El Principe Constante? Jan Lechoń and Politics (After 1939)1

ACTA UNIVERSITATIS LODZIENSIS FOLIA LITTERARIA POLONICA 6(44) 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.44.03 Paweł Sobczak* el principe constante? Jan Lechoń and politics (after 1939)1 When I went to Paris, Beck spoke these words, Go there as an emigrant first, germinal... So in case of a crash or catastrophe, You could as from Poland as possible write about it, Then every Polish path will be dear to you, Alas! How you love Poland when you do not live there!2 The outbreak of WWII found Jan Lechoń in the diplomatic service in Paris, where since 1931 he had served as a propaganda officer of the Polish Embassy.3 He stayed in Paris until mid-June 1940 when, after France fell, the poet left the capital in a car driven by Jan Brzękowski and, after over a year of travelling through Spain, Portugal, and Brazil, he reached the United States. The dramatic wartime events and émigré fortunes spurred once again his poetic talent. Once in Rio de Janeiro he began writing poems which were later included in collections entitled Lutnia po Bekwarku and Aria z kurantem. The time of WWII and several years after it were also for Lechoń, who from 1943 was editor-in-chief of Tygo- dnik Polski, a time of intensive journalistic work. In his articles, the poet discussed * Ph.D., [email protected]; Department of 20th and 21st Century Polish Literature, Faculty of Philology, University of Lodz, 91-404 Łódź, 171/173 Pomorska St. 1 The article continues the theme of “Między kawiarnią a ambasadą. Jan Lechoń jako homo politicus”, included [in:] Meandry skamandrytów, W. Appel (ed.), pp. 363–380 (Xenia Toruniensia. Series Nova II (XII)). 2 A fragment of a political comedy authored by Światopełk Karpiński and Janusz Minkie- wicz of 1937 (quoted in: A. Stawiarska, “Bywalec i outsider” [in:] W. Gombrowicz, Wspomnienia polskie, Krakow 2002, p. 234). Those words, assigned by the comedians to Lechoń, from today’s perspective could be interpreted as an ironic foreshadowing of the fortunes of the poet in exile, to which the text is devoted. (All translations of fragments from the Polish – J.W.) 3 Antoni Słonimski (Alfabet wspomnień, Warsaw 1989, p. 118) wrote that “only Leszek could use his personal charm to achieve such an alluring diplomatic position not possessing any qualifications for it.” Lechoń’s lack of qualifications consisted, e.g. in the fact that he did not speak French, and he only learnt it in Paris studying it for three hours daily. The learning was successful, yet the poet did not avoid some unpleasant situations, e.g. when “a Frenchman complained that for propaganda they chose a man who cannot speak French” (J. Lechoń, Listy do Anny Jackowskiej, Warsaw 1977, p. 150). 50 Paweł Sobczak various strictly political matters4 commenting on both past and present events. He defended the Polish character of Vilnius and Lviv (trusting that “the reveille from the St. Mary’s tower will sound again/ Lviv and Vilnius will listen to the steps of our soldiers”5), and he disapproved of the decisions made during the conferences in Tehran and Yalta. He also span, sometimes naive, concepts of a post-WWII world order: e.g. he developed an idea of a Federation of Central and East Eu- ropean Countries (including Poland, Yugoslavia, and Greece), or a bloc opposing Soviet influence.6 However, he mainly counted on the United States. He hoped for a change in the power system in Europe thanks to their operations in the internatio- nal theatre. As early as May 1942, Lechoń co-wrote a letter to president Franklin Delano Roosevelt, in which Polish émigrés demanded a just settlement of the “Polish case.” Three years later, he signed an official letter sent by Polski Ko- mitet Obywatelski (Polish Citizens’ Committee) to Roosevelt’s successor, Harry Truman. Its authors expressed their outrage at the arrests conducted by NKVD of sixteen leaders of the Polish underground under the charge of anti-Soviet subver- sive activities. In stating that “the incident, as well as many others, indicates the clear intention of the Soviet Union to erase Poland and the Polish nation from the face of the earth” the members of the Committee demanded Truman’s stern reaction to the “crimes of the Soviet dictatorship.”7 The appeal had no effect whatso- ever and did not prevent the absurd “trial of the sixteen”, yet the passiveness of the president of the United States did not discourage Lechoń. An extensive and bitter disappointment with France8, where the poet spent over a decade (the negative evaluation of the policy of the country also translated into extremely critical statements regarding post-WWII French literature) evoked ardent neophyte support for the American strategy which “is, in fact, a paradise on this horrible earth”9 and “the last resort for the white race and western culture.”10 The poet was absolutely convinced that soon, as he wrote in Dziennik, America “will take a position in the world that no other state since the Roman times has had, and for which it is 4 Lechoń’s wartime articles included his first critical evaluations of Sanation politics (e.g. the annexation of Zaolzie), which were nowhere to be found in press articles or private statements from the 1930s of the author of Karmazynowy poemat. Being a contract employee of a Polish Embassy, he could not openly contest the policy of the ruling party, however, it is very difficult to find any information confirming his even unofficial opposition to some Sanation decisions. 