Downloaded from Brill.Com09/24/2021 09:26:04PM Via Free Access 334 Chapter 8

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Downloaded from Brill.Com09/24/2021 09:26:04PM Via Free Access 334 Chapter 8 chapter 8 The Copenhagen Secretariat Pechmann, Shelley and Walter returned to a country that was in turmoil. Unemployment had increased in Germany from 8.5 to nearly 30 percent in 1932 while industrial production dropped by more than 40 percent. The nsdap had won a landslide victory in the July 1932 national elections and the party became the biggest one in parliament. The kpd, too, had won seats. Street fights between paramilitary units of the nsdap, spd and kpd paralysed public space. Violent clashes between the sa and the communists in Altona on 17 July 1932 resulted in 18 people dead, 16 of them by police bullets. The “Altonaer Blutsonntag” (Altona Bloody Sunday) triggered the German Chancellor Franz von Papen to declare a state of emergency on 20 July, dismissed the Prussian spd- led government of Otto Braun, and put Prussia under direct administra- tion of the federal government. New national elections followed in November 1932 with some losses for the nsdap and a slight increase of the kpd. The political crisis further escalated in December when President Hindenburg dis- missed Chancellor von Papen and replaced him with Defence Minister Kurt von Schleicher. However, von Schleicher’s ambitions to build up a coalition with the left- wing of the Nazi Party failed. Unable to form a coalition gov- ernment, von Schleicher resigned on 28 January 1933, and Hindenburg nom- inated Adolf Hitler as Chancellor of Germany on 30 January 1933. The German Parliament was dissolved the following day, and new elections were called for March 5. Neither the Comintern nor the kpd identified the national socialists to be their main enemy. In their view, the rationale of the ‘Class- Against- Class’- doctrine rightly identified the ‘social fascists’, the spd and its auxiliary organ- isations as well as the social democratic trade union leaders, to be their first target. According to communist logic, the “masses of the working class” would rally behind the kpd once the “treachery” of the spd had been revealed. The workers were called to form a ‘United front from below’ against the capitalist exploiters and their lackeys, the ‘social fascists’, any cooperation between the communists and social democrats was not on the agenda.1 1 See further Bernhard H. Bayerlein, “Deutscher Kommunismus und transnationaler Stalinismus – Komintern, kpd und Sowjetunion 1929–1943,” in Deutschland, Russland, Komintern. I. Überblicke, Analysen, Diskussionen, ed. Hermann Weber, Jakov Drabkin, Bernhard H. Bayerlein, Aleksandr Galkin (Berlin/ Boston: De Gruyter, 2014), 225– 400. © Holger Weiss, 2021 | DOI:10.1163/9789004463288_012 This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY 4.0 license. Holger Weiss - 9789004463288 Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:26:04PM via free access 334 Chapter 8 The operations of ish Secretariat and the rilu Berlin Bureau were at first unaffected by the political turmoil in Germany. Focus was rather on recent developments in the Netherlands, on agitation among colonial sea- men, and the impending danger of a new World War. The two first issues were good news: Colonial seamen had launched an “uprising” on board the Dutch armoured vessel De Zeven Provincien. Although it failed, the rilu Berlin Bureau interpreted the uprising as a clear sign of the rising anti- imperialist mood among the Dutch colonial subjects, and ordered the Dutch revolution- ary trade union opposition to deepen its anti- colonial agitation and propa- ganda. Most importantly, the ish Secretariat called the Dutch revolutionary trade union opposition to launch a campaign in support of the 130 Malay and 32 Dutch seamen who were threatened by death sentence for mutiny,2 and published a call for an international support campaign.3 In addition, Shelley ordered in early February 1933 the Dutch section and the Rotterdam Interclub to organise a boycott and a campaign in support of the crew on board four Greek vessels in Rotterdam.4 The Hamburg Interclub, in turn, alerted its liaison persons on board vessels (Bordvertrauensleute) about an impending attack on the Einheitsverband by the shipowners, urged them to be ready for the next fight for the betterment of working conditions, and called them to organise ship cells and ship committees on board their vessels.5 The impending war danger, in turn, was the renewed tension in the Far East and – most important, according to Shelley – the increase of military ship- ments to Japan from England, France, the Scandinavian countries, and the USA. This was depressing reading about the failure of the communists to block or boycott the shipments, and Shelley urged the ish sections and Interclubs to reinforce their vigilance committees and harbour watches, and to organise mass demonstrations and mass protests especially against Japanese freighters 2 Brief an die rgo Hollands, 2[?] .2.1933, 534/ 6/ 62, 8– 10, rgaspi. 