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Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6r33q03k Author Eaton, Nicole M. Publication Date 2013 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 By Nicole M. Eaton A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Yuri Slezkine, chair Professor John Connelly Professor Victoria Bonnell Fall 2013 Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 © 2013 By Nicole M. Eaton 1 Abstract Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 by Nicole M. Eaton Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Yuri Slezkine, Chair “Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948,” looks at the history of one city in both Hitler’s Germany and Stalin’s Soviet Russia, follow- ing the transformation of Königsberg from an East Prussian city into a Nazi German city, its destruction in the war, and its postwar rebirth as the Soviet Russian city of Kaliningrad. The city is peculiar in the history of Europe as a double exclave, first separated from Germany by the Polish Corridor, later separated from the mainland of Soviet Russia. The dissertation analyzes the ways in which each regime tried to transform the city and its inhabitants, fo- cusing on Nazi and Soviet attempts to reconfigure urban space (the physical and symbolic landscape of the city, its public areas, markets, streets, and buildings); refashion the body (through work, leisure, nutrition, and healthcare); and reconstitute the mind (through vari- ous forms of education and propaganda). -
Libertarianism, Culture, and Personal Predispositions
Undergraduate Journal of Psychology 22 Libertarianism, Culture, and Personal Predispositions Ida Hepsø, Scarlet Hernandez, Shir Offsey, & Katherine White Kennesaw State University Abstract The United States has exhibited two potentially connected trends – increasing individualism and increasing interest in libertarian ideology. Previous research on libertarian ideology found higher levels of individualism among libertarians, and cross-cultural research has tied greater individualism to making dispositional attributions and lower altruistic tendencies. Given this, we expected to observe positive correlations between the following variables in the present research: individualism and endorsement of libertarianism, individualism and dispositional attributions, and endorsement of libertarianism and dispositional attributions. We also expected to observe negative correlations between libertarianism and altruism, dispositional attributions and altruism, and individualism and altruism. Survey results from 252 participants confirmed a positive correlation between individualism and libertarianism, a marginally significant positive correlation between libertarianism and dispositional attributions, and a negative correlation between individualism and altruism. These results confirm the connection between libertarianism and individualism observed in previous research and present several intriguing questions for future research on libertarian ideology. Key Words: Libertarianism, individualism, altruism, attributions individualistic, made apparent -
Periodicalspov.Pdf
“Consider the Source” A Resource Guide to Liberal, Conservative and Nonpartisan Periodicals 30 East Lake Street ∙ Chicago, IL 60601 HWC Library – Room 501 312.553.5760 ver heard the saying “consider the source” in response to something that was questioned? Well, the same advice applies to what you read – consider the source. When conducting research, bear in mind that periodicals (journals, magazines, newspapers) may have varying points-of-view, biases, and/or E political leanings. Here are some questions to ask when considering using a periodical source: Is there a bias in the publication or is it non-partisan? Who is the sponsor (publisher or benefactor) of the publication? What is the agenda of the sponsor – to simply share information or to influence social or political change? Some publications have specific political perspectives and outright state what they are, as in Dissent Magazine (self-described as “a magazine of the left”) or National Review’s boost of, “we give you the right view and back it up.” Still, there are other publications that do not clearly state their political leanings; but over time have been deemed as left- or right-leaning based on such factors as the points- of-view of their opinion columnists, the make-up of their editorial staff, and/or their endorsements of politicians. Many newspapers fall into this rather opaque category. A good rule of thumb to use in determining whether a publication is liberal or conservative has been provided by Media Research Center’s L. Brent Bozell III: “if the paper never met a conservative cause it didn’t like, it’s conservative, and if it never met a liberal cause it didn’t like, it’s liberal.” Outlined in the following pages is an annotated listing of publications that have been categorized as conservative, liberal, non-partisan and religious. -