5 J. Lechoń, “Matka Boska Częstochowska”, [in:] ibid., Poezje, R. Loth (ed.), Wrocław 1990, p. 78. 6 Cf. B. Dorosz, Lechoń i Tuwim: dzieje trudnej przyjaźni, Warsaw 2004, p. 54. A key role in those geopolitical initiatives was to be played by the émigré Peter II, the last king of Yugoslavia. 7 “Aneksy”, [in:] M. Grydzewski, J. Lechoń, Listy 1923–1956, B. Dorosz (ed.), vol. 2, Warsaw 2006, p. 449. 8 The “French theme” appeared in several poems written in exile by Lechoń, i.e. Pożegnanie „Marsylianki” (a description of the Germans’ seizure of Paris) and Z La Manczy (a depiction of Charles de Gaulle as Don Quixote). 9 M. Grydzewski, J. Lechoń, Listy 1923–1956, B. Dorosz (ed.), vol. 1, Warsaw 2006, p. 246. 10 Ibid., p. 329. El principe constante? Jan Lechoń and politics (after 1939) 51 destined by its wise strength and its idealism.”11 The conviction was not altered either by the lack of reaction from the United States to the victory of communists in China, or the negative phenomena in American internal politics, most of all, the Second Red Scare, the anti-communist psychosis of McCarthyism, raging through America. In 1954, Lechoń, still more pro-American than ever pro-French, wrote an extensive study (which he himself considered huge) Aut Caesar aut nihil, first published in Wiadomości, and later in book form. The text, to which Kajetan Morawiecki referred as a lay version of the Qui habitat in adiutorio altissimi psalm,12 expressed the poet’s conviction about America’s mission in relation to the rest of the world, particularly Europe, which does not know or understand the United States. Actually, within just a few years, “America became one of the two superpowers of the political world, and its entering all disputes on all conti- nents completely changed the proportions of power”13 in the world. It is a country “destined for greatness”, and the only hope for “countries subdued by the Soviets.”14 A sentence from a letter to Stanisław Baliński offered a synthesis of the poet’s judgements regarding his “third motherland,” including those formulated in Aut Caesar aut nihil: “America is Rome, with all its flaws as well as its power, which is the only thing that can bring salvation to the world.”15 Thus, it was by no accident that the essay’s title indirectly referred to Julius Caesar. Lechoń’s unwavering anti-communist attitude, worthy of the title of El Prin- cipe Constante of the Polish émigré community, who “spurned the laurel from the seductive hand,”16 had already appeared in the early-1940s. The differences between Lechoń (and Kazimierz Wierzyński and Józef Wittlin, who shared his views) and Julian Tuwim appeared just as quickly. The growing divergence of their political views led to an eventual breaking off not only of over thirty years of friendship, but even any form of contact between the poets.17 The author of Srebrne i czarne did not condone the actions of Tuwim, who expressed his leftist 11 J. Lechoń, Dziennik, vol. 2, Warsaw 1992, p. 56. 12 K. Morawski, “Podzwonne”, Wiadomości, 1957, issue 23, p. 4. Reprint, [in:] Wspomnienia o Janie Lechoniu, P. Kądziela (ed.), Warsaw 2006, p. 100. 13 J. Lechoń, “Aut Caesar aut nihil. Przemiany amerykańskie”, Wiadomości, 1954, issue 45, p. 1. 14 Ibid., “Aut Caesar aut nihil. Dziedzictwo całego świata”, Wiadomości, 1954, issue 47, p. 2. Lechoń’s article evoked objections of his opponents who accused him of excessive optimism and could not comprehend – like Marian Axel (“Do redaktora Wiadomości”, [in:] “Korespondencja”, Wia- domości, 1955, issue 7, p. 6) – how “a lack of culture is supposed to lead to a restoration of the world.” 15 “Listy Jana Lechonia do Stanisława Balińskiego”, T. Januszewski (ed.), Kresy, 1998, issue 3, p. 218. In another letter Lechoń wrote: “Against the malice of the whole world, America is truly the new Rome.” (ibid., p. 26) 16 J. Lechoń, “Cytata”, [in:] ibid., Poezje, p. 129. 17 It might had been under the influence of those experiences that Lechoń wrote: “Fifty-year -old bucks cannot convince one another about anything any more.

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