july 1933

Hitler’s Reich

Hamilton Fish Armstrong

Volume 11 • Number 4

The contents of Foreign Affairs are copyrighted.©1933 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution of this material is permitted only with the express written consent of Foreign Affairs. Visit www.foreignaffairs.com/permissions for more information. HITLER'S REICH The First Phase

By Hamilton Fish Armstrong

A PEOPLE has disappeared. Almost every German whose name as a or the world knew nlaster of government s business in the Republic of the past fourteen years is gone. are waves are There exceptions; but the swiftly cutting the sand one from beneath them, and day by day, by one, these last speci mens over sea. of another age, another folk, topple into the Nazi out So completely has the Republic been wiped that the Nazis find it difficult to believe that it ever existed, at any rate as more a were than bad dream from which they awakened by the sound own own of their shouts of command, their marching feet. To or them it signifies nothing that this that compatriot shouldered more to es than his share of the load in the long uphill struggle means tablish Germany's prestige and of existence in the black or years after the military collapse, that his German nationalism to and patriotic devotion were, according the lights of that day, measure to beyond question. The of his right any sort of present consideration is first of all whether or not he was a Nazi. If he was even now not, he is wiped out, usually though he might wish to swallow his past and accept Adolf Hitler's leadership. Not merely is he wiped out, but the memory of him is wiped out. never was. name It is pretended that he His is not mentioned, even in scorn. If one asks about a answer is ? him, vague given: "Oh yes but is he still alive? Maybe he is abroad. Or is he in a not to nursing home?" This does merely apply Jews and Com or or own munists, fled imprisoned detained "for their protec tion" in barbed-wire concentration camps. It applies to men like Otto Braun, leader of the great Social Democratic Party, peren nial Premier of Prussia, the strong man of whom Germans used to we say: "When Hindenburg dies, have him." Ill and broken, he to escaped to Switzerland the day before the election. It applies the series of Chancellors furnished by the once-powerful Center Party, traditional provider of Chancellors; Dr. Briining alone has a managed to keep few slender lines of communication with the a present, but at sacrifice of reputation among such of his friends as are not The who were talked thorough expedientists.? generals about as von even embryo dictators Seeckt, Groener, the pow

Council on Foreign Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve, and extend access to Foreign Affairs ® www.jstor.org 590 FOREIGN AFFAIRS ? erful von Schleicher are no more heard of or seen. It is said that when General von Schleicher leaves the confines of his at two country place Glienicke of the Sturm Abteilung (generally referred to as the S.A.) attend him. Stresemann is not merely dead, but has been dead as long as the last Pharaoh. The men who ruled Germany in these fourteen years have been swept out out out to away, of sight, of mind, (according the program of Dr. Goebbels, propagandist-in-chief) of history. Hindenburg him a a on self is legend, fable. His picture is the walls of the coffee houses, for he played his r?le for the Nazis; their need for him is finished, and to all intents and purposes he is also. The Stahlhelm, the organization of front-line veterans, credited with having saved the country from anarchy and communism in as a several post-war crises, but feared by the Nazis possible rival to their S.A., has been broken and subjected. Its second a in command, Colonel D?sterberg, few short months ago candi date for President of the Reich, but with Jewish blood in his was out a manner was no veins, turned in which less humiliating wrote a because President Hindenburg him letter of condolence. The other Stahlhelm leader, Herr Seldte, followed with the an nouncement that he had gone over to the Nazis and had put the at rank organization Hitler's orders. The and file, disciplined ex-soldiers, who looked upon the S.A. as a rabble of mercenaries were not and looters, left gasping. They had been ready to shoot no when they had the chance; the chance is theirs longer. The Reichswehr, on which General von Schleicher counted and which as recently as last December could and would have sup a move to ported him in determined establish authority in the name now of the flickering Republic, stands glumly aside. Its are barracks the sole government buildings to fly only the black over white-red flag of the Reich; all the others (except the a President's residence, which has special flag) floats the Nazi swastika. But despite this last symbol of independence, the Reichswehr knows its day for action has slipped by. All that its can leaders do is wait (as the Royal Italian Army has waited without result) to see whether there will ever come a moment of to chaos when they might step in reestablish the state they were a enlisted to serve. It is forlorn hope. one to One by continue fall the last possible citadels of defense against uncontradicted Nazi dictatorship. Federal Germany is gone. The Gleichschaltung law disposes of HITLER'S REICH 591

