School choice in South Africa 33

School Choice and Inequalities In Post-Apartheid South Africa

Bekisizwe S. Ndimande The University of Texas at San Antonio

Abstract This paper examines the consequences of the new policies of school choice in post-apartheid South Africa and the reasons they have largely failed to achieve greater educational equality – their stated purpose. I argue that the dominant reason for this lies in the continuing inadequate resources of many poor schools and the failure to address them. It draws on the perspectives of parents whose children attend schools in poor neighborhoods, known as the townships. I argue that the resource situation in these schools directly contributes to poverty in their children’s lives; further, the issue of resources is inextricably connected to the larger neoliberal agenda of privatization and markets that has influenced social policy in post- apartheid South Africa. Neoliberalism in education has encouraged school choice as a way to desegregate schools and reform education. I conclude that instead it has continued the marginalization of Black children in township schools, and adversely affects their future by limiting their educational opportunities and their right to quality education.

Keywords Neoliberalism, post-apartheid South Africa, school choice, township schools, educational equality, educational opportunity, privatization

Introduction the color of their skin. I am mindful of the The purpose of this paper is to examine how the various conceptions of what may constitute lack of resources in township schools fails to urban schools in the U.S. (see Milner, 2012). My redress the historical marginalization of children definition of township schools in South Africa is who attend these schools and makes it likely that consistent with Milner’s characterization of these children will remain in poverty. In the urban schools in the US: that of a deep South African context, township schools are an connection with the large population of equivalent of urban schools in the U.S. However, communities that share similar socio-economic they not are necessarily in large metropolitan and political contexts (Milner, 2012). cities as in the U.S. They are schools in large I argue that inequalities of resources Black urban areas and were grossly underserved ______and segregated by apartheid. They were greatly Corresponding Author: Bekisizwe S. Ndimande, College of Education and Human underfunded and their students were not given Development, The University of Texas at San Antonio, One opportunities for quality education because of UTSA Circle, San Antonio, TX 78249 Email: [email protected]

Global Education Review is a publication of The School of Education at Mercy College, New York. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 Unported License, permitting all non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Citation: Ndimande, Bekisizwe, S. (2016). School choice and inequalities in post-apartheid South Africa. Global Education Review, 3 (2). 33-49 34 Global Education Review 3(2) among schools in post-apartheid South Africa and semi-rural areas were forcefully relocated to are related to the neoliberal policies adopted in settlements known as the Bantustans, which the nation; primarily policies that promote were arid areas where no industrial or economic school choice as opposed to addressing issues of activity took place. On the other, Black resources in public schools. First, I discuss a communities in cities and suburban areas such brief history of education under apartheid, as Sophiatown in Johannesburg and District Six showing how it perpetuated poverty among in Cape Town, were also forcefully removed and Black communities, including its youth. Second, relocated in areas that became known as the I draw on data from my previous research of townships. Townships were state-controlled school choices of Black parents that examines areas on the periphery of the cities. Describing their perspectives about the conditions and the rationale for this forceful removal and experiences of their children, who attend schools relocation, Lodge (1983) stated that that lack adequate resources. They provide clear “Johannesburg was proclaimed under the Urban illustrations of how the lack of resources in Black Areas Act: this meant residential areas were to schools impedes educational opportunities for be segregated and blacks (sic) living in most Black children. Lastly, I situate these predominantly ’white‘ (sic) areas were to be findings within the school choice policies of rehoused” (p.93.) Seidman (1994) wrote the post-apartheid South Africa and show how these following about the creation of townships in have contributed to the perpetuation of poverty. South Africa:

By the 1960s, new black townships Manufactured Social Inequalities had been created on the edges of even It would be difficult to discuss school choice in small South African cities: whites lived South Africa without contextualizing it in the near the city center; blacks lived on the apartheid education system that spanned many edges, often near the industrial sites where decades. Apartheid was a hegemonic they were expected to work (p.235). government system designed to enforce racial segregation and the institutionalization of White While this was the apartheid strategy for supremacy (Biko, 2002; Lodge, 1983; Marks & political control and oppression of Black Trapido, 1987; Mothlabi, 1985). It legislated and communities, it was also for economic control. enforced racial categories - Blacks, Coloured, As described by Lodge (1983), “The Group Areas Indians, and Whites - which were also stratified Act extended residential and occupational in terms of relations to the social structure. This segregation and threatened in particular those racial classification guaranteed that White [non-Whites] who owned property or operated supremacy and privilege were maintained, while business in a ‘white’ (sic) area,” p.42. Thus the Blacks, Indians, and Coloured people were forced removal of hundreds of Black families treated as second-class citizens. This was the from economically thriving areas was one of the major factor that created and reproduced deep- manufactured poverty crises in Black seated social inequalities among communities. communities that the country would witness for One of the laws that (re)produced resource many years to come. inequalities in township schools was the Group Under apartheid, education played a Areas Act of 1952. This Act enforced the major role in creating social inequalities and residential segregation plan of apartheid. On one poverty in Black communities. Hendrik Frensch hand, the majority of Black communities in rural Verwoerd, Minister of Native Affairs in 1950 and School choice in South Africa 35

