Preventing Crime in Townships: Foundations for Economic Empowerment and Human Development1
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Economics of South African Townships: a Focus on Diepsloot
A WORLD BANK STUDY Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Economics of South African Townships Public Disclosure Authorized SPECIAL FOCUS ON DIEPSLOOT Public Disclosure Authorized Sandeep Mahajan, Editor Economics of South African Townships A WORLD BANK STUDY Economics of South African Townships Special Focus on Diepsloot Sandeep Mahajan, Editor WORLD BANK GROUP Washington, D.C. © 2014 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000; Internet: www.worldbank.org Some rights reserved 1 2 3 4 17 16 15 14 This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpreta- tions, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Nothing herein shall constitute or be considered to be a limitation upon or waiver of the privileges and immunities of The World Bank, all of which are specifically reserved. Rights and Permissions This work is available under the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 IGO license (CC BY 3.0 IGO) http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/igo. Under the Creative Commons Attribution license, you are free to copy, distribute, transmit, and adapt this work, including for commercial purposes, under the following conditions: Attribution—Please cite the work as follows: Mahajan, Sandeep, ed. -
The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N. -
THE UNITED STATES and SOUTH AFRICA in the NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This Thesis Examines Relat
ABSTRACT THE SIN OF OMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This thesis examines relations between the United States and South Africa during Richard Nixon’s first presidential administration. While South Africa was not crucial to Nixon’s foreign policy, the racially-divided nation offered the United States a stabile economic partner and ally against communism on the otherwise chaotic post-colonial African continent. Nixon strengthened relations with the white minority government by quietly lifting sanctions, increasing economic and cultural ties, and improving communications between Washington and Pretoria. However, while Nixon’s policy was shortsighted and hypocritical, the Afrikaner government remained suspicious, believing that the Nixon administration continued to interfere in South Africa’s domestic affairs despite its new policy relaxations. The Nixon administration concluded that change in South Africa could only be achieved through the Afrikaner government, and therefore ignored black South Africans. Nixon’s indifference strengthened apartheid and hindered liberation efforts, helping to delay black South African freedom for nearly two decades beyond his presidency. THE SIN OF OMMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History by Eric J. Morgan Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2003 Advisor __________________________________ (Dr. Jeffrey P. Kimball) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Allan M. Winkler) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Osaak Olumwullah) TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements . iii Prologue The Wonderful Tar Baby Story . 1 Chapter One The Unmovable Monolith . 3 Chapter Two Foresight and Folly . -
Alexandra Urban Renewal:- the All-Embracing Township Rejuvenation Programme
ALEXANDRA URBAN RENEWAL:- THE ALL-EMBRACING TOWNSHIP REJUVENATION PROGRAMME 1. Introduction and Background About the Alexandra Township The township of Alexandra is one of the densely populated black communities of South Africa reach in township culture embracing cultural diversity. This township is located about 12km (about 7.5 miles) north-east of the Johannesburg city centre and 3km (less than 2 miles) from up market suburbs of Kelvin, Wendywood and Sandton, the financial heart of Johannesburg. It borders the industrial areas of Wynberg, and is very close to the Limbro Business Park, where large parts of the city’s high-tech and service sector are based. It is also very near to Bruma Commercial Park and one of the hype shopping centres of Eastgate Shopping Centre. This township amongst the others has been the first stops for rural blacks entering the city in search for jobs, and being neighbours with the semi-industrial suburbs of Kew and Wynberg. Some 170 000 (2001 Census: 166 968) people live in this community, in an area of approximately two square kilometres. Alexandra extends over an area of 800 hectares (or 7.6 square kilometres) and it is divided by the Jukskei River. Two of the main feeder roads into Johannesburg, N3 and M1 pass through Alexandra. However, the opportunity to link Alexandra with commercial and industrial areas for some time has been low. Socially, Alexandra can be subdivided into three parts, with striking differences; Old Alexandra (west of the Jukskei River) being the poorest and most densely populated area, where housing is mainly in informal dwellings and hostels. -
