Jurnal Antropologi Sosial Budaya ETNOVISI•Vol. 1•No.3•Desember 2005

THE PARMALIM MOVEMENT AND ITS RELATIONS TO SI SINGA MANGARAJA XII: A Reexamination of the Development of Religious Movements in Colonial Indonesia

Masashi Hirosue Rikkyo University, Tokyo, Japan

Abstrak Tulisan ini membahas dinamika gerakan Parmalim sebagai salah satu gerakan keagamaan yang muncul di Sumatera pada era kolonial Belanda, khususnya di Toba sejak 1878. Kedatangan kolonialisme Belanda dan Misionaris Jerman dianggap sebagai sebuah ancaman bagi kejayaan kekuatan lokal lama dalam bidang politik dan keagamaan. Gerakan Parmalim dilihat sebagai upaya untuk menghidupkan kembali simbol-simbol kekuatan tradisional demi memperoleh akses sumber kekuatan baru di tengah masyarakat dengan membangkitkan sentimen anti-kolonial. Gerakan ini mengklaim diri sebagai transformasi dari masyarakat Batak dan ‘top leader’ mereka dipandang sebagai reinkarnasi Si Singa Mangaraja.

Kata kunci: Parmalim movement, colonial government, religious movements, revivalistic

Introduction Parmalim movement which anxiously awaited During the later part of the nineteenth the revival of the harajaon (kingdom) of Si century when the Dutch began to expand Singa Mangaraja is one such movement. colonial rule in Indonesia, the local power Scholars have paid much attention to such symbols who had been mediators between local religious movements that occasionally induced people and outside powers began to undergo the masses into forms of protest against the drastic changes. Against the intensification of colonial authorities. The research to date has colonial rule, protest movements arose in explained that those participants, whose daily various parts of Indonesia including north lives were rooted in their magico-religious belief . Especially among the people whose systems, had no other choice than to resort to power symbols were abolished by the Dutch, the such millenarian expectations in order to change religious movements in which followers their plight.2 Furthermore, the literature is expected the revival of their holy king often inclined to argue that those movements which gave rise to. Such movements occasionally arose in the earlier stages of colonial rule were developed into the millenarian-like protests, in highly revivalistic because participants were still which participants passionately called for a total deeply in touch with their traditional religious transformation of the existing order by the beliefs, while those which appeared in the later reappearance of their power symbol.1 The Dharmono Hardjowidjono and Djoko Suryo, (Yogyakarta, 1987), Jang Aisjah Muttalib, “Jambi 1900-1916: From War This article is a paper originally delivered to the seminar, to Rebellion”, (Ph.D. dissertation submitted to Columbia “Parmalim Batak Toba: Kekuasaan, Negara, dan Ekspresi University, 1995), and M. Hirosue, “Prophets and Keberagamaan di Indonesia”, (Medan, 24 November Followers in Batak Millenarian Responses to the Colonial 2005). I am very grateful to Prof. Irwansyah Harahap for Order: Parmalim, Na Siak Bagi and Parhudamdam, 1890- inviting me to the seminar, and also to Mr. Monang 1930”, (Ph.D. dissertation submitted to the Australian Naipospos, Mr. Bisri Effendi and Mr. Nelson National University, 1988). Lumbantoruan for their comments and advice. 2 Sartono Kartodirdjo, “Agrarian Radicalism in Java: Its 1 Sartono Kartodirdjo, Protest Movements in Rural Java: A Setting and Development”, in Culture and Politics in Study of Agrarian Unrest in the Nineteenth and Early Indonesia, edited by C. Holt with assistance of B. R. O’G. Twentieth Centuries, (Singapore, 1973), Mukhlis, “Batara Anderson and J. Siegel, (Ithaca and London, 1972), pp. 78- Gowa: Mesianisme dalam gerakan sosial di tanah 82, and J. C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Makassar”, in Dari babad dan hikayat sampai sejarah Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia, (New Haven kritis, edited by T. Ibrahim Alfian, H. J. Koesoemanto, and London, 1976), p. 187 and 192.