When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context. -
La Verdad De La Memoria No Radica Tanto En La Exactitud De Los Hechos (Res Factae) Como En El Relato Y En La Interpretación De Ellos (Res Fictae).”1
1 The Memory of the National and the National as Memory. “…la verdad de la memoria no radica tanto en la exactitud de los hechos (res factae) como en el relato y en la interpretación de ellos (res fictae).”1 (Lechner and Güell 1999: 186) Juan Poblete University of California, Santa Cruz Abstract: My essay seeks to illuminate a different, more encompassing kind of transition than that from dictatorship to post-dictatorship (and its attendant forms of memory of military brutal force and human rights abuses) privileged by studies of political violence and social memory. My focus is twofold: first, to describe a transition from the world of the social to that of the post-social, i.e. a transition from a welfare state-centered form of the nation to its neoliberal competitive state counterpart; and secondly, to analyze its attendant memory dynamics. I am concerned with the double articulation of collective memory under neoliberalism, the deep and recurring violence it has involved at both the social and individual levels, and its self-articulation as a social memory apparatus. Keywords: social, post-social, neoliberal presentism, memory studies, proletarianization. If it is true that every national culture is by definition a form of mediation between the specific and the universal, a framework for understanding the connections between the local and the global, then Chilean culture has been working double shifts for a long time. For the past forty-five years it has been defined by a series of international 2 and global narratives derived, first, from the Cold War struggle and then its post-1989 global neoliberal aftermath. -
Religious Liberty’ Is the New Bully Pulpit and Its New Meaning Is Endangering Our Way of Life Marsha N
Arkansas Law Review Volume 69 | Number 4 Article 1 January 2017 Holier Than You and Me: ‘Religious Liberty’ Is the New Bully Pulpit and Its New Meaning Is Endangering Our Way of Life Marsha N. Freeman Barry University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/alr Recommended Citation Marsha N. Freeman, Holier Than You and Me: ‘Religious Liberty’ Is the New Bully Pulpit and Its New Meaning Is Endangering Our Way of Life, 69 Ark. L. Rev. 881 (2017). Available at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/alr/vol69/iss4/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Arkansas Law Review by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Holier Than You and Me: ‘Religious Liberty’ Is the New Bully Pulpit and Its New Meaning Is Endangering Our Way of Life Marsha B. Freeman* “Your beliefs don’t make you a better person, your behavior does.”1 Many of you have probably seen this quote floating around the internet on all forms of social media. I have it hanging on my office door in the hope that those who enter will take a moment to notice and maybe, if needed, even reflect on it. The problem is that most people likely do not recognize the negative forces within themselves and those who do may be perfectly fine with them. Recent decisions show how the Supreme Court has allowed negative politics to influence its work leading to heretofore unlikely decisions.2 Today’s political climate has induced changes in society impelling legal findings,3 leading to upheavals in how we view everything from corporate entities4 to limitations 5 on personal rights. -
THE NEOLIBERAL THEORY of SOCIETY Simon Clarke
THE NEOLIBERAL THEORY OF SOCIETY Simon Clarke The ideological foundations of neo-liberalism Neoliberalism presents itself as a doctrine based on the inexorable truths of modern economics. However, despite its scientific trappings, modern economics is not a scientific discipline but the rigorous elaboration of a very specific social theory, which has become so deeply embedded in western thought as to have established itself as no more than common sense, despite the fact that its fundamental assumptions are patently absurd. The foundations of modern economics, and of the ideology of neoliberalism, go back to Adam Smith and his great work, The Wealth of Nations. Over the past two centuries Smith’s arguments have been formalised and developed with greater analytical rigour, but the fundamental assumptions underpinning neoliberalism remain those proposed by Adam Smith. Adam Smith wrote The Wealth of Nations as a critique of the corrupt and self-aggrandising mercantilist state, which drew its revenues from taxing trade and licensing monopolies, which it sought to protect by maintaining