Armed Response: an Unfortunate Legacy of Apartheid
Journal of Comparative Urban Law and Policy Volume 1 Issue 1 Study Space IX Cape Town, South Africa Article 12 2017 Armed Response: An Unfortunate Legacy of Apartheid Leila Lawlor Georgia State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://readingroom.law.gsu.edu/jculp Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Environmental Law Commons, Land Use Law Commons, and the Urban Studies Commons Recommended Citation Lawlor, Leila (2017) "Armed Response: An Unfortunate Legacy of Apartheid," Journal of Comparative Urban Law and Policy: Vol. 1 : Iss. 1 , Article 12. Available at: https://readingroom.law.gsu.edu/jculp/vol1/iss1/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Reading Room. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Comparative Urban Law and Policy by an authorized editor of Reading Room. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Lawlor: Armed Response ARMED RESPONSE: AN UNFORTUNATE LEGACY OF APARTHEID Leila Lawlor1 ABSTRACT After apartheid was repealed in South Africa, the country’s system of forced segregation officially ended. Vestiges of racial discrimination remain, however, including spatial segregation in housing, income inequality, and huge disparities in the government’s provisioning of basic services. The poorest of South Africa’s citizens live in peripheral communities, far from city centers and employment hubs. The poorest communities often lack safe streets and safe toilets. Whereas wealthier South Africans are able to pay private policing companies to provide armed security, those in the poorest of communities must live with regular fear of violent crime. The problem is compounded by a flawed method of allocating police resources, which has resulted in unequal distribution of government-provided security. -
The Transformation of the Lutheran Church in Namibia
W&M ScholarWorks Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 5-2009 The Transformation of the Lutheran Church in Namibia Katherine Caufield Arnold College of William and Mary Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Arnold, Katherine Caufield, "The rT ansformation of the Lutheran Church in Namibia" (2009). Undergraduate Honors Theses. Paper 251. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses/251 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Introduction Although we kept the fire alive, I well remember somebody telling me once, “We have been waiting for the coming of our Lord. But He is not coming. So we will wait forever for the liberation of Namibia.” I told him, “For sure, the Lord will come, and Namibia will be free.” -Pastor Zephania Kameeta, 1989 On June 30, 1971, risking persecution and death, the African leaders of the two largest Lutheran churches in Namibia1 issued a scathing “Open Letter” to the Prime Minister of South Africa, condemning both South Africa’s illegal occupation of Namibia and its implementation of a vicious apartheid system. It was the first time a church in Namibia had come out publicly against the South African government, and after the publication of the “Open Letter,” Anglican and Roman Catholic churches in Namibia reacted with solidarity. -
Observations on the South African Elections
A publication of ihe African Studies Program of The Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies No. 73 • June 4, 1987 Observations on the South African Elections by Heribert Adam Of the 3 million white South Africans eligible to vote in officeholders and imagery. On the contrary, Afrikaner the May 6, 1987 election, 67.97 percent cast ballots. At nationalists are seen by the majority of English-speaking stake were 166 directly elected seats in the (white) whites as the most trustworthy guardians of security. House of Assembly of the country's tricameral English support for the NP during the 1983 referendum parliament, plus 12 additional members nominated or on the new constitution was an endorsement of reform indirectly elected in proportion to the parties' electoral and power sharing; the 1987 support of the NP, on the strength. The National Party (which has held power other hand, was motivated by concern over "law and since 1948) received 52.45 percent of the total votes order." cast and 133 seats (a gain of 6 seats), the Conservative In the past, Afrikaners supported the National Party Party 26.37 percent and 23 seats (a gain of 5), and the because it was perceived as an emotional, ethnic home. Herstigte Nasionale Party 3.14 percent (but lost its one This perception tended to generate a lifelong allegiance. parliamentary seat). Thus, the status quo and The NP's new constituency of fearful English-speakers ultra-rightist parties took about 82 percent of the vote. makes the party's support more volatile, more As for the parties to the "left" of the NP, the Progressive vulnerable to swings in the national mood, and more Federal Party received 14.1 percent of the vote and 20 dependent on efficient media manipulation. -
Hammarskjöld's Visit to South Africa