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stages often became syncretic or “import- During the era when Somalaing had been oriented”.3 by Si Singa Mangaraja, Toba Batak society However, such opinions seem to become experienced drastic changes in both its political highly problematic when we consider the actual and religious spheres. In the Batak area which circumstances of the participants in such had generally maintained its independence movements. In the early stages of colonial rule, except for the Mandailing region that had been the colonized people tended to be generally placed under Dutch rule since the 1840s, the impressed by the superiority of the colonial German Rhenish Missionary Society rulers who had defeated their traditional power (Rheinischen Missions-Gesellschaft) began symbols. In order to cope with such a situation, missionary activities from 1861 in order to make they often formed doctrines mixing new a Christian zone between the two Islamic areas elements of foreign power with their traditional of Aceh and Minangkabau. Then the Dutch beliefs. On the other hand, the people who had government extended its influence into the Toba been put under the colonial regime for long Batak region from the 1870s. periods of time and had subsequently become The Toba Batak chiefs who accepted dubious of legitimacy of colonial rule, often German missionaries in their village were endeavored to revive their dissolving tradition as successfully in enlarging their influence among a symbol of their anti-colonialism. The history their rivals by establishing connections with the of the Parmalim movement presents to us a very colonial government, while those who had not interesting example in order to clarify the accepted missionaries became highly afraid of transformation of a doctrine fashioned by a the transformation of the local balance of power. religious movement which at first manifested a Consequently, they entreated the holy king of Si syncretic character by adopting new religious Singa Mangaraja who had been revered as an elements into Batak traditions, and later a highly incarnation of Batara Guru among the Toba revivalistic one, in which their dissolving Batak, to rise up against the Dutch colonizers tradition was given renewed meanings under the and German missionaries.5 Somalaing played an colonial regime. In this paper, I would like to important role in leading military campaigns take up the dynamism of the Parmalim against the Dutch in 1878 and 1883. However, movement which revived among the Toba Batak they lost the battles mainly due to the inferiority reverence for the last Si Singa Mangaraja of of their weapons and Si Singa Mangaraja XII Ompu Pulo Batu in the later stages of colonial himself was wounded at the battle of 1883. rule. After defeat in 1883, Si Singa Mangaraja did not rely on opinions of the datu. Ompu Pulo 1. The Rise of the Parmalim Movement Batu then started to negotiate peace with the The Parmalim movement was organized by colonial government through the Sultan of Guru Somalaing, a Toba Batak datu in 1890. Asahan.6 Somalaing in due course parted Datu was a healer, augur and magician and had company with Si Singa Mangaraja. much knowledge about the Batak holy books.4 Somalaing now fell into the dilemma. He Guru Somalaing had been a well-known datu was obliged to acknowledge the superiority of among the Toba Batak and he had been an European colonial power. He came to see the adviser of Si Singa Mangaraja XII, Ompu Pulo rule of the Dutch and the Christianization of Batu. Toba as having been destined by some mightier source of power. On the other hand, it was not easy for him to accept the new order brought 3 M. Adas, Prophets of Rebellion: Millenarian Protest about by the Dutch. After the Dutch established Movements against the European Colonial Order, (Chapel Hill, 1979), pp. 114-119, and A. F. C. Wallace, “Revitalization Movements”, American Anthropologist, 5 W. B. Sidjabat, Ahu Si Singamangaraja: Arti Historis, vol. 58, (1956), p. 276. Politis, Ekonomis dan Religius Si Singamangaraja XII, 4 J. Winkler, Die Toba=Batak auf Sumatra in gesunden und (, 1982), pp. 151-318. in kranken Tagen: Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis des 6 Resident of Oostkust van Sumatra to Gouverneur animistischen Heidentums, (Stuttgart, 1925), p. 75, and J. Generaal of Nederlandsch Indië, (Bengkalis, 28 Aug. Warneck, Die Religion der Batak: Ein Paradigma für die 1885), mailrapport 648/1885. The negotiations continued animistischen religionen des Indischen Archipels, until 1886, but were not successful because Si Singa (Göttingen, 1909), pp. 109-113. Mangaraja did not appear before Dutch officials.

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colonial rule in Toba, the local chieftains who The point of Somalaing’s new religion was had showed a cooperative attitude toward the that the Christian God ordered him to preach Dutch and the Christian missionaries were Toba indigenous values. Through the traditional appointed colonial chiefs, while many of the means of a dream and by retaining the essence former datu became Christians and were of the Toba Batak virtues, he found a way to appointed church elders. However, those local gain access to the new source of power, Jehova, leaders who had not been given such which appeared to be transforming Batak appointments began to encounter more society. This was the initial step in establishing a difficulties than before in winning legal suits, new religious movement. opening new villages and maintaining such For Somalaing, the next step was to Toba Batak customs as taking the widow of demonstrate ways in which to fight against one’s brother as a second wife. colonial power. People who became impressed After reflecting on this contradiction, one by European colonial power often showed night he had a revelation from Jehova. particular interest to Europeans who were According to his testimony, in a dream his soul willing to share their assets with local people. was brought by Jesus Christ before God, who An Italian traveler, E. Modigliani, who met ordered him to preach a new doctrine.7 The Somalaing just after his revelation from Jehova belief which Jehova ordered him to preach was, and the German missionaries who were working according to his own account: pay respect to the in Toba appeared to Somalaing highly important elders, never tell a lie, do not take either dog’s figures to help him. Those Europeans had aims meat or pork, or the meat or the blood of different from the Dutch, aims that occasionally animals that died of illness, purify both soul and were at odds. body. These admonitions were not especially Having arrived in Toba in October 1890, new but were generally traditional Batak morals. Modigliani was eager to travel to the north Somalaing said that his followers were to eastern part and the upper Asahan River region, be called Parmalim. The word “parmalim” both of which were not yet under Dutch rule.9 derived from the word “malim” which means Since the Dutch authorities would not allow him “pure”or “holy”in Toba. Historically, the word to travel into those regions, Modigliani asked malim came from the Arabic muallim, meaning Somalaing who was well-known in those “religious leader”. Presumably, when this word regions to guide him. Under Somalaing’s was introduced into Toba centuries before, it guidance, Modigliani was able to travel through had helped to make up the idea of “holiness”in the regions during the end of 1890 and the the Batak sense. For example, in a prayer to Si beginning of 1891. Although Modigliani left Singa Mangaraja, he was referred to as “raja na Toba after this travel, this Italian who was pitu hali malim, na pitu hali solam”(the raja who perceived by Somalaing as Tuan Rum, a deputy is sevenfold holy, sevenfold sacred).8 Si Singa of Raja Rum, continued to be highly regarded Mangaraja and his appointed priests, among Parmalims as a figure helping them in parbaringin, did not take either dog’s meat or their struggle against the Dutch.10 pork. This prescription seems to have derived Parmalims also paid particular attention to from Hinduism rather than Islam. It had become those German missionaries who were strongly part of Toba religious belief long before. opposed to the Dutch policy of the development Somalaing preached that this code among of traffic between east coast of Sumatra and the religious elites should be applied to all his Toba Batak region, due to the fact that such followers. Thus the Parmalim became “one who intercourse would induce the infiltration of endeavours to be pure or holy”in the traditional Islam into Toba. One German missionary, P. sense. Pohlig, was in particular revered. He was an

