies is desirable, as reported lack of solidary cooperation among union locals and well as creation of "portable pensions." Commitments by across unions in assisting workers to find new employment. the employer should be obtaincd to assist workers and the National union leaders can make stronger efforts to promote community to find other potential purchasers and uses for working class solidarity and interests by decreasing intra- plant facilities, and to cooperate with a community social and inter-union competition and conflict, in recognition of scrvices task force in planning and coordinating services tlreir responsibilities to a broader constituency. The planned to be 'introduced to workers within the plant prior to

merger of the UAW and the A~L-CIOis a move in this direction. closinq (described below). . I B. Ameliorative policy options services, including8 economic support; job counseling, placement, and training; childcare; and mental and physical Planners of ameliorative interventions should be health care. Coordination of services is important to , . cognizant of population subgroups most at risk of displace- economically distressed communities, wtiich can ill-afford ment, prolonged unemployment, and downward status mobility duplication of services or other inefficiencies in these during economic downturns as well as in good economic times. helping efforts directed toward the unemployed, An These groups include: (1) Pemale heads of household vit.h integrated, proactive implementation plan, introducing the

young dependent children1 (2) Young male heads of household , services to workers within the plant prior to closing, has with young dependent children; (3) Older middle aged workers; been found to be most effective in meeting the needs of (4) Blue collar workers, especially those with low levels workers, management, service agencies, and the community as of skill or other human capitall (5) Racial minority group a whole. Agencies can share infornlation and coordinate workers. efforts to locate and secure special governmental funding. Ameliorative policy and program interventions may be Organized community pressure can be focused through this , seen as providing either formal or informal support, and mechanism to bring about cooperation on the part of company further distinctions rnay be seen with regard to.the provision . management. of instrumental or functional support services, and psycho- -- Extension'of supplemental unemployment benefits to the logical support services. 90 percent of private sector employees not now Covered.

1. Instrumental or functional support SUB benefits provide up to 95 percent or after-tax wages, and effectively eliminate the stress of ecbnomic deprivation in Creation of a comnunity services task force. The task force -- the event of limitied or indefink layoff. (Shostak, 1980, may be model'ed after the successful effort by Taber, Walsh, p.3 .. - ' and Cooke (1979) to implement a council comprised of repre- . . -- Relocation assistance by companies and the'government. sentatives of company management, union officialg, social , . As it is now, jobless workers livinq in depressed labor service agency planners, and the media, whose purpose was to market areas receive little if any help in paying the ' maximize the efficient and effective delivery of social services considerable costs incurred in efforts to move to other nrens to masses of workers about to be displaced as a result of a' 'with better opportunities. . Relocation grants or loans could plant closing. he jobless often require' a multiplicity of ! frustrations;and anxieties. (Michigan Department of Mental , be subsidized with Federal monies and administered through '.:. . Halth, l98d.) NESC. There are trade-offs to be considered, however, with -- Promotion of mutual self-help associations among the regard to the loss to the afflicted community of a skilled unemployed. These exchange and reciprocity networks labor force heeded for eventual economic recovery. (Redburn provide both instrumental and emotional social support, and Buss, 1979. ) including sharing of child care burdens, transportation, -- Relaxation of financial eligibility requirements for ' ../. ' ' .'; .-. , job leads, skills and labor, loans and gifts, and so on, receipt of food stamps, welfare, and other income supports. thus resembljng a microcosm of the "irregular1' or "informal" At present, displaced workers and their familes must first economy described by Dow (1977) and Jahoda (1979). 'Beyond sell-off their assets beEore becoming eligible for financial

' , instrumental support, social interaction in these groups and in-kind support. It seems patently unfair to require a . . ,. provides evaluative feedback and emotional support to aid worker who is displaced through no fault of his own to in coping. impoveris11 himself before receiving assistance. -r Job .re-training programs. Job re-training needs to be - - Child care services for single heads of household. Moen provided to 'displaced workers with few saleable skills, (1979) notes that child care responsibilites ean interfere . , such as many of the ayto workers laid-off during the present gravely with the ability of single parents to conduct a recession. The content of the training must be based on a thorough job search, thereby increasing the likelihood of careful needs assessment of the local' labor market. prolonged une~nployment and hardship. Subsidies for private ,