3 “Internationale Solidarität mit der Besatzung der ’Zeven Provincien’,” Rote Wacht 4, no. 2 (February 1933). In fact, the international campaign had been sanctioned by the ecci, see Aktionsprogram in Beziehung zum Aufstand in der holländischen Flotte Indonesiens, dated 13.2.1933, supplement to Protokoll (B) Nr. 294 der ausserordentlichen Sitzung der Politkommission des Pol.Sekr. ekki vom 11.2.1933, 495/ 4/ 230, 4– 5, rgaspi. 4 Shelley to “Chers camarades” at “La Conéderation génerale du travail unitaire, Athènes,” [Hamburg] 3.2.1933, 534/ 6/ 86, 186, rgaspi; Pamphlet: Aan de Rotterdamsche Havenarbeiders, 534/ 6/ 86, 188, rgaspi; Mimeographed call: Strike on Greek ships! Not one seamen as black- leg on board of this ships, 534/ 6/ 86, 189, rgaspi. 5 Richard Krebs, Merkblatt für Bordvertauensleute, no date, transcript enclosed in file of the Nachrichtensammelstelle Reichsministerium des Inneren, dated Berlin 25.2.1933, R 31.758_ Bd. 43, paaa. Holger Weiss - 9789004463288 Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:26:04PM via free access The Copenhagen Secretariat 335 and Japanese imperialism.6 Shelley’s instructions was a response to Moscow’s criticism of the lukewarm anti- war efforts by the communist parties and organ- isations and the futile attempts to boycott the transport of war equipment to Japan.7 The ish Secretariat reacted promptly, and Albert Walter published a call to “maritime transport workers of the world,” claiming that the Japanese imperialists were heading towards the borders of the Soviet Union and that military equipment was loaded in British, French, German, Scandinavian and US American ports for transport to Japan: Block the shipments, form vigi- lance groups, and stop Japanese imperialism!8 It turned out to be Walter’s last proclamation. Besides, the situation in Germany also raised concern. Not totally unaware of the rising tide of Nazism in Germany, the rilu Berlin Bureau called its sections to launch an international anti-fascist campaign “on the basis of the broad- est united front tactic from below.” The slogans of the campaign, it ordered, were to protest against the recent development in Germany: Against fascism in Germany, against the bloody terror of the fascists against the working class and the working people, against the declaring illegal of the rgo and kpd, against the national chauvinism of the German Hitler- Papen government, and against the growing danger of war which, the rilu reminded, in the first place was directed against the Soviet Union.9 1 Evacuating Hamburg German public space constituted an uneven battleground for parties on the extreme Right and Left in February 1933. The Prussian Ministry of Interior was headed by a member of the nsdap who deployed the Nazi Storm Troops (Sturmabteilung, sa) as auxiliary police forces to quell communist activities. On 23 February, police and sa troops occupied the headquarters of the kpd in 6 Shelley “an die führenden Genossen der Sektionen der ish und Interklubs,” [Hamburg] 30.1.1933, 534/ 5/ 236, 9, rgaspi. 7 “Kriget i Fjärran Östern och kommunisternas uppgifter i kampen mot det imperialistiska kriget och interventionen mot Sovjet- Unionen. Resolution till kamrat Okanos referat,” in Det internationella läget och Kominternsektionernas uppgifter (Stockholm: Arbetarkultur, 1933), available at marxistarkiv.se. 8 An alle Wassertransportarbeiter aller Länder!, declaration signed by Albert Walter and the ish Executive Committee, Hamburg January 1933, säpo Äldre Aktsystemet 294 viii C 3 Interklubb och Röd Marin, Pärm 2, sna. 9 European Secretariat of the Red International of Labour Unions, Letter to “Dear comrades,” 3.2.1933, 534/ 4/ 460, 256, rgaspi. A copy of the letter is filed in 534/ 6/ 142, rgaspi. Holger Weiss - 9789004463288 Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:26:04PM via free access 336 Chapter 8 Berlin, the Karl-Liebknecht- Haus; on 27 February, the Reichstag building was set on fire. Hitler accused the communists for the blast, declared a state of emergency “as defensive measure against communist acts of violence endan- gering the state” which unleashed an attack by the state against the kpd and its organisations. Assisted by its Nazi auxiliary police forces, the police arrested thousands of communists, including party leader Ernst Thälmann, in an attempt to crush the organisational apparatus of the KPD. Those who escaped the onslaught went underground or left the country. The assault against the kpd affected the Comintern and rilu bureaus in Germany as well. The police attacks in Berlin on 23 February were also directed against the offices of the West European Bureau, the League Against Imperialism and the rilu Berlin Bureau. However, while the police arrested the Bulgarian communist Georgi Dimitrov – not knowing that he was ‘Neptun’, the head of the West European Bureau – on February 28, the members of the two other units managed to escape and went underground. The crackdown on the communist apparatus in Weimer Germany had been anticipated for years. The Cominern and rilu headquarters had reminded the German Party and its affiliated organisations as well as the var- ious international units such as the ish to prepare for illegality.