9 E. Modigliani, Fra i Batacchi indipendenti, (Rome, 1892), pp. 81-85, and J. C, Vergouwen, “Een Italiaan onder 7 Proces-Verbaal of Guru Somalaing, (Tarutung, 30 Jan. de ”, Koloniaal Tijdschrift, vol. 21, (1932), pp. 555. 1896), Indischen brief, 22 May 1896, no. 910/2, in Verbaal 10 Proces-Verbaal of Guru Somalaing, and D. W. N. de 25/6/1896/96. Boer, “De Permalimsekten van Oeloean, Toba en 8 Sidjabat, Ahu Si Singamangaraja, p. 442, and A. L. Habinsaran”, Tijdschrift voor het Binnenlansch Bestuur, Tobing, Si Singamangaradja I-XII, (Medan, 1967), p. 15. vol. 47, (1914), p. 382.

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engineer who occasionally helped the Dutch in 1883 also convinced Parmalims to believe that repairing their guns and machines. Such this missionary was an incarnation of Si Singa knowledge which brought about European Mangaraja. superiority was highly mysterious to the Batak Parmalims believed that someday, when people. They were eager to be initiated into it. the time came, Tuan Rum and Raja Rum would According to Pohlig’s report of 1893, Parmalims appear in Toba, at which time Pohlig would began to regard him as an incarnation of Si reveal himself in the real form and assist them in Singa Mangaraja.11 driving the Dutch from the Batak area. The harajaon Si Singa Mangaraja would then be These men [Parmalims] reveal really restored. Believing that the time was near, they crazy ideas. Just now I have become the had to prepare for it. Singamangaraja. “You are it － they say: The Dutch government put the north you have only changed your form!”A few eastern part of the Toba Batak region under their days ago some were still here. I said to control in 1892 and introduced corvée labour them. “Don’t bother me with your absurd among the local people. However, the reasonings. I am not the Singamangaraja”. Parmalims refused carrying out the colonial “We know very accurately that you are it obligation and often were at odds with the － they say － Debata [God] has told it to colonial authorities. The Dutch authorities arrested Somalaing and banished him from the us”. Moreover, they said in order to 13 convince me that I am he, “Your father, Batak area in 1896. As the Dutch intensified the former Singamangaraja, was shot by their colonial rule, Parmalims eagerly looked the Dutch in the arm, then went to heaven. forward to the intervention of Tuan Rum and He has sent you, but he has given you Pohlig. In spite of their ardent expectations, another forms, so that the Dutch could not Tuan Rum never reappeared in the Batak area recognize you”. They believe such and Pohlig never revealed himself in his true nonsense, and that is their gospel. form.