child care or provision of public child care centers is 2. Psvcholoqical support services indicated for this group. -- Pron~otionof specialized unemploy~nent crisis centers. -- Formation of job search clubs. Washtenaw County Community Workers who might otherwise avoid seeking needed professional Elental Ilealth has operated a "job club" for several years, mental health care more readiiy utilize services of centers providing a supportive time and task-structured environment which are created especially ior their needs. (Little, 19761 which has been found to be very helpful to job seekers, Led Briar, 1978.) The UAW, with the help of the Federal govern- by a trained group facilitator, individuals in these clubs ment, has established ten crisis centers to help workers learn and practice effective job search techniques. while at laid-off during the current recession. Funding is due to tl10 same time receiving c~r~otionalsupport to help cope with ,, . . ,,;, ,,;, ., . . I...... ,. ' . ., . ..;. '' 89

expire shortly and pressure should be applied to ensure its to problems of the unemployed. Many studies have shown continuance . that social withdrawal in the face of indifferent or hostile =- -- Mental health treatment modalities must be attuned to friends, neighbors, relatives, and acquaintances leads to stresses and stress reactions peculiar to unemployment. additional stress and stress reaction on the part of the Clinical social workers and other professional therapists unemployed. On the other hand, perception by the generally have received inadequate training with regard to unemployed of community concern has been seen to substantially the stresses and stress reactions endemic to unemployment. buffer the stress of job loss. (Gore, 1978.) oftentimes treatment modalities reveal poor understanding of

the importance of work in re-establishing the unemployed worker's social and psychological equilibrium. (Ginsberg, 1975.) Ginsberg commentst "i\lthough specialists (in the manpower

field) may differ on specific alternatives (e.g., provisions

for training or for subsidies to employ.ers of less product- . ive workers), all agree that. the solution is work. social work, on Llle other hand, has tended to be ambivalent about

the importance of work." (Ginsberg, 1975, p. 29.) Treatment interventions st~ouldthus be re-oriented toward enhancing the

clietit' s cllances for re-employment; for instance, by focusing esteem support to help confront tile stresses of job search. Particular attention should be given to.marita1 counseling

since unemployment often leads to marital tension. Promo- . ting attribution of blame toelements of the environment : (e.g., to, high rates of unemploynent) is one way to reduce . the learned helplessness response, bolster worker self-esteem, and reduce marital friction.' (Caplan, 1979.)

'-- Public education campaigns to raise awareness and sensitivity

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The Center for Research on Social organization is a facility to the Department of Sociology, University of Michigan. Its primary mission is to support the research of faculty and students in the department's Social Organization graduate program. CRSO Working Papers report current research and reflection by affiliates of the Center; many of them are published later elsewhere after revision. Working Papers which are still in print are available from the Center for a fee of 50~plus the number of pages in the paper (88~for a 38-page paper, etc.). The Center will photocopy out-of-print Working Papers at cost (approximately 5~ per page). Recent Working Papers include:

244 "Nineteenth-Century Origins of Our Twentieth-Century Collective-Action Repertoire," by Charles Tilly, September 1981, 12 pages.

245 11 Interactive, Direct-Entry Approaches to Event Files," by R.A. Schweitzer and Steven C. Simmons, September 1981, 17 pages.

246 "Three Perspectives on Three Books," by John T. Williams, William A.' Gamson, and Charles Tilly, October 1981, 44 pages.

24 7 "Theological Crucibles: Social Movements in and of Religion," by Mayer N. .Zald, October 1981, 12 pages.

248 "The Urban Historian's Dilemma: Faceless Cities or Cities without Hinderlands?" by Charles Tilly, October 1981, 13 pages.

249 "Toward a Universal Model of Judging Wrongdoing: Japanese and American Data," by V. Lee Hamilton and Joseph Sanders, October 1981, 35 pages. .

250 "Law and Order on the Colorado Frontier: The Bases of Public and Private Government," by Richard Hogan, November 1981, 15 pages.

25 1 "The Political Culture of Arab-Israeli Conflict," by William A. Gamson, November 1981, 14 pages,

252 "Organizations in the Anti-Nuclear Power Movement: Really A Working Paper," by Emilie Schmeidler and Mayer N. Zald, January 1982, 46 pages.

253 "Whom, What,How and Why European Rural People Resisted," by Charles Tilly, January 1982, 20 pages.

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