an expensive military apparatus and waging costly wars. The theories which supported the state conceived of exchange as a ‘zero-sum game’, in which one party’s gain was the other party’s loss, so the maximum benefit from exchange was to be extracted by force and fraud. The fundamental idea of Smith’s critique was that the ‘wealth of the nation’ derived not from the accumulation of wealth by the state, at the expense of its citizens and foreign powers, but from the development of the division of labour. The division of labour developed as a result of the initiative and enterprise of private individuals and would develop the more rapidly the more such individuals were free to apply their enterprise and initiative and to reap the corresponding rewards. -
The Real Shame of the Nation the Causes and Consequences of Interstate Inequity in Public School Investments
The Real Shame of the Nation The Causes and Consequences of Interstate Inequity in Public School Investments Bruce D. Baker, Mark Weber, Ajay Srikanth, Robert Kim*, Michael Atzbi Rutgers University This report presents a first attempt at better understanding interstate variation in the costs associated with achieving common outcome goals across all settings and children. We take advantage of two recently released national data panels, applying methods used previously for inter‐district, within state analyses of the costs of meeting common standards. *William T. Grant Foundation Research Fellow The Real Shame of the Nation The Causes and Consequences of Interstate Inequity in Public School Investments Bruce D. Baker, Mark Weber, Ajay Srikanth, Robert Kim*, Michael Atzbi Rutgers University *William T. Grant Foundation Research Fellow Executive Summary For decades, school finance researchers have explored the impact of funding inequities across local public school districts within states on children’s opportunities to meet state student achievement accountability standards. Due, however, to the variation of both state achievement tests and economic conditions within and between states, there has never been a national study comparing states’ abilities to achieve a common student achievement outcome and assessing the cost associated for each state to do so. In addition, there has never been a study applying a uniform model for determining the fiscal impact of poverty on reaching a particular student achievement outcome across states. This paper presents, for the first time, a new National Education Cost Model (NECM) to better understand the relative adequacy of state investments in public schooling toward achieving common outcome goals. -
Document Contains 1,126 Words
No. 19-351 ================================================================================================================ In The Supreme Court of the United States --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, a foreign state, and STIFTUNG PREUSSICHER KULTURBESITZ, Petitioners, v. ALAN PHILIPP, et al., Respondents. --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- On Writ of Certiorari To The United States Court of Appeals For The D.C. Circuit --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- JOINT APPENDIX --------------------------------- ♦ --------------------------------- JONATHAN M. FREIMAN NICHOLAS M. O’DONNELL Counsel of Record Counsel of Record TADHG DOOLEY ERIKA L. TODD BENJAMIN M. DANIELS SULLIVAN & WORCESTER LLP DAVID R. ROTH One Post Office Square WIGGIN AND DANA LLP Boston, MA 02109 265 Church Street (617) 338-2814 P.O. Box 1832 [email protected] New Haven, CT 06508-1832 Counsel for Respondents (203) 498-4400 [email protected] DAVID L. HALL WIGGIN AND DANA LLP Two Liberty Place 50 S. 16th Street Suite 2925 Philadelphia, PA 19102 (215) 998-8310 Counsel for Petitioners Petition For Certiorari Filed September 16, 2019 Certiorari Granted July 2, 2020 ================================================================================================================ COCKLE LEGAL BRIEFS (800) 225-6964 WWW.COCKLELEGALBRIEFS.COM i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Relevant Docket Entries from the United States District Court for the District -
The Beginning of the End: the Political Theory of the Gernian Conmunist Party to the Third Period