According to the belief of the Toba Batak, 2. The Intensification of the Dutch Colonial the sahala (power) of Si Singa Mangaraja could Rule in the Batak Area and Na Siak be shifted to another person who would then be Bagi’s Parmalim Movement the next Si Singa Mangaraja. After Si Singa At the end of the nineteenth century, the Mangaraja XII (Ompu Pulo Batu) was wounded Dutch colonial policy on Sumatra became more in the battle of 1883, the people who believed active one. The colonial authorities began to that Si Singa Mangaraja was invulnerable began extend more and more effort in suppressing the to doubt whether the sahala of Si Singa protest movements waged against the Dutch by Mangaraja was still within him. Since Ompu Acehnese guerrillas and Si Singa Mangaraja. Si Pulo Batu was then away in the Dairi region Singa Mangaraja XII who had been in the endeavouring to negotiate with the Dutch to find mountainous region of the north western part of 12 Batak was shot to death by the colonial army in his new place under the colonial regime, the 14 Parmalims began to believe that Si Singa 1907. The which had broken out in Mangaraja XII, having lost his sahala, had gone 1873 was brought to an end in 1912. By 1913 to heaven and that the sahala was now in Pohlig the whole island of Sumatra was put under who appeared in the form of a Westerner. The Dutch colonial rule. The Toba, Dairi, Angkola fact that Pohlig had a scar on his hand similar to and Mandailing regions were annexed into the that of Ompu Pulo Batu received at the battle of residency of Tapanuli, while other Karo and Simalungun regions and east coastal principalities were annexed into that of East 11 “Aus der Battamission”, Berichite der Rheinischen Coast of Sumatra. Missions-Gesellschaft, (1893), pp. 325-326. 12 After Somalaing established the new religious movement, he visited Si Singa Mangaraja XII to ask for support for the movement. However, he refused that and 13 The decision of Gouverneur Generaal of Nederlandsch Somalaing was driven away (de Boer, “De Indië, 22 May 1896, no. 2. Permalimsekten”, pp. 379-380). 14 Sidjabat, Ahu Si Singamangaraja, pp. 286-296.

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The Dutch introduced a new district system administration of churches, especially in the area into Sumatra in order to improve the efficiency of church funds. of colonial administration. In Toba from 1886 On the other hand, there arose a new on, the Dutch appointed about 170 raja ihutan generation who had been born and raised under (district chiefs) under whom raja padua (sub- the colonial regime, which was endeavouring to chief of raja ihutan) and kepala kampong develop commercial and transportation systems, (village chiefs) were appointed.15 It was through while supporting the activities of plantation and these local colonial chiefs that the Dutch mining companies. Those who had been introduced corvée labour into Tapanuli and, educated in missionary school found jobs in from 1908 on, a poll-tax. However, the number plantation companies, public works projects, of raja ihutan became too many for the Dutch commercial enterprises, trade business of forest colonial officials to handle, so after raja ihutan products, etc. Those people who were able to on active service died, their districts were travel out of the Batak area occasionally were merged instead of appointing successors. given the opportunity to come into contact with Furthermore, in 1916, the Dutch government the cultures, religions and political ideas of the appointed 12 new district chiefs (demang) and modern world. Such experiences induced them 25 assistant district chiefs (assistent demang) to reconsider the colonial regime and became above raja ihutan.16 Those new chiefs were not more conscious of the differences that existed appointed from among Toba chiefs but from among the European, the Batak people, other Batak colonial officials who had been working Indonesians and the Asian migrants who worked under Dutch officials. The new assistant district for plantation companies in East Coast of chiefs were allowed to come into direct contacts Sumatra. Under such circumstances, the with local residents in the course of their duties. Parmalim movement also began to reconsider In turn, raja ihutan, raja padua, and kepala the place of the Batak people in the new kampong, who had played an important role as situation. mediators between local people and the Dutch, Despite the fact that the Parmalim were placed under the assistant district chief and movement continued after Somalaing’s arrest, became mere functionaries of the colonial either German missionaries or Modigliani would government. not come to Parmalims’ aid, and people began to The intensification of colonial rule caused harbour doubts about what Somalaing preached. various distortions in Tapanuli. Up to the end of Then around 1898, another man appeared who the nineteenth century at least, the Dutch began to attract people by claiming that the authorities had attracted the Batak chiefs and colonization of the Batak people by the Dutch datu by appointing them as colonial chiefs or was a punishment in retribution for sins the church elders. However, the more the traditional Batak had against their high god, Debata patronage networks became disrupted by the Mulajadi Na Bolon.17 This man, by the name of new district administration, the more colonial Si Jaga Simatupang, was a goldsmith. His home obligations became a real burden on the people village, Untemungkur, had been under Dutch who could not understand the justification for influence since 1878 after the first unsuccessful those obligations. Also the Christian offensive waged by Si Sinaga Mangaraja against missionaries who had recommended to the the Dutch and where Christian missionaries had colonial authorities the appointment of the Batak been active since the beginning of the 1880s. chiefs they had converted to Christianity as Since gold was one of the main media of colonial chiefs found difficulties in keeping the exchange, goldsmiths often became small-scale people religiously interested because of the bankers and providers of credit. However, this changing policy of the colonial government. The type of credit business declined dramatically due Batak Christians began to feel inequities arising to the development of church funds which were between them and German missionaries in the

17 W. N. Hoetagaloeng, Testimony of Gayus Hutahaean, (Pangururan, 2 Feb. 1922), in V. E. Korn Collection, no. 15 M. Joustra, Batakspiegel, 2nd ed., (Leiden, 1926), pp. 454, and Bonifacius (de mantripolitie) to Controleur of 259-263. Toba, (Balige, 10 May 1929), in V. E. Korn Collection, 16 M. Joustra, Kroniek 1913-1917, (Leiden, 1918), p. 14. no.454.