Recommended publications
  • Den Socialdemokratiska Memoaren Som Retorisk Genre: Exemplen Palm, Erlander Och Persson
    ”Från mörkret stiga vi mot ljuset” Den socialdemokratiska memoaren som retorisk genre: exemplen Palm, Erlander och Persson “From Darkness We Rise Towards the Light” The Social Democratic Memoir as a Rhetoric Genre: the Examples of Palm, Erlander and Persson Magnus Gustafson Masteruppsats i litteraturvetenskap Termin: HT 2014/2015 Kurs: LV 2311 Nivå: Master Handledare: Christer Ekholm Abstract Master’s Thesis in Comparative Literature Title: ”From Darkness We Rise Towards the Light” The Social Democratic Memoir as a Rhetoric Genre: the Examples of Palm, Erlander and Persson Author: Magnus Gustafson Academic Term and Year: Autumn 2014/2015 Department: Literature, History of Ideas and Religion Supervisor: Christer Ekholm Examiner: Dag Hedman Keywords: Political Memoirs, Rhetorical Reading, August Palm, Tage Erlander, Göran Persson Although Social Democratic Memoirs comprise an extensive material, these texts have not attracted any systematic analysis as a distinct and yet varied form of textual genre. The focus in this MA-paper is the Swedish Social Democratic Memoir as a rhetoric genre. The main primary material is memoirs of the pioneer August Palm (1849–1922), the father of the nation Tage Erlander (1901–1985) and the political leader Göran Persson (1949–), published 1905, 1972–82 and 2007, respectively. The general aim is to find out what is the driving power of the memoirs and, more specifically, to shed light on the images of the party history and the history of the welfare state. The method is a comparative analysis of these texts. The overarching rhetoric of Social Democratic Memoirs relate to a general ideological theme corresponding to the progression from darkness to light.
    [Show full text]
  • Little Red Sweden in Ukraine – the 1930S Comintern Project in Gammalsvenskby
    Little Red Sweden in Ukraine – the 1930s Comintern project in Gammalsvenskby Soon the brothers will see the East in the Gold Swedish Communist Party’s slogan May Day 1931 ANDREJ KOTLJARCHUK The history of Gammalsvenskby offers a unique opportunity to investigate totalitarian political techniques in the twentieth century. The Swedish agricultural colony on the bank of the river Dnipro, not far from its fall into the Black Sea, is the only Scandinavian settlement in Eurasia. The church of Gammalsvenskby was the first Lutheran parish in the Azov and Black Sea territories. It functioned from 1782 to 1929. They owned the plots they cultivated and as foreign colonists they had a considerable degree of self- government in the Russian Empire and Soviet Ukraine.1 Recent research shows that the colonists of Gammalsvenskby had a high degree of ethnic self-consciousness. They considered themselves Swedes and spoke Swedish fluently in its dialect and standard form.2 Since the middle of the nineteenth century the inhabitants of the village were in continuous contact with the Kingdom of Sweden and ethnic Swedes of the Grand Duchy of Finland. A number of Swedish cultural institutions (e.g., school, new church, library and choir) were erected or founded thanks to 1 Svetlana Bobyleva, “Shvedy i gosudarstvennaia vlast Ukrainy,” in Voprosy germanskoi istorii, ed. Svetlana Bobyleva (Dnepropetrovsk: Porogi, 2008), 247268. 2 Anton Karlgren, Gammalsvenskby: land och folk, serie: svenska landsmål och svenskt folkliv (Uppsala, 1929); Alexander Mankov, “Selo Staroshvedskoe (Gammalsvenksby) i ego dialekt. Rezultaty issledovanii 2004–2006 gg.,” in Shvedy: sushchnost i metamorfozy identichnosti, ed. Tamara Torstendahl-Salycheva (Moskva: RGGU, 2008), 294–314.