Prime Minister in 1958, introduced the Bantu Like the segregated and inferior Education bill in the White-only parliament. schooling before it, the new system was Verwoerd believed that Black people should be intended to prepare Black children for subjugated through education to support the subordinate positions that awaited them apartheid ideology. In analyzing Bantu in such a way that they were appropriately Education, Christie and Collins (1984) assert equipped with limited skills as well as that this system of education was by far the most ready to resign themselves to their repressive education system South Africa has exploitation. (p. 94) ever experienced: Through both explicit and hidden [It] stipulated that all black schools curricula, Black students and teachers were would have to be registered with the coerced to become docile supporters and government, and that registration would transmitters of the state ideology of social be at the discretion of the Minister. This inequality (Kallaway, 1984; Nkomo, 1990). For measure enabled the government to close instance, Nkomo argued that Bantu Education’s any educational programmes which did aim was “to socialize black students so that they not support its aims…The Act gave wide can accept the social relations of apartheid as powers to the Minister of Bantu natural. That is, to accept the supposed Education, including control over superiority of whites and their own ‘inferiority’” teachers, syllabuses [syllabi], and any (p. 2). This was an Ideological State Apparatus other matter relating to the establishment, (Althusser, 1971) used to produce hardship and maintenance, management and control poverty amongst the marginalized communities. over government Bantu schools. (p. 171) It is no surprise that Black students had a disproportionately high dropout rate during this Christie and Collins (1984) further time. According to Hartshorne (1992), in 1988 explained that, by 1959, virtually all Black alone, 307,000 Black students left school, schools (except for the few Catholic schools) had having gone no further than grade four, and been brought under the central control of the approximately 440,000 did not study beyond Native Affairs Department and operated in grade seven. accordance to the laws of Bantu Education. These educational inequalities had a huge While the implementation of Bantu impact on the economic and social lives of these Education was mainly ideological, it was also children, including the lingering poverty they economic. It systematically created social endured during their adulthood. In the next inequalities and poverty among the oppressed section I discuss the education policy changes because it was designed to restructure the during South Africa’s transition from apartheid conditions of social reproduction of the Black to democracy. I argue that although the new working-class, stabilizing a Black, urban under- democratically elected government had good class of semi-skilled laborers in growing intentions in their education reform policies, the industrial cities (Fleisch, 2002). In fact, school choice policy has unintentionally Kallaway (1984) argued that Bantu Education perpetuated educational inequalities among was aimed at shrinking the minds of Black poor Black communities, whose children attend children by denying them intellectual township schools. School choice, therefore, has challenges: obscured the crucial need for the government to 36 Global Education Review 3(2) address the challenges of inadequate resources Amsterdam 2006; Moll 2000; Motala, 2006) in schools that serve communities who were have argued that equal public funding of all historically marginalized. schools does not necessarily correlate with equity in resources. Even with the government’s Policy Changes in Post-Apartheid recent “pro-poor” funding policy, (Jansen & South Africa Amsterdam, 2006; Sayed & Motala, 2009), inequalities in resources between formerly The post-apartheid government adopted a White-only schools and township schools democratic Constitution (1996) the purpose of persist. which was to transform the long-standing social One may ask, why do educational resource inequalities of the nation. It instituted socio- inequalities persist when funding has increased political and economic changes, including for all schools? Ladson-Billings (2006) argued changes in education. Since education was that inequalities are not eliminated just because crucial (Nkomo, 1990; Samoff, 2001), the money has been added. She stated that the government introduced the South African deficit is so great that equalizing funding is not Schools Act (SASA) of 1996 which was meant to sufficient to make resources in schools equal. repeal all forms of discriminatory education and Clearly, as I have shown in the historical context, address the needs of schools that were put in township schools have accrued an enormous poverty by apartheid. The goal was to create a education debt which needs to be addressed if uniform and democratic school system. As resource disparities are to be eliminated or even Samoff (2001) noted: "Education had been at mitigated. the center of the anti-apartheid struggle. Its task, In the South African context, wealthy everyone agreed, was social transformation” (p. suburban schools can obtain additional local 25). While Samoff’s argument is significant, it is funding that schools in poor communities important to note Wong and Apple’s (2003) cannot (Motala, 2006). Formerly White-only reminder of the subtle state policy dynamics that schools normally charge high school fees that can counter an intended goal, no matter how White parents can afford to pay but most poor progressive the state’s intentions might be. parents cannot (Ndimande, 2006). In addition, As in many nations where policies for they can organize massive fund-raising drives, equality of education are being implemented, where wealthy parents donate funds and other new challenges soon emerged. Township school materials, such as computers, printers, schools, mostly in poor neighborhoods, that laboratory resources—including sufficient served Black children remained entirely racially money to allow a school to hire additional segregated and lacked educational resources teachers to cover areas not adequately covered (Jansen & Amsterdam, 2006; Ndimande, 2006; by the full-time teaching staff. Hence resources Vally & Dalamba, 1999). The funding issue in these schools are abundant in comparison to became problematic because the government township schools that charge low fees, and most policy to fund all public schools equally turned of their students qualify for free tuition out to be unfair and biased against historically (Ndimande, 2006). For instance, some formerly Black schools. These schools were grossly White-only schools in the Gauteng province underfunded under apartheid, while historically charged an average of R600.00 in tuition fees White schools enjoyed an abundance of compared to the R60.00 tuition fees charged in resources, and these accumulated differences township schools (Ndimande, 2005). In addition continued. Several scholars (Jansen & School choice in South Africa 37