the prerogatives of the separate States, and Nazi leaders have been named Statthalter, with power from Berlin to dismiss State governments should they not prove fully amenable. Eminent are a Lutheran and Reformist theologians hastily forming new to meet and unified Reichskirche the fear of the Nazis that opposi or tion weakness might develop in the former 28 autonomous to churches in the various States, and simplify their drive against are religious organizations which not two parts blood and iron and one only part milk of human kindness. The Socialist trade unions, as a already dead political power and presumably resigned to the as a abolition of the strike weapon in wage bargaining, were on finally seized outright May 2, the day after the celebration of of National Labor." were the "Festival Their buildings occupied by storm troops, their officers were jailed, and their funds were to new appropriated the Nazi union which is now organizing all labor as an will. to instrument of party They had hoped be al to lowed continue their social insurance and banking activities at for their 3,500,000 members, preserving least their identity after fifty years of activity in German life. The answer was the raid, and the simultaneous Nazi proclamation attacking the as union leaders "Red criminals" and announcing to German labor that "Adolf Hitler is your friend, Adolf Hitler is fighting for your freedom, Adolf Hitler will give you bread!" The smaller Catholic and other trade unions promptly "submitted them selves unconditionally and without reserve," and the agricultural organizations and cooperatives followed suit. Freemasonry has been abolished; the Grand Lodge of Prussia has abjured its now origins, dissolved its ties with other Masonic lodges, and is the "German exclusively Aryan Christian Order of Friendship." The judiciary has been weeded over with minute care, and as a result many judges (beginning with Dr. Tigges, President of the Supreme Court of Prussia) have either resigned or been dis a missed. Henceforth, says circular of the Prussian Ministry of will Justice, judges be tested for their patriotism and social prin be ciples and will put through periods of service inmilitary camps to in In school them "martial sports." Nazi eyes the conception outworn. of abstract justice is The essential justice is that which serves the higher ends of the state. Even the great Nationalist Party, co-partner with the Nazis in the March election which followed the fall of von Schleicher, and supported by all the clans of Junkers, monarchists, landed pro 59* FOREIGN AFFAIRS

prietors, former army officers and officials, is left hanging in the air, its toes barely touching the ground, slowly strangling in the noose own on von of its devising. When the night of January 30 to Papen persuaded Hitler join him in making the election, he own thought that he had prepared the way for his conservative to tne was reverse forces swallow up Nazis. But it the which hap pened. Since the elections, the strength of the Nationalist Party has been sapped in every direction. Most strikingly, perhaps, has on this been true in the Junker stronghold of East Prussia, where one excuse or to another (the latest Nazi method is simply say that an unregenerate official has been recreant to his trust, but men without preferring specific charges) the key of the National ist Party organization have been removed from controlling places in the government and banks and agricultural organizations. commerce Throughout the Reich, chambers of and other public organizations in which Nationalist elements were strong are being even "assimilated," while private associations and important are industrial organizations experiencing the novelty of having at announce Nazi commissars appear board meetings, the expulsion of Jewish, "liberal" or otherwise undesirable members, and consti tute new to boards amenable party orders. In answer to this smashing of his strongholds, and in effect to to replying frequent prophecies that he would have resign, Dr. Hugenberg, Chairman of the Nationalist Party and Minister of at to Industry in the present government, began the end of April issue sometimes sometimes appeals, plaintive, threatening, calling on to everyone remember that he and his non-Nazi colleagues were in the cabinet by agreement with Hitler and that the En abling Act which had put the power in Hitler's hands for four years was conditioned upon that agreement. But, in the cabinet or are to out, Hugenberg and his friends condemned becoming more and more Some non-Nazis to to helpless. may manage cling a their posts for time by adopting Nazi ways.1 But they will be on more few. The smile is the face of the bigger, ruthless and cleverer tiger. new new a new These rulers of this people have also vocabu even lary. In literature and art, in the professions and in sport, new specifications replace taste and skill and experience. It is hard 1 Cf. Vice-Chancellor von Papen's speech at Munster on May 13, glorifying the Mediaeval Teutonic love of death on the battlefield. "Mothers," he said, "must exhaust themselves to give life to children. Fathers must fight on the battle-field to secure the future for their sons." And he added that Germany had struck the word pacifism from its vocabulary. HITLER'S REICH 593