    [Show full text]
  • Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6r33q03k Author Eaton, Nicole M. Publication Date 2013 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 By Nicole M. Eaton A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Yuri Slezkine, chair Professor John Connelly Professor Victoria Bonnell Fall 2013 Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 © 2013 By Nicole M. Eaton 1 Abstract Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 by Nicole M. Eaton Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Yuri Slezkine, Chair “Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948,” looks at the history of one city in both Hitler’s Germany and Stalin’s Soviet Russia, follow- ing the transformation of Königsberg from an East Prussian city into a Nazi German city, its destruction in the war, and its postwar rebirth as the Soviet Russian city of Kaliningrad. The city is peculiar in the history of Europe as a double exclave, first separated from Germany by the Polish Corridor, later separated from the mainland of Soviet Russia. The dissertation analyzes the ways in which each regime tried to transform the city and its inhabitants, fo- cusing on Nazi and Soviet attempts to reconfigure urban space (the physical and symbolic landscape of the city, its public areas, markets, streets, and buildings); refashion the body (through work, leisure, nutrition, and healthcare); and reconstitute the mind (through vari- ous forms of education and propaganda).
    [Show full text]
  • Sven Linderot Och 2:A Världskriget 1941-45 – En Artikelsamling 2:A (Utvidgade) Upplagan
    Sven Linderot och 2:a världskriget 1941-45 – en artikelsamling 2:a (utvidgade) upplagan Sven Linderot (1889-1956) Innehåll Introduktion ...................................................................................................................................... 1 Kommunistiska partiet, kriget och neutraliteten (juli 1941) ............................................................ 3 Den svenska frihetens betingelser (september 1941) ....................................................................... 5 Grundskott mot demokratin (oktober 1941) ..................................................................................... 7 Krigsmål och fredsmål (januari 1942) ........................................................................................... 18 Bönder och arbetare (november 1942) ........................................................................................... 20 Strategi och taktik (maj 1943) ........................................................................................................ 25 Ny kurs (juni 1943) ........................................................................................................................ 34 Kommunisternas dagsprogram (maj 1944) .................................................................................... 44 Enhetsproblem i grannländerna (hösten 1945) ............................................................................... 55 1 Introduktion Efter Molotov-Ribbentrop-pakten hösten 1939 och det sovjetiska militära angreppet på Finland hamnade
    [Show full text]
  • When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
    WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context.
    [Show full text]
  • December 10, 1964 from the Diary of V. Kh. Man'ko, Record of A
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified December 10, 1964 From the Diary of V. Kh. Man'ko, Record of a Conversation with the Correspondent of the Swedish Communist Party Newspaper, 'Ny Dag,' Karl Shtaf, 28 November 1964 Citation: “From the Diary of V. Kh. Man'ko, Record of a Conversation with the Correspondent of the Swedish Communist Party Newspaper, 'Ny Dag,' Karl Shtaf, 28 November 1964,” December 10, 1964, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, TsKhSD, f. 5, op. 49, d. 758, l. 315, r. 9126. Translated for CWIHP by Gary Goldberg https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117104 Summary: Shtaf mentions that he had a conversation with an Argentinian Communist Party leader in Prague, who reported about his trip to Cuba and meeting with Guevara. He also discusses the current situation of the Communist Party in Sweden. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document [Stamp]: Declassified from the diary of Secret Copy No 2 Man’ko, V. Kh. 10 December 1964 No 437 RECORD OF A CONVERSATION with the correspondent of the Swedish Communist Party newspaper “Ny Dag” KARL SHTAF 28 November 1964 Today I met with Karl Shtaf and had a conversation with him. Shtaf said that he returned a week ago from Sweden where he spent his holiday. On the way to Sweden he had a stopover in Prague where he met with a member of the CC of the Argentinian Communist Party, Giudici, who in a conversation with him noted that during [his] visit to Cuba he had talked with Ernesto Guevara about various issues of Party-building, the international Communist movement, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • Generate PDF of This Page
    Institute of National Remembrance https://ipn.gov.pl/en/news/8447,The-IPN-paid-tribute-to-the-victims-of-the-Volhynia-Massacre-Warsaw- 11-July-2021.html 2021-10-03, 00:10 12.07.2021 The IPN paid tribute to the victims of the Volhynia Massacre - Warsaw, 11 July 2021 On the 78th anniversary of "Bloody Sunday", flowers were laid to commemorate the victims of the Volhynia Massacre. The IPN was represented by its Deputy President, Krzysztof Szwagrzyk, Ph.D, D.Sc.and Adam Siwek, the Director of the IPN’s Office for Commemorating the Struggle and Martyrdom. The ceremonies commemorating the victims of the Volhynia Massacre took place by the monument to the Victims of Genocide, committed by Ukrainian nationalists on the citizens of the Second Polish Republic in the south-eastern provinces of Poland in the years 1942–1947 on 11 July 2021 at 8:00 p.m. The relatives of the victims, representatives of the authorities and organizations devoted to preserving the memory of the Borderlands took part in a mass for the murdered. After the national anthem and occasional speeches, flowers were placed under the plaques with the names of places from the pre-war provinces of the Second Polish Republic where the slaughter took place. Then, the participants of the ceremony went to the monument of the 27th Volhynian Infantry Division of the Home Army, where they laid wreaths. The IPN was represented by Deputy President Krzysztof Szwagrzyk, Ph.D, D.Sc. and Adam Siwek, the Director of the IPN’s Office for Commemorating the Struggle and Martyrdom.