there are non-tuition costs of participation in because of issues of financial ability or lack these suburban schools - for example, the thereof. Hence school choice has obscured the transportation costs parents have to pay for their difficulties faced by poor parents and by schools children to go to wealthy schools in the with inadequate resources. suburban areas.1 Of course, this lack of adequate resources These and other reasons have resulted in has effects on children. As Bhorat’s (2004) study public schools that historically served Black of labor market and unemployment trends in children to remain under-resourced, and as a post-apartheid South Africa shows, schools result these schools did not desegregate affected by lack of resources tend to produce (Ndimande, 2005). While the government’s pro- poor academic results, which drastically poor funding policy intended to address these diminished graduation rates. According to long-standing resource inequalities, this was Bhorat, the drop-out rate is high (47%) among limited by education policies that promoted Black South African children who attend parental school choice. Put simply, the school inadequately resourced schools. This, in turn, reform policies did not mandate the reduces their chances of entering college and desegregation of schools, nor did they focus on lessens their opportunities to enter the skilled lack of resources schools in township schools as and white collar labor market. Even more a priority. Instead, education reform policies troubling is the increasing rate of unemployment encouraged parental choice, a neoliberal policy amongst students from historically Black in education reform. Although the intention of schools. choice was to encourage desegregation, no White In the next section, I use data from my parents chose to send their children to township previous research to illustrate how inadequate schools (Vally & Dalamba, 1999). According to resources in township schools that serve Black Pampallis, (2003), approximately 28% of all children perpetuate child underperformance and South African schools were desegregated; most, poverty. I situate these inequalities within the mainly Black schools, did not desegregate. As broader neoliberal policies that promote school Pampallis (2003) stated: choice instead of fully addressing the problems in Black schools. Most of the schools that remain