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loaned at lower interest. Si Jaga’s situation was relationship with God is the main theme of the quite similar to that of Somalaing, who was Old Testament. dissatisfied with the new regime while realizing His interpretation continued: Ham, who that European power had become dominant. had not helped his drunken father, Noah, had He had become a follower of Somalaing, been the most sinful, so that his descendents has but like others, he found the movement unable been destined to be subordinate to the to fulfil his expectations. Then one day, by his descendents of Shem and Japheth. The own account, Debata Mulajadi Na Bolon descendents of Japheth and Shem both must appeared to him in a dream and revealed a new have been blessed by God, but Si Jaga reasoned, belief called ugamo malim (pure religion).18 Japheth’s descendents must have been less Despite using Somalaing’s term, malim, Si sinful throughout history because Westerners Jaga’s revelation came not from Jehova but from had the most prestige now, while the Batak who the Toba indigenous god, who, according to the were supposed to be descendents of Shem were traditional belief, had created and continues to under their rule. create the world, as well as ruling over the In order that the Batak expiate their sins, destiny of human beings.19 and by that means become independent from the In order to revive the belief in Debata rule of the Sibontarmata, Si Jaga was given the Mulajadi Na Bolon, Si Jaga introduced the order from Debata Mulajadi Na Bolon to preach concept of sin, dosa, a term frequently used a new set of commandments. They were:21 among Indonesian Christians. He perceived that Praise God (Debata Mulajadi Na Bolon). Pay Christians thought of “sins”committed against respect to Raja. Love all human beings. Work God as a key to explain human history, and diligently. Do not commit adultery, do not steal adopted this notion in his attempt to clarify the and do not kill people. Never mock the humble. present situation involving not only of the Batak Never mislead the blind. Establish funds (uang but also of other peoples. He began by ayuran) for the life of the poor. Do not charge developing the Toba tradition that a flag interest in money or rice. Do not eat pork, dog symbolized the whole world, arguing that the meat or drink blood. Dutch tricolour (red, white, dark-blue) Although some prescriptions, such as those represented the three groups of the world’s against adultery, stealing, and partaking of pork, people. In order to explain each of these groups, dog meat or blood, were traditional virtues and he turned to the Old Testament in an attempt to were shared by Somalaing and his followers, discover a key to explaining the place of the others appeared to owe more to the Ten Batak in the modern world. According to his Commandments and the Christian gospel of own interpretation, the red was the colour of the love, since Toba Batak moral principles had up descendents of Shem (the eldest son of Noah), until that time never included such injunctions including Jews, Chinese, Japanese, Malays, as to love all human beings, never mock the Javanese and Batak. The white was the colour of humble, and never mislead the blind. Traditional descendents of Ham – the Indians. The dark- ideas placed little emphasis on benevolence blue (black, according to Si Jaga) was the colour towards the weaker members of society.22 of the descendents of the youngest son, Japheth However, according to Si Jaga, the less endowed – Westerners (Sibontarmata).20 This suffering from their destiny were more likely to arrangement made the Batak people fellow realize that they had sinned against Debata descendents of Shem with the Jews whose Mulajadi Na Bolon. He stated, “sins of ten years will be forgiven to anyone who had confessed all sins”, and “even if someone is a raja and

18 holy, his soul would surely go to hell if he Hoetagaloeng, Testimony of Gayus Hutahaean, and D. commits a sin. But even if he is humble in this W. N. de Boer, “De Permalimsekten van Oeloean, Toba en Habinsaran”, Tijdschrift voor het Binnenlansch Bestuur, world, he would surely gain welfare and later his vol. 48, (1915), p. 184. 19 Ph. O. L. Tobing, The Structure of the Toba-Batak Belief in the High God, (Amsterdam, 1963), and A. B. Sinaga, 21 Hoetagaloeng, Testimony of Gayus Hutahaean. The Toba-Batak High God: Transcendence and 22 J. C. Vergouwen, The Social Organisation and Immanence, (St. Augustin, 1981). Customary Law of the Toba-Batak of Northern Sumatra, 20 Ibid., pp. 192-193. (The Hague, 1964), p. 132.