THE BEGINNING OF THE END: THE POLITICAL THEORY OF THE GERNIAN CONMUNIST PARTY TO THE THIRD PERIOD By Lea Haro Thesis submitted for degree of PhD Centre for Socialist Theory and Movements Faculty of Law, Business, and Social Science January 2007 Table of Contents Abstract I Acknowledgments iv Methodology i. Why Bother with Marxist Theory? I ii. Outline 5 iii. Sources 9 1. Introduction - The Origins of German Communism: A 14 Historical Narrative of the German Social Democratic Party a. The Gotha Unity 15 b. From the Erjlurt Programme to Bureaucracy 23 c. From War Credits to Republic 30 II. The Theoretical Foundations of German Communism - The 39 Theories of Rosa Luxemburg a. Luxemburg as a Theorist 41 b. Rosa Luxemburg's Contribution to the Debates within the 47 SPD i. Revisionism 48 ii. Mass Strike and the Russian Revolution of 1905 58 c. Polemics with Lenin 66 i. National Question 69 ii. Imperialism 75 iii. Political Organisation 80 Summary 84 Ill. Crisis of Theory in the Comintern 87 a. Creating Uniformity in the Comintern 91 i. Role of Correct Theory 93 ii. Centralism and Strict Discipline 99 iii. Consequencesof the Policy of Uniformity for the 108 KPD b. Comintern's Policy of "Bolshevisation" 116 i. Power Struggle in the CPSU 120 ii. Comintern After Lenin 123 iii. Consequencesof Bolshevisation for KPD 130 iv. Legacy of Luxemburgism 140 c. Consequencesof a New Doctrine 143 i. Socialism in One Country 145 ii. Sixth Congress of the Comintern and the 150 Emergence of the Third Period Summary 159 IV. The Third Period and the Development of the Theory of Social 162 Fascism in Germany a. -
Zum Adresswechsel Von Otto-Braun-Straße 27 Zu Bernhard
1 Senatsverwaltung für Bildung, Otto-Braun-Straße Bernhard-Weiß-Straße Wissenschaft und Forschung Eine andere Adresse, aber kein Umzug: Der neue, auf dem Foto rötlich verhängte Hotelkomplex rings um den Baukran trennt die Senatsverwaltung von der Hauptverkehrsader der Otto-Braun-Straße. Deshalb erhält die Straße unmittelbar Zum Adresswechsel vor dem Verwaltungsgebäude einen neuen Namen und die Behörde eine neue Hausnummer: Bernhard-Weiß-Straße 6. von Preußisches Staatsministerium, Wilhelmstraße 63 Otto-Braun-Straße 27 Amtssitz des preußischen Ministerpräsidenten Otto Braun Impressum von 1920 bis 1932 zu Herausgeber Senatsverwaltung für Bildung, Wissenschaft und Forschung Bernhard-Weiß-Straße 6, 10178 Berlin-Mitte Bernhard-Weiß-Straße 6 [email protected]; www.berlin.de/sen/bwf/ Redaktion Christian Walther, Ines Bussenius Quellen Biographien Wikipedia Fotos Bundesarchiv; DHM Archiv; SenBWF Gestaltung und Druck SenBWF Auflage 300, Oktober 2011 Das Polizeipräsidium am Alexanderplatz (rechts im Bild) V. i. S. d. P. Hier war Bernhard Weiß Vizepolizeipräsident von 1927 bis 1932 Christian Walther, Leiter Presse- und Öffentlichkeitsarbeit Die Adresse der Senatsverwaltung hat sich so oft geändert Otto Braun Bernhard Weiß wie die Funktion des Gebäudes selbst. Preußischer Ministerpräsident Berliner Vizepolizeipräsident Als das Haus 1931 für die Hauptverwaltung des Karstadt- konzerns errichtet wurde, war die Adresse Neue Königstraße. Dieser Name hatte Bestand während der Nutzung durch das Statistische Reichsamt 1936 bis 1945 und auch in den Zei- ten als Volkspolizeipräsidium - bis 1966. Dann wurde der Name in Erinnerung an einen KPD Funkti- onär, der während des spanischen Bürgerkriegs 1936 ums Leben kam, geändert: Hans-Beimler-Straße. 1872 28. Januar: Geburt in Königsberg als Sohn eines 1880 30. Juli: Geburt in Berlin als Sohn eines jüdischen Eisenbahnangestellten, nach der Volkshochschule Getreidegroßhändlers. -
Ebert and the Coming of World War I: a Month from His Diary
DOCUMENTS D. K. Buse EBERT AND THE COMING OF WORLD WAR I: A MONTH FROM HIS DIARY Friedrich Ebert participated in a critical period of history. His decisions as co-leader of German Social Democracy, chairman of the 1918-1919 government and Reichsprasident extended beyond class and nation to international significance. Yet he remains surprisingly unknown. Though subject to emotional attack or to artificial glorification,1 thorough research and dispassionate analysis have not been applied in estimating his aims and methods, his contributions and shortcomings.2 Party-stained glasses and democratic-tradition-seeking blinders have not been the only reason why Ebert has been subject to label-pinning or hero-worship. Pertinent sources have not been found, brought forward or evaluated. Not evaluated are the three volumes of speeches, 1 Examples are the Stalinist implications - C. Schorske, German Social Democ- racy (Cambridge, 1955), p. 124 - or the Lincolnian equations - T. Heuss, "Frie- drich Ebert zum Gedachtnis", in: M. Peters, Friedrich Ebert (Berlin, 1954). 2 Neither W. Besson, Friedrich Ebert (Berlin, 1963), which remains the most insightful biography to date, nor G. Kotowski, Friedrich Ebert, I: Aufstiegeines deutschen Arbeiterfuhrers (Berlin, 1963) go much beyond the general presenta- tions of the 1920s: E. Felden, Eines Menschen Weg (Bremen, 1927) and Friedrich Ebert und seine Zeit, ein Gedenkwerk (Charlottenburg, 1928). Kotowski's first part of a full-scale biography is particularly disappointing in that though some novel information is presented about the Bremen period, Ebert as man and party politician does not emerge from the background. The idea that Ebert "only in 1917 began to exert decisive influence on the whole politic of his party" (p.