uniracial are schools catering to Africans in townships, informal settlements, and Data From My Previous Research former homelands, largely because their Data from my previous research with Black paucity of resources makes them parents in the Gauteng province of South Africa unappealing” (pp.153). illustrates school choice policy in that nation.2 Historically, these parents were mandated to On the other hand, while some Black send their children to township schools. With parents could afford to participate in school the new political changes, these parents were choice, there are many who are unable to do so now given options to choose their children’s because of their material conditions. Neoliberal school. The purpose of the study was to examine policies in education focus on consumer choice the parents’ perspectives about school choice and competition among individuals and schools policies and the reasons for their choice. Most of (Lubienski, 2003). Such policies pay little the parents I interviewed endorsed school choice attention to questions of equal opportunity of policies, because they wanted their children to parents to choose or of schools to compete access schools with better resources so they 38 Global Education Review 3(2) could succeed in education. They believed that their future. This was the overarching reason for the success of their children in education would working class township parents to wish to help them escape the poverty of the township. participate in school choice. For this review, the data I use here come from working class Black parents who told me they School Choice and Black Parents wished to participate in school choice but they who live in the Townships were not able to do so because of their financial The majority of the parents who live in the situation. townships that I interviewed did not participate Gauteng province is one of the nine in school choice because of their adverse provinces of South Africa. South Africa has a material conditions. Transferring their children population of approximately 51.8 million, and to formerly White-only schools in suburban Gauteng is the most populous province, with areas costs money, which most of these parents 12.3 million people (Statistics South Africa, cannot afford to pay. As I discussed in the 2011). It is one of the most ethnically and beginning of this article, the socio-economic linguistically diverse provinces; it has mining conditions in the townships are characterized by and manufacturing industries and is a leading social and economic disparities and hardships. commercial and business center in South Africa Recently, there has been increasing (Statistics South Africa, 2011).3 In fact, in South unemployment and the first communities to be Africa there is great economic disparity between affected were the townships (Statistics South Black and White communities. According to Africa, 2014). This phenomenon, of course, is Statistics South Africa (2014), poverty among connected to the fact that township schools Black communities was at 40.3% compared to cannot provide quality education so that the 0.4 among White communities. children can have a chance for social mobility. I interviewed a representative sample of Of the township parents I interviewed, parents with diverse socioeconomic, ethnic and very few were employed, and very few were in linguistic backgrounds. I interviewed Black professional careers. The parents’ household parents who participated in school choice and income was minimal. The majority of those those who did not; upper middle class Black employed worked in factories and/or as parents who lived in the suburban areas and domestic servants for White families in the those, mostly working-class, who lived in the suburban areas. In addition, the high townships. The sample of parents included a unemployment rate meant most parents could range of educational backgrounds, for example, not afford to buy an automobile. Only thirty there were parents who did go to college and three percent of the participants in this group parents who did not. owned automobiles, which in itself is a measure The overall findings showed that parent’ of their low socio-economic status.4 Overall, choices about their children’s education and parents in this group represented the typical views of public schools are complex. The township socio-economic situation, which is findings showed that the issue of insufficient characterized by overwhelmingly poor living resources in township school is an undeniable conditions, including a high unemployment rate, reality and is precisely the reason that all at 48%, and a low educational attainment of only parents wished to engage in school choice for the 20% with high school diploma. sake of a better education for their children and

School choice in South Africa 39

Table 1

Type of Employment Number Percentage Other Teacher 18% 15% Teacher 6 15.38%

Factory Worker 4 10.26% Factory Worker 10% Domestic Worker 3 7.69%

Unemployment 19 48.72%

Other 7 17.95% Domestic Worker Unemploye 8% d TOTAL 39 100.00% 49% Table 1. Employment of township parents interviewed.

Table 2

Educational Level Number Percentage University Teacher Elementary Degree Training Education 3% Diploma University Degree 1 2.56% 31% 5%

High School Teacher Training Diploma 2 5.13% Diploma 20% High School Diploma 8 20.51%

Secondary Education 16 41.03% Secondary Elementary Education 12 30.77% Education 41% Total 39 100.00%

Table 2. Educational attainment of township parents interviewed.

Table 3

Car Owners Number Percentage Own Car 33% Own Car 13 33.33% No Car No Car 26 66.67% 67% Total 39 100.00%

Table 3. Car ownership among township parents interviewed.

School choice in South Africa 40

Here is a representative sample of the job when most companies left South Africa just most important things they said. before independence in 1994. He said: Mama Nontokozo,5 was born in the Yes, we wish we could send our township and has three children enrolled in a children to formerly White-only schools township school. She said she was not able to too, but only if we can get jobs and the engage in school choice because of her financial money. constraints. She complained about the problem Mama Vuyisile agrees. She is one of the of resources in township schools: few parents who is employed but says her salary We [in township schools] don’t have is so meager that she cannot afford the cost of resources--we don’t have computers. We transferring her children to schools outside the need resources so that we don’t have to township: wish to send our children to formerly It is the same with me, I agree with White-only schools. this brother here, my neighbor. The Mama Tsidi, who also has 2 children who expenses of sending children to formerly attend township schools, said: White-only schools are too high for people [One] thing that I noticed is the lack like us who get less than R2000 a month.7 of a feeding scheme [in our township We don’t have the [financial] power to do schools]. [I know that] children study well that. We could be happy if they [the on a full stomach and they get motivated government] can devise plans so that we, to go to school because they know they too, could send our children to formerly will get food, too…There are no such White-only schools. facilities for feeding schemes in township Mama Nandi, like most of her neighbors, schools.6 is unemployed. She echoes others: Mama Sindiswa said: I would like to send my children to There is no transportation for formerly White-only schools, but I don’t children who live far from schools, have the money, I am especially in bad weather. [Because of the unemployed…Formerly White-only lack of transportation] small children schools have a much-improved education may be subjected to abuse, especially [because of resources]; it is just the those who live in far-away sections [of the money problem on my part. Otherwise I township]. would transfer my children to formerly Some parents said they could not White-only schools. … [These] schools are participate in school choice. Mama Zodwa, an very expensive…There is no work and no unemployed working class mother, is one of money…[the] economy is bad…[Even] if I them. This is what she said: had money for school fees [meaning We do not have money to afford tuition], I wouldn’t be able to afford formerly White-only schools. We are money for transportation. unemployed, that’s the reason we do not Mama Monki, who is employed at a local send our children to formerly White-only grocery store where she earns a meager salary to schools in the suburban areas. supplement her husband’s income, said: Baba Dube, one of the few fathers in the I don’t like the school where my child interviews, has 3 children and has been is currently enrolled—a township school. unemployed for many years. He said he lost his It is just because I don’t have the money to School choice in South Africa 41