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soul would gain a new shape if he observes the persons were being regarded as candidates for a commandment and the law of God”. 23 Si Jaga new Si Singa Mangaraja. After the Dutch found adopted the name Na Siak Bagi, (He Who that Si Jaga was one of them, the colonial Suffers Misfortune), the one who was most authorities arrested him in 1910.27 likely to realize sins against Debat Mulajadi Na However, the arrest of Na Siak Bagi Bolon. merely worked to intensify followers’ doubt By clarifying the place of the Batak people about the Dutch activities. Na Siak Bagi who in the larger scale context of the modern world preached to expiate sins against God, did not and preaching the establishment of funds for the promote protest against the Dutch. The Dutch poor, Na Siak Bagi found followers in Toba and interference with the movement caused his Simalungun. Those followers ranged from followers to consider that the Dutch was highly former followers of Somalaing to Batak worried about Si Jaga’s movement because he in Chiristians who became dissatisfied with due course might have a proper access to the German missionaries and Batak chiefs who were will of God.28 Consequently followers rather willing to establish funds. The Dutch reconfirmed their belief and began to be more government at first did not pay much attention dubious of the legitimacy of the Dutch rule. to his movement because it did not manifest any Those who took over the leadership of the anti-colonial idea.24 However, although Na Siak Parmalim movement after the arrest of Na Siak Bagi did not explicitly preach anti-colonialism, Bagi included Mulia Naipospos, an ex-church Batak people would gradually begin to hope that elder, and Gayus Hutahaean, an ex-school he would deliver them from colonial rule. teaching assistant. Mulia Naipospos who had been parbaringin (sacrificial priest) appointed 3. The Death of Si Singa Mangaraja XII by Si Singa Mangaraja, converted himself to and the Development of Na Siak Bagi’s Christianity in the 1890s. He was appointed Parmalim Movement church elder in the parish of Laguboti.29 At the turn of the century when the Dutch However, after his conversion, he experienced decided to intensify their colonial rule over the loss of his two children and mother. north Sumatra, Si Singa Mangaraja XII was Habolonan (having a large family) was one of killed by the colonial army in 1907. His corpse the most highly valued virtues among the Toba was displayed in the public at Balige and later at Batak and one of the main reasons why German Silindung before being buried, in order to missionaries attracted the Batak people was that impress upon the people the establishment of the the Christian churches had contributed to Dutch colonial regime.25 decreasing the death rate among them by According to the Batak traditional belief, introducing modern medical treatment. Also the sahala of the dead Si Singa Mangaraja Mulia had been dissatisfied with the shifted to the next Si Singa Mangaraja. Those administration of church funds by German who would not accept the idea that the harajaon missionaries. Mulia was therefore attracted by Si Singa Mangaraja had been destroyed, Na Siak Bagi’s doctrine that Batak people must believed that the sahala of Ompu Pulo Batu be conscious of sins against Debata Mulajadi Na moved to the next Si Singa Mangaraja. The Bolon and his preaching of the establishment of colonial governemnt began to worry about funds for the poor. rumours of the reappearance of Si Singa Gayus, on the other hand, had been Mangaraja after the death of Ompu Pulo Batu. working for missionary school at Laguboti. He The Dutch disinterred the corpse to reconfirm had been dissatisfied with the church hierarchy the death of Si Singa Mangaraja XII.26 The in which German missionaries placed colonial authorities then noticed that other themselves above Batak Christians and also that

23 Hoetagaloeng, Testimony of Gayus Hutahaean. 27 Kort-Verslag der residentie Tap. over de maand Nov. 24 Koloniaal Verslag, (1902), p. 65. 1910, mailrapport 110/1911, in Verbaal 29/5/1911/36. 25 Sidjabat Ahu Si Singamangaraja, pp. 299-304. 28 The colonial authorities decided to banish Si Jaga from 26 Controleur of Silindung, “Si Singa Mangaradja (S. S. M. the Batak area. However, he escaped from the prison at ) – Belangrijke feiten uit zijn leven in verband gebracht Tarutung and he never made his appearance again. De met de pacificatie de Bataklanden”, (Tarutung, 2 March Boer, “De Permalimsekten”, vol. 48, (1915), p. 194. 1940), ag. no. 7144/1940. 29 Hoetahaloeng, Testimony of Gayus Hutahaean.