    [Show full text]
  • This Is an Electronic Reprint of the Original Article. This Reprint May Differ from the Original in Pagination and Typographic Detail
    This is an electronic reprint of the original article. This reprint may differ from the original in pagination and typographic detail. 'Boycott the Nazi Flag' Weiss, Holger Published in: Anti-fascism in the Nordic Countries DOI: 10.4324/9781315171210 Published: 30/01/2019 Document Version (Peer reviewed version when applicable) Document License Publisher rights policy Link to publication Please cite the original version: Weiss, H. (2019). 'Boycott the Nazi Flag': The anti-fascism of the International of Seamen and Harbour Workers. In K. Braskén, N. Copsey, & J. A. Lundin (Eds.), Anti-fascism in the Nordic Countries: New Perspectives, Comparisons and Transnational Connections (pp. 124–142). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315171210 General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. This document is downloaded from the Research Information Portal of ÅAU: 29. Sep. 2021 “Boycott the Nazi Flag”: the antifascism of the International of Seamen and Harbour Workers This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge/CRC Press in Anti-Fascism in the Nordic Countries: New Perspectives, Comparisons and Transnational Connections [2019], available online: http://www.routledge.com/[https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315171210] Holger Weiss, Åbo Akademi University Introduction This chapter discusses the antifascist campaigns orchestrated by the International of Seamen and Harbour Workers (ISH) in Northern Europe during the first half of the 1930s.
    [Show full text]
  • Wroblewski Andrzej to the Ma
    Courtesy of the Van Abbemuseum and Andrzej Wroblewski Foundation / www.andrzejwroblewski.pl ANDRZEJ WRÓBLEWSKI TO THE MARGIN AND BACK EDITED BY Magdalena Ziółkowska Van abbeMUseUM, EindHOVen, 2010 Courtesy of the Van Abbemuseum and Andrzej Wroblewski Foundation / www.andrzejwroblewski.pl Courtesy of the Van Abbemuseum and Andrzej Wroblewski Foundation / www.andrzejwroblewski.pl [1] Museum, 1956 Courtesy of the Van Abbemuseum and Andrzej Wroblewski Foundation / www.andrzejwroblewski.pl CONTENTS FILE UNDER SEMI-ACTIVE Charles Esche 9 TO THE MARGIN AND BACK Magdalena Ziółkowska 11 1 [Spring in January…] 15 COMMENTARY ON THE 1ST EXHIBITION OF MODERN ART Andrzej Wróblewski 18 REMarks ON MODERN ART Zbigniew Dłubak 24 STATEMENT ON THE 1ST EXHIBITION OF MODERN ART Andrzej Wróblewski 30 [A man does not consist…] 38 FROM STUDIES ON THE ŒUVRE OF Andrzej Wróblewski. THE PERIOD BEFORE 1949 Andrzej Kostołowski 42 2 [New realism] 69 ONE MORE WORD ON THE ART SCHOOLS Andrzej Wróblewski 72 [The artistic ideology of the group…] 75 Courtesy of the Van Abbemuseum and Andrzej Wroblewski Foundation / www.andrzejwroblewski.pl VISUAL ARTISTS IN SEARCH OF THE CORRECT PATH Andrzej Wróblewski 76 [Social contrasts — divisions] 80 [Satisfying specific social commissions…] 82 TO BE OR NOT TO BE IN THE POLISH UNITED WORKERS‘ PARTY Andrzej Wróblewski 86 CONFESSIONS OF A DISCREDITED ‘FoRMER COMMUNIST’ Andrzej Wróblewski 90 3 [We should settle the date for a MULTIARTISTIC EXHIBITION] 97 BODY AND MelanCHOLY. THE LATE WOrks OF Andrzej Wróblewski Joanna Kordjak-Piotrowska
    [Show full text]
  • MICROCOSM: Portrait of a European City Major Disturbance
    In Breslau, the overthrow of the imperial authorities passed off without MICROCOSM: Portrait of a European City major disturbance. On 8 November, a Loyal Appeal for the citizens to uphold by Norman Davies (pp. 326-379) their duties to the Kaiser was distributed in the names of the Lord Mayor, Paul Matting, Archbishop Bertram and others. But it had no great effect. The Commander of the VI Army Corps, General Pfeil, was in no mood for a fight. Breslau before and during the Second World War He released the political prisoners, ordered his men to leave their barracks, 1918-45 and, in the last order of the military administration, gave permission to the Social Democrats to hold a rally in the Jahrhunderthalle. The next afternoon, a The politics of interwar Germany