send my son to a formerly White-only transfer children to formerly White-only school. schools. When I asked parents if somebody were to give them money, would they consider sending Discussion their children to formerly White-only schools, It is clear from the statements of the parents that Mama Sego said: a major issue that impedes the education of their “We would be very happy if we can children is the lack of sufficient resources in get the money to send our children to Black schools. Their narratives help us to see the formerly White-only schools. I would contradictions in policies that were meant to transfer my kids to a formerly White-only ameliorate education inequalities. They show school the next day.” Mama Mapule, who that school choice as a policy does not help their has been sitting quietly in the group said: children out of the inequalities and poverty that “Ohh yeah, if I had money, I would was inflicted upon them by the apartheid definitely send my children to a formerly system. School choice is a problematic neoliberal White-only school.” policy that does not address the larger and deeper problems of poverty and social However, there were also parents who, inequalities among the dispossessed groups. albeit wishing their children to go to formerly I now contextualize the parents’ narratives White-only schools if they were to get the within three inter-related neoliberal functions money, were also critical of biases in formerly that affect education reform in South Africa and White-only schools, including cultural biases. in other countries. The first context is the This what Mama Viki said: international trends in politics that influence I would like to send them [my neoliberal social policies. The second, is the role children] there, but I don’t have the of neoliberal policies in post-apartheid South money. But also I am ambivalent about Africa and the influence of school choice on sending them to formerly White-only education. In the third, I discuss the underlying schools because if you send them there, philosophies that undergird school choice they might lose [our] culture. policies and how they impede democratic Some parents said that the uneven reforms and their effect on marginalized and resource availability between White and Black poor communities. public schools needs to be addressed. Mama

Thoko said: International Trends in Education I would like to send them there, but I Reforms am also wondering why can’t they [the To understand the South African education government] bring better education here reform policies, one must situate the discussion in the township, too”. within emerging trends in international politics. Mama Nozipho shared the same South Africa is not immune to international sentiments: contexts; some of our educational reforms and I would like township schools to curriculum policies after 1994 - for example, the match up the level of schools in town outcomes based education curriculum—were [meaning suburban areas]. Curriculum largely due to the influence of countries such the 2005 is a promise so we might level up United States, Britain, Australia, and New things. Then there won’t be any reason to Zealand (Jansen, 1999). In addition, the Department of Education relied heavily on

42 Global Education Review 3(2) overseas consultants to guide education policy working-class mass base, the emerging reforms. As Jansen (2002, p. 204) noted: Black elite, predominantly White big business and its allies, and the global The role of American William G. investment community. Like other center- Spady cannot be underestimated in left parties, the ANC [African National providing to the Department of Education Congress] has found it difficult to avoid a neat and elegant language for making the allure of the global economy, and the the consumption of OBE accessible to logic that all economic and social policy practitioners. Overseas consultants played has to be subordinated to the need to a crucial role in developing options for the attract foreign investment to build the financing of public education. The role of economy (p. 24). international consultants is particularly revealing of how international specialists Brock-Utne (2000) criticized the policies come to influence local policy. Christopher of the World Bank and the IMF in the Global Colclough and Paul Bennell were the two South.9 She argued that the Economic Structural influential finance specialists influencing Adjustment Programs (ESAP) introduced in school funding policy.8 these countries have done more harm than good. Both the WB and the IMF supported and Hence, some parts of the educational promoted the ESAP. Brock-Utne (2000) argued reforms were very much associated with and that the ESAP has been presented as a medicine influenced by the international discourses of to African countries’ problems, not as the cause economy, race, culture, gender, class, and of the problem. We [the people of poor politics. countries] are always told that the ESAP were for The economic front in South Africa is the best economic growth in African countries. associated with global economic institutions We are also told that the ESAP are intended to such as the World Bank (WB) and the enhance export growth and subsequently the International Monetary Fund (IMF), with goals growth of the entire nation. Yet it is also related to "assimilation" to the global economic important to remember that the 21st century culture, rather than policies that address local socio-economic problems of the Global South do economic problems within the local contexts. In not exist in a socio-political vacuum. They are fact, Giroux (2008) pointed to even harsher connected to the history of colonialism and realities of the impact of the WB and IMF on imperialism of the past centuries.10 other nations, particularly poor nations:

The restrictions that the IMF and Neoliberal Social Policy in Post-Apartheid World Bank impose on countries as a South Africa condition for granting loans not only A question needs to be asked: How is it possible impose capitalist values, they also that a nation like South Africa, just emerging undermine the very possibility of an from apartheid, associates itself with neoliberal inclusive and substantive democracy (p. ideologies in its reform policies? Bond (2005) 4). argued that even before the dismantling of In the South African context, Devan Pillay apartheid, the South African economic (2002) lamented the following: landscape had drastically shifted from what he referred to as a popular-nationalist, anti- The [South African] government has apartheid project, toward the global economic to please a range of interests, including its framework largely influenced by the World Bank School choice in South Africa 43

and the International Monetary Fund.11 This a growing range of tasks previously economic shift subsequently influenced the conducted by the education department or country’s social policy toward neo-liberalism not done at all. These agencies included a (Bond, 2005; Desai, 2002; Garson, 2002; variety of education NGOs…parastatal Gumede, 2005; Monbiot, 2004; Pillay, 2002). organisations such as the Human Sciences For instance, at the initial stages of the Research Council (HSRC) and the Council democratic government in 1996, post-apartheid for Scientific and Industrial Research South Africa adopted a neoliberal policy called (CSIR), a growing number of new for- Growth Employment and Redistribution profit educational consultancies, (GEAR) as the country’s economic policy. individuals operating as educational According to Gumede (2005), this policy contractors and university academics. recommended the complete privatization of They also included large multinational non-essential state owned corporations. This consultancy companies…contracts are exacerbated the economic hardship of most usually given through the process of marginalized and poor people, especially those competitive tender which treat the various living in the townships. For instance, when agencies on a more or less equal basis (p. water was privatized, the effects were soon felt 422). when the water rate was increased in the The issue of school choice and the township of Soweto (Garson, 2002; Monbiot, insufficient resources in poor schools should be 2004). Water supply was cut off for most of the viewed within this public/private nexus. residents whose bills were not paid. Although The main agenda of neoliberalism is the this economic policy was reformed in 2005 and privatization and marketing of the public sphere renamed the Accelerated and Shared Growth so that individuals must compete for their own Initiative South Africa (ASGISA), the underlying social mobility and success (Apple, 2001; Ball, tenets of neoliberalism are still its guiding Bowe, & Gewirtz, 1994; Chomsky, 1999; principles. McChesney, 1999; Lauder & Hughes, 1999; The effects of neoliberal ideology on social Whitty, Power; & Halpin, 1998). It is claimed policy were soon noticed in education as well. In individuals will be rewarded according to their an article titled “The education business: Private ability (Gillborn & Youdell, 2000) to compete in contractors in public education,” Pampallis the “free and neutral” terrain called the market. (2004) pointed to the White Paper of 1987, This theory dates back to the writings of which allowed the government to engage theorists and philosophers such as John Lock external educational agencies to undertake tasks and Adam Smith, who argued that the market previously performed by the National Education forces will bring prosperity, liberty, and Department. Although in 1987 this outsourcing democracy, if unfettered by government of government responsibility was on a small intervention (Chomski, 1999; Eitzen & Zinn, scale, the role of non-governmental agencies to 2012; Giroux, 2008). As Giroux (2008), argued, provide service in the education sector increased the neoliberal ideology allows a handful of after 1994. As John Pampallis (2004) stated: private interests to control much of the life After 1994—for reasons different to possibilities of those who are socially those put forward in the 1987 White marginalized. Neoliberalism does not consider Paper…government increasingly engaged the unequal social field of power in which this external educational agencies to undertake competition takes place. Nor does it recognize