Hammarskjöld’s visit to South Africa Chris Saunders* Abstract In the last eighteen months of his life Dag Hammarskjöld was taken up with two major African issues, the Congo and South Africa. In the Congo he organised a United Nations (UN) mission to stabilise the country as it threatened to collapse into chaos following decolonisation; in South Africa he tried to deal with the conflict situation after the Sharpeville massacre by engaging in discussions with the South African Prime Minister, Hendrik Verwoerd. For that purpose he made a long-delayed visit to South Africa in January 1961. What did he try to achieve through his contacts with the South African government, and what other significance did his visit have for the unfolding history of apartheid and the struggle against it? This paper will focus on these questions, while a more substantial version, with detailed references to the sources upon which it is based, will be presented to the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation in mid-2011 as part of the commemorations marking fifty years since Hammarskjöld’s death. * Chris Saunders is Emeritus Professor of the University of Cape Town, where he has been Professor in the Department of Historical Studies. Currently he is a Research Associate at the Centre for Conflict Resolution, Cape Town. He wishes to thank Jack Zawistowski of the Royal Library, Stockholm, for sending him photocopies of the relevant files from the Hammarskjöld Papers, and J.F. (Frikkie) Botha for granting him an interview. Full references to the archival material drawn upon for this paper will be given in the longer version that will be submitted to the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation. -
Townships in the South African Geographic Landscape – Physical and Social Legacies and Challenges
Tel: +27 (0)12 315 5075 Email: [email protected] 14th Floor, 240 Vermeulen Street, Pretoria, South Africa (Private Bag X115, Pretoria, South Africa, 0001) Townships in the South African Geographic Landscape – Physical and Social Legacies and Challenges October 2007 Li Pernegger Susanna Godehart 1 Townships in the South African Geographic Landscape – Physical and Social Legacies and Challenges Welcome Introduction The ‘Training for Township Renewal Initiative’ (TTRI) is the first initiative of its kind. It targets township development practitioners and tries to raise the profile of township development. It also aims to highlight the typical pertinent issues that practitioners will encounter and help us all to fast track some of the regeneration projects. This is not a ‘To Do’ list and we are optimistic that this five- day session will inform you, educate you, and amuse you. The TTRI is a joint initiative of the National Treasury’s NDP Unit, DPLG (in particular the URP team), the South African Cities Network, the DBSA (SCI and Vulindlela), FinMark Trust and Urban LandMark to broaden and deepen the pool of skills for township regeneration. These institutions are all involved in renewal or research programmes in townships. This course is the first output of this cooperation with the main aim to understand core objectives of township integration, restructuring and the range of development strategies and interventions that can be employed. Part of why we are here is to challenge our perceptions (video clip). This is a start and this five-day session will also identify issues for further research and debate. -
Oliver Tambo Zwelakhe Sisulu
Publ ished by the United States Committee of the International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa P.O. Box 17, Cambridge, MA 02138 June 1985 Telephone (617) 491-8343 Are you troubledbythe natureofthe violenceno"" whereblacks Oliver Tambo are killing blacks? Well, of course I ask why blacks are killing blacks-because all of "The Situation Can't Wait" them are oppressed. But the first blacks to be killed are those in the em ploy of the apartheid system. Armed black police, who are taking Oliver Tambo, the President ofthe African National Congress, appearedat the Parker House in Boston on 30Apriland 1May to speak at a meeting ofthe New orders to shoot at their sisters. All the people are required to do is to stop England Circle and to hold a press conference. During his visit to the US, Mr. volunteering their services to the apartheid system, and many of them Tambo found an unprecedented level of interest and support for the cause of have done so. They have resigned from it. But all this is part of an liberation-a "new America," as he called it. We thank the Dunfey family for escalating struggle that won't stop merely with blacks killing blacks. It hosting this event and for allowing us to print the following remarks from Mr. will develop until everybody kills everybody else. It's not just a black Tambo's press conference. tragedy, it's a tragedy for all South Africans that's going to take place You spoke about a new America. Could you be more specific? unless something is done to weaken the ability ofthe regime to resist our I'm referring to, first, the fact that the South African question has been demands and resist our struggle. -