passed through three distinct phases. In group of dissident airmen arrived from their base at Brieg (Brzeg). Their arrival 1918-20, anarchy spread far and wide in the wake of the collapse of the spurred the formation of 'soldiers' councils' (that is, Soviets) in several military German Empire. Between 1919 and 1933, the Weimar Republic re-established units and of a 100-strong Committee of Public Safety by the municipal leaders. stability, then lost it. And from 1933 onwards, Hitler's 'Third Reich' took an The Army Commander was greatly relieved to resign his powers. ever firmer hold. Events in Breslau, as in all German cities, reflected each of The Volksrat, or 'People's Council', was formed on 9 November 1918, from the phases in turn. Social Democrats, union leaders, Liberals and the Catholic Centre Party.
    [Show full text]
  • From "Russian" to "Polish": Vilna-Wilno 1900-1925
    FROM “RUSSIAN” TO “POLISH”: Vilna-Wilno 1900-1925 Theodore R. Weeks Southern Illinois University at Carbondale The National Council for Eurasian and East European Research 910 17th Street, N.W. Suite 300 Washington, D.C. 20006 TITLE VIII PROGRAM Project Information* Principal Investigator: Theodore R. Weeks Council Contract Number: 819-06g Date: June 4, 2004 Copyright Information Scholars retain the copyright on works they submit to NCEEER. However, NCEEER possesses the right to duplicate and disseminate such products, in written and electronic form, as follows: (a) for its internal use; (b) to the U.S. Government for its internal use or for dissemination to officials of foreign governments; and (c) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the U.S. government that grants the public access to documents held by the U.S. government. Additionally, NCEEER has a royalty-free license to distribute and disseminate papers submitted under the terms of its agreements to the general public, in furtherance of academic research, scholarship, and the advancement of general knowledge, on a non-profit basis. All papers distributed or disseminated shall bear notice of copyright. Neither NCEEER, nor the U.S. Government, nor any recipient of a Contract product may use it for commercial sale. * The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U.S. Department of State under Title VIII (The Soviet-East European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended).
    [Show full text]
  • Socialistiska Partiet 1929-1945 Från Socialism Till Politisk Bankrutt Av Per-Anders Lundh Innehåll 1
    Socialistiska Partiet 1929-1945 Från socialism till politisk bankrutt av Per-Anders Lundh Innehåll 1. Inledning................................................................................................................................. 1 2. Partihistorik och sprängningen av Sveriges Kommunistiska Parti 1929. .............................. 2 Vad hände samtidigt med Komintern?................................................................................... 3 Sverige och SKP..................................................................................................................... 3 Partisprängningens yttre konsekvenser .................................................................................. 5 3. Socialistiska Partiet och Sovjetunionen. ................................................................................ 5 Försvara arbetarstaten! ........................................................................................................... 5 SP reagerar på folkfrontspolitiken.......................................................................................... 6 Moskvarättegångarna .............................................................................................................7 SP:s kritik hårdnar.................................................................................................................. 8 Andra världskriget och en ny omvärdering av Sovjet.......................................................... 10 4. Socialistiska Partiet och Socialdemokratin. ........................................................................
    [Show full text]