44 Global Education Review 3(2) the historical social exclusions by which the (2005, 2006); Pampallis, (2003) in South marginalized groups have been disadvantaged. Africa; Corwin and Schneider, (2005); Lipman, In fact, McChesney (1999) argued that 2011, 2013; Lubienski, (2001; 2003); Miron, et neoliberalism across the world is opposed to al (2012) in the United States; Lauder and participatory democracy, and helps to create Hughes (1999) in the United Kingdom; Whitty, individuals who feel demoralized and socially Power, and Halpin, (1998); in England, Wales, powerless. Sweden, Australia, and New Zealand; Windle, For neoliberals, as pointed out by Apple (2013) in Australia; and Yoon (2013) in Canada. (2001), “Public institutions such as schools are While this policy is growing in many nations, it “black holes” into which money is poured—and is also criticized for its contradictions that then seemingly disappears—but which do not (re)produce education inequalities. Miron and provide anywhere near adequate results” (p.38). Welner (2012) stated the following: Such ideologies put lots of pressure on The allure of school choice is, in part, institutions supported by public funds, calling ideological. But the allure is also linked to for reductions of support for the common good. a very real problem: there exists

tremendous variation among The Politics of School Choice neighborhood schools in terms of quality Milton Friedman, an economics professor at the and resources, and access to those University of Chicago, published an influential neighborhood schools depends on wealth. essay in 1955 in which he argued that, in order to Lower wealthy families are less able to improve public education, government should purchase a residence in the catchment not be involved in the running of the schools. (enrollment) area of high resource, high Instead, the government should only provide quality neighborhood schools. Breaking funding for education and then allow private the link between residence and school agencies to run the schools. Friedman’s ideas assignment would seem a logical way of became popular and have since influenced a addressing this problem. p1. number of policy makers and some parts of government.12 Chubb and Moe (1990) have Proponents of school choice, on the other advanced similar arguments. Like Friedman, hand, argue that choice will give parents control Chubb and Moe believe that public schools could (in terms of decisions) over particular schools to be run efficiently if handed over to private the benefit of their children’s education (Chubb agencies. They argue that public schools lack & Moe, 1990). They claim that, in contrast to the strong organizational structures, which is the traditional public schools where elected result of government intervention and people in politicians have control over education policies, government who profit from public schools. For parental control in the form of market-driven the proponents of this discourse, providing schools will make the education system school choice to parents is the best way to access successful.13 This neoliberal agenda for better education, where children and parents education reform has paved the way for the can become consumers in the education market. establishment of private charter schools in the As a result of this influence, school choice U.S. (i.e., for-profit schools) and public charter is rapidly expanding as an education policy to schools (i.e., supported by public funds) to reform public schools in many nations around compete with traditional public schools the world. See, for instance, Espínola (1993) for (Sarason, 1998). school choice policies in Chile; Ndimande, School choice in South Africa 45

School choice proponents believe that a inequalities can be reproduced through such market-oriented approach will benefit schools school admission policies. and reward parents who could compete “on the level playing field” in which the choice system Conclusion should operate. This includes competition According to Chomsky (1999), “Neoliberal between schools through national testing doctrines, whatever one thinks of them, systems, national curriculum standards, and the undermine education and health, increase relaxation of certification requirements for inequality, and reduce labor’s share in income” teachers (Ball, S. J., Bowe, R.; & Gewirtz, 1994; (p.32). Statistics for South Africa (2014) reports Lauder & Hughes; McNeil, 2000; Zeichner & that the relationship between population group Ndimande, 2008). and poverty levels is strong, with more than half However, Lubienski and Ndimande (2014) (54%) of Black South Africans living in poverty. offer a counter argument. They argue that school This can [re] produce poor living conditions for choice and competition are not effective township communities. As I have shown in this remedies for the intractable social and article, such poverty-producing conditions are educational challenges in the 21st century, over exacerbated by the lack of adequate resources in which parents have little control. Lubienski and township schools. Although I am critical of the Ndimande argue that nations with a history of school choice policies that have marginalized the deep-seated institutionalized racial divisions and poor people of South Africa, I also want to point social inequalities, have seen such policies out the glimmer of hope in this new democracy. operate in both intended and unintended ways. Reversing long standing policies of racial School choice takes away the support for the discrimination that have brought poverty to common good and replaces it with competition more than half of the population is a daunting to get into better schools. Since school choice is a task. Although the school choice policy has competition, it ultimately protects the interests resulted in unintended inequalities, there are of the wealthy communities and neglects the also policies that have been successful in poor; as is evident in this context where the most ameliorating inequalities. For example, the affected schools are those that serve Black Children’s Rights Act of 2008, which has children in township schools. brought back the rights of township children and The notion that public education is bad families that were denied in the past, and private is good has been challenged. In the particularly the rights for provision (Swadener & U.S., for instance, research shows very little Ndimande, 2014). evidence that school choice or charter schools The effort to desegregate schools was a increase students’ educational outcomes, partial victory in the struggle toward equal including the positive social effects of alternative educational opportunities. But it was susceptible education. In fact, evidence shows the opposite. to subtle hegemonic tendencies. Apple reminds Lubienski and Lubienski’s (2014) study shows us (2003) that the processes of discursive and that public schools actually do better than social disarticulation and re-articulation of private and/or charter schools. Further, they power - partial victories like the desegregation of provide valid criticisms regarding the ability of public schools - can be pulled back so that their schools of choice to engineer their criteria for critical potential gets lost. The creation of the admission, which can have the effect of "common sense" around markets and individual excluding children by social class, ethnicity or success can work in retrogressive ways in which various special needs, and by poverty. Social social inequalities are (re) produced, as school