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the church funds were being lent with interest, encouraging Toba Batak people to migrate to although the Bible prohibited such a practice.30 Simalungun in the residency of East Coast of When he first heard the doctrine of Parmalim Sumatra in order to develop agricultural from Mulia Naipospos, he thought that it was activities there in exchange for non-imposition consistent with the teaching of the Bible.31 of corvée labour.34 Going out of the Toba Batak In order to revive belief in Debata Mulajadi region, they had contact with other Indonesians Na Bolon, Mulia and Gayus petitioned the of Malay, Minangkabau and other Batak peoples colonial authorities to allow the performance of of Simalungun and Mandailing. Such inter- traditional Batak religious ceremonies in which ethnic contact induced these Toba Batak people buffaloes, hens and cocks were sacrificed to that not only to reassess the place of the Batak god. The colonial government had prohibited the people under colonial regime but also Batak people to hold such traditional sacrificial occasionally to give rise to friction with other ceremonies by the request of the German Indonesian peoples. The plantation companies missionaries.32 Gayus, however, did not agree operating in East Coast of Sumatra were under with such a prohibition, because there were the jurisdiction of the Malay principalities, many descriptions of sacrificial ceremonies in which had been granted political autonomy over the Bible. The Dutch then allowed Parmalims to their territory by the Dutch. These Malay hold their religious ceremonies in the traditional principalities generally offered better treatment style because the colonial authorities did not for Malay and Minangkabau peoples whom find any explicit anti-Dutch element in their those Malay rulers had had firm ties with.35 belief. Also, Simalungun Batak tended to react to the However, this permission was a shock to rapid Toba Batak immigration by looking down the Christian missionaries. One of the German them as kasar (coarse).36 Furthermore, the missionaries asked Gayus why Parmalims Mandailing migrants in East Coast of Sumatra revered for Si Singa Mangaraja who had who were mostly Muslims, preferred to call protested against Christian activities. Gayus themselves “Malay”to avoid the Batak stigma.37 again referring to the description on Moses in On the other hand, young Toba Batak were the Old Trestament replied that the Batak given the opportunity to come in contact with revered for Si Singa Mnagaraja as a Islam and nationalism in colonial urban towns. representative of Debata Mulajadi Nabolon as The Sarekat Islam (Islamic Association), which the Jews revered Moses as such.33 Gayus, who was established in Java in 1912 as a movement had been a Christian since childhood, had little promoting the spiritual and commercial knowledge about Batak traditional religious development of indigenous Muslims, started to ceremonies and Si Singa Mangaraja. He justified establish its branches in north Sumatra from traditional sacrificial ceremonies and their holy about 1915. Under such circumstances, some king in Christian terms under the new colonial Toba Batak, who had learned esoteric arts from situation. Islamic leaders of the Sarekat Islam, endeavoured to revive beliefs in Debata 4. The Revival of Reverence for Si Singa Mangaraja XII The Parmalims were not the only Toba 34 J. Tideman, Simeloengoen: Het land der Timoer-Bataks Batak group that endeavoured to revive beliefs in zijn vroegere isolatie en zijn ontwikkeling tot een deel van het cultuurgebied van de Oostkust van Sumatra, in Debata Mulajadi Na Bolon and Si Singa (Leiden, 1922), pp. 185-195. Mangaraja during the 1910s. 35 A. J. S. Reid, The Blood of the People: Revolution and During that time colonial public works and the End of Traditional Rule in Northern Sumatra, (Kuala plantation companies in north Sumatra were Lumpur, Oxford, New York and Melbourne, 1979), pp. 47- offering job opportunities to Toba Batak young 53. 36 G. L. Tichelman, “Locaal patriotisme in het Timoer- men, and the colonial government was Bataksch gebied ter Sum. Oostkust”, De Indische Gids, vol. 59, (1937), p. 508. 37 J. Keuning, “Toba-Bataks en Mandailing-Bataks”, 30 De Boer, “Permalimsekten”, vol. 48, (1915), p. 191. Indonesië, vol. 7, (1953-54), pp. 171-172, and L. Castles, 31 Hoetagaloeng, Testimony of Gayus Hutahaean. “The Political Life of a Sumatran Residency: Tapanuli 32 Vergouwen, Social Organisation, p. 102. 1915-1940”, (Ph. D. dissertation submitted to Yale 33 Hoetagaloeng, Testimony of Gayus Hutahaean. University, 1972), pp. 171-201.

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Mulajadi Na Bolon and Si Singa Mangaraja Adventist. He returned to Toba in 1921 as Si utilizing Islamic ideas. The movement led by Jaga’s successor. His return stimulated the those Batak was called Parhudamdam and it movement and intensified its hopes for the attracted hundreds of young followers in Toba, reappearance of Si Singa Mangaraja. Hermanus Karo and Simalungun in 1915-17. Its adherents and Gayus preached that the harajaon Si Singa claimed that through new ways of worshipping Mangaraja would soon be restored, so Parmalim Debata Mulajadi Na Bolon and Si Singa followers did not need to fulfill the colonial Mangaraja, one could achieve invulnerability.38 duties.41 The Dutch authorities intervened in the Those who were convinced of being movement and arrested Hermanus and Gayus in invulnerable occasionally confronted the 1923. colonial army. Their protests were, however, During various endeavours to revive Si suppressed by the colonial authorities and the Singa Mangaraja made among the Toba Batak, movement collapsed by 1920. the figure of Si Singa Mangaraja XII who had Another example is Hatopan Kristen Batak fought against the Dutch came to be (Batak Christian Association) established in reappreciated among them. After the death of 1917 in order to promote harmony among Batak Ompu Pulo Batu, people began to look to his Christians and to advance the Batak people. The sons with similar respect. During the time when Association in 1918 began to oppose to the entry the Parhudamdam movement was flourishing in of plantation companies to Tapanuli. The leader Toba, Mulia Naipospos paid visits to Ompu of the Association, H. Manullang, complained to Pulo Batu’s family who was interned at Pearaja the Dutch Governor General at Bogor by the colonial government.42 The Dutch (Buitenzorg) and the plantation plan was authorities were so worried about the spread of cancelled.39 At meetings held by the rumours of the reappearance of Si Singa Association, traditional Batak music and Mangaraja that they decided to send three sons dancing were performed, and participants of Ompu Pulo Batu off to Java in 1916 and the affirmed that the sahala of Si Singa Mangaraja other two sons in 1918. However, these moves was now restored in H. Manullang.40 H. did nothing to lessen the reverence held among Manullang was also a member of Insulinde, the people for the sons of Si Singa Mangaraja which was reestablished after the Indische Partij XII. Whenever his eldest son, Buntal, returned (Indies Party) that advocated racial equality, to Toba for temporary visit, thousands of Toba socio-economic justice and ultimate people came to him to pay their regards. Mulia independence was dissolved. To the Toba Batak, began to hope that Buntal would become the Indonesian nationalism became a very important next Si Singa Mangaraja under the colonial ingredient in coping with the friction they were regime. In 1927, he petitioned the Dutch experiencing with neighbouring peoples. authorities to return Buntal to Toba to assume Under such circumstances, Si Singa his rightful place among the Toba Batak as Si Mangaraja who had been a mediator between Singa Mangaraja.43 Parmalims ardently the Toba Batak and Malay rulers and who had expected for the reappearance of Si Singa been revered among other Simalungun, Karo Mangaraja. and Dairi peoples, became a highly important After severely suppressing the nationalistic ethnic symbol among the Toba Batak. movements by the Indonesian Communist Party After Si Jaga’s retirement from the and the Indonesian Nationalist Party, the Dutch movement, Parmalims began to expect government decided on more leniency Hermanus, Si Jaga’s son-in-law, to lead their concerning the revival of local traditional movement. Hermanus had been a follower of Na