46 Global Education Review 3(2) choice seems to be producing an unintended nations who are prone to political, social, result in South Africa.14 and economic challenges, including poverty. Accessed, June 6, Notes 2015: http://www1.american.edu/academic. depts/acainst/cgs/about.html 1. I want to thank Jonathan Jansen who 10. Walter Rodney’s (1972) discussion of this brought this point to my attention. phenomenon is helpful in understanding 2. For a detailed discussion of Black parents this socio-political and economic history of and school choice in post-apartheid South the Global South. Africa, see Ndimande (2005). 11. Bond (2005) in particular, provides a 3. The (Johannesburg) Sunday Times Metro historical and insightful analysis of these newspaper (March 2, 2003) reported a economic policy changes from apartheid to massive influx of families with their children democracy, especially the introductory from other parts of the country to Gauteng chapter, Dissecting South Africa’s province in search of better economic Transition. opportunities. Most of these families settled 12. See Pauline Lipman’ (2011; 2013) s in-depth in the township areas. In spite of Gauteng account on how Chicago public schools were being the center of business and industrial shut down to open way for charter and manufacturing, the township areas where private schools Black people live experience high rates of 13. Unlike in the United States, school choice in poverty and unemployment. post-apartheid South Africa was largely a 4. See Tables 4, 5, and 6 for specific statistics. movement from poor township public school All these statistics are of self-report. to wealthy suburban schools, which I call 5. All names are pseudonyms formerly White-only public schools. Choice 6. Although, recently township schools in did not, however, preclude the movement South Africa have started to receive public from public to private schools (Independent school feeding schemes under the National Schools in South Africa) especially by White School Nutrition Program. See Weaver- parents. Hightower & Robert (2011) 14. I would like to thank Michael Parsons, for 7. The currency exchange rate between the the critical comments in this article as well US$ and the South African Rand (ZAR) is as the helpful suggestions and edits. I also approximately 1 USD=R13.97 in September thank my colleagues, Zaid Haddad and Tim 2015. Yuen, for helping me with the paper format. 8. I am very appreciative of the immense I am also grateful for the comments from the contributions by international researchers editors of Global Education Review, Mel and scholars toward the improvement of Wermuth, Ann Allen, and Marytza Gawlik. socio-economic and educational conditions

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secondary schools. Johannesburg, South Africa: Yoon, E.S. (2013). “Symbolic Domination and Imaginative South African Human Rights Commission. Disadvantage: Young People’s Phenomenology of Weaver-Hightower, M. B & Robert, S.A. (2011). School food School Choice Policy in Vancouver, Canada.” A paper politics. In Robert, S.A. & Weaver-Hightower, M. B. presented at the Impact of Privatization and (Eds.). School food politics: The complex ecology of Marketization on the Education of Disadvantaged hunger and feeding in schools around the world (pp Children” conference, held at the University of 1-21). New York: Peter Lang. Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (October 3-4). Whitty, G., Power, S., & Halpin, D. (1998). Devolution & Zeichner, K. M. & Ndimande, B. S. (2008a). Contradictions choice in education. Philadelphia: Open University and tensions in the place of teachers in educational Press. reform: Reflections on teacher preparation in the Windle, J.A. (2013). “The burdens of Marketised schooling in USA and Namibia. Teachers and Teaching: Theory Australia.” A paper presented at the Impact of and Practice. 14(4), pp. 331-343. Privatization and Marketization on the Education of Disadvantaged Children” conference, held at the About the Author University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (October Bekisizwe S. Ndimande, PhD, was educated under 3-4) apartheid education in South Africa. He is currently Wong, Ting-Hong & Apple, M. W. (2003). "Rethinking the Assistant Professor in the Department of Interdisciplinary education—State formation connection: The state, Learning and Teaching at The University of Texas at San cultural struggles, and changing the school." In M.W. Antonio. He is also a Fellow at the Forum on the Future of Apple (Ed.) The state and the politics of knowledge Public Education. Dr. Ndimande’s research interest is in the (pp. 81-107). New York: Routledge. fields of curriculum studies, educational policy, international and comparative studies, and critical multicultural education, with specific focus on South Africa.