Siak Bagi and then moved to Singapore, where 41 he became an assistant to Seventh Day Kort-Verslag van de Res. Tap. over de maand Maart 1923, mailrapport 1776/1923, in Verbaal 19/11/1923/21. 42 Assistent Resident of Bataklanden, “Nota behoorende by 38 M. Hirosue, “Prophets and Followers”, pp. 292-357, and de hoofdstuk ‘Politieke toestand’ van het Kort-verslag der G. L. Tichelman, “De Parhoedamdam-Beweging”, afdeeling Bataklanden over de maand September 1917”, Mededeelingen van de Vereeniging van Gezaghebbers der mailrapport 2317/1917, in Verbaal 12/8/1918/66. Binnenlandsch Bestuur, vol. 45, (1937), pp. 29-33. 43 Raja Manangar to Gouverneur of Oostkust van Sumatra, 39 Castles, “Political Life”, pp.156-161. (Huta Tinggi, Laguboti, 2 Feb. 1927), in V. E. Korn 40 F. C. Vorstman, “Resumé”, mailrapport 2269/1921. Collection, no. 441.

121 Masashi Hirosue The Parmalim Movement and Its Relations to Sisingamangaraja XII: …

institutions and power symbols as long as they colonial sentiment developed among the people, did not disturb the colonial order. The Dutch these dissolving traditions became their symbols authorities allowed the return of the four sons of of anti-colonial movements. Ompu Pulo Batu to Toba by the decision of the The research to date which has interpreted Governor General on 21 July 1930.44 Buntal the adherents of such religious movements as then came back to Tapanuli in 1933 and was people who stuck to their traditional beliefs and appointed as an official attached to the Dutch who had no other choice than to resort to assistant resident in Tarutung in 1934. millenarian expectations to change their Howcever, the Dutch government would not circumstances needs to be reconsidered. Such allow Buntal to become Si Singa Mangaraja messianic movements arose during the colonial because the restoration of Si Singa Mangaraja era when nationalistic movements were would give rise to new anti-colonial sentiments organizing around those religious followers and among the Batak people. also after the independence of Indonesia.45 The Parmalims, nevertheless, did not When we consider the social circumstances abandon their belief that the harajaon Si Singa facing the members of the religious movements, Mangaraja would be restored in due course after what they were advocating suggests us very the Batak expiated sins against Debata Mulajadi interesting perspectives about how to understand Na Bolon. The Parmalim movement continued the relationships between religious and other to the present day. Among them, the figure of political and social movements. Ompu Pulo Batu, the late Si Singa Mangaraja XII, was revived as their holy king. Today Parmalims claim that it was Si Singa Mangaraja XII who ordered Si Jaga to preach the ugamo malim to the Batak people.

Conclusion Studies on the history of Southeast Asia have spent much energy on the anti-colonial movements that gave rise to independent nation states in the region. With regard to anti-colonial religious movements that looked for the revival of their traditional power symbols, those studies have generally referred to them as pre- nationalistic in character or as movements whose adherents had no other political channel in order to change their situations. In this paper, I have to the contrary attempted to show the dynamism within such messianic movements that adopted both new beliefs and political ideas. At the earlier stages of the colonial rule, people endeavoured to gain access to the new source of power through traditional means. When this new source of power did not fulfill their expectations and colonial rule was further intensified, people began to reconsider the dissolving traditions giving them renewed meanings. As anti–

44 Politieke politioneel verslag over het derde kwartaal 1930, res. Tap., mailrapport 1240/1930. The remaining son of Si Singa Mangaraja XII, David Pangkilim, was 45 See for instance, Raharjo Suwandi, A Quest for Justice: considered to be “insane”and was kept in a mental hospital The Millenary Aspirations of a Contemporary Javanese in Bogor. Wali, (Leiden, 2000).

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