a to A of art or a for foreigner learn this language. work per an formance of any sort is not good unless the creator is Aryan, to a preferably Teutonic the last drop of his blood (if such being a case not a or a exists), preferably Nazi, and in any liberal Jew. Music, the theatre, the cinema, all have been bent to Nazi are Emi propaganda aims. The universities being "cleansed." are or are to nent professors who of Jewish descent who known as as entertain liberal ideas, well their colleagues who show or are regret at their fate who suspected of believing in academic or more freedom, are dismissed either by the government often simply by orders of the student committees.2 Meanwhile their books are removed from the university and public libraries and now suffer the same fate in the bookshops which is being meted out to a the works of long list of writers headed by Thomas Mann ? some namely, confiscation and burning, sometimes officially, cannot times by Nazi groups who be held accountable for their or court or actions with the police in any in any department of the official government.' The press has also been "assimilated," or or or or unfriendly lukewarm liberal pacifist "internationalist" or ex Jewish proprietors, editors and correspondents have been pelled, and Nazi commissars put at the side of the writers who remain. Attention is centered almost news of the ? exclusively upon revolution texts of of ac proclamations, speeches leaders, counts mass of meetings and celebrations. Everything is reported a seems to a no sense in feverish tempo, with what foreigner of to proportion, with scant reference the facts of history, and with to or at little notice of world opinion except abuse jeer it. ii How has it been thus to short all ties with the ? possible clip past with the Kaiser's Germany as well as with the Republic? care Because the young people who dominate the Third Reich 2 So far the studenthoods have not been definitely given the right to dismiss professors; but they to turn on have terrorized the university administrations by their power suspicion anyone who opposes them, and as a result of their demonstrations, boycotts and proclamations have succeeded or in forcing out even the Jewish liberal professors for whom the government had proposed making exceptions because of service at the front. 'Outside the Hochschule on Invalidenstrasse in Berlin, and on the doors of similar institutions throughout the Reich, is nailed the red proclamation of "Die Deutsche Studentenschaft" pro a claiming the Jew as the enemy of German thought and culture; Jew's book must not be printed in German characters, or if it is the title page must be inscribed "translated from the Hebrew." This follows the Nazi program announced inMunich in February 1920, where among other things . . . was written: "No Jew may be a member of the nation." It remains to be seen whether the on policy will be made retroactive; the works of Heinrich Heine are said to be still the shelves. 594 FOREIGN AFFAIRS at absolutely nothing all about history before the beginnings of movement the Nazi inMunich in 1919. They live exclusively in a the present, except for little private history which they have created for themselves, consisting (apart from embellished and records of Nazi of the of certain purified growth) glorification? to the cause of German for martyrs awakening example, a Horst Wessel, Nazi labor organizer murdered by communist a rivals, and Schlageter, young German patriot of uncertain was a antecedents who executed inMay 1923 after conviction by on French court-martial charges of espionage and sabotage in the or Ruhr. The rest is for them the history of the Aztecs the Tro remotest or jans. They haven't the interest in the politics program or or of old Imperial Germany, in the origins of the World War, or even in the military victory of the Allies, in the Treaty of Versailles. Those are care about causes; they only consequences. What they do know about is the 1918 "stab in the back" by the was or ? are communists (or it socialists republicans? the labels practically interchangeable) ; the weakness and treachery of the men came to who power by "giving away" parts of the father to same land Germany's enemies; the failure of these republicans to more throw off rapidly the servitudes which they had tamely on accepted Germany's behalf; the sufferings and indignities undergone by the German masses while Jewish bankers trafficked in currencies and Jewish businessmen profiteered. Against the materialism of Marx they set the self-sacrifice of Schlageter. It not count were most does that the old German Jews among the thoroughly respectable, industrious and patriotic of German citizens, that they fought in the Kaiser's armies, gave lives and fortunes for their country. It does not matter that out of Ger of some 65,000,000 600,000 many's post-war? population only were less one was a curses Jews than percent. Marx Jew. He the whole race, and even the families into which they have to an married, such extent that super-racist circles talk of steriliz women are ing all in Germany who unable to bear exclusively men to Teutonic offspring and of forbidding Jewish have inter course women with Teutonic under pain of capital punishment.4

4 I Speech of Julius Streicher, leader of the Nuremberg Nazis, chief organizer of the April boy in the London Times of 24. Similar ideas recur in Nazi and are cott, reported April " " speeches, being a translated into action in preliminary way by the Race Offices now being set up with the task of separating the population into two groups which may not inter-marry. The present article does not discuss Nazi "atrocities," nor the fate of the various categories of "un-German" emigres, now estimated to total between 30,000 and 50,000. HITLER'S REICH 595

The movement may hark back in some of its aspects to the to Middle Ages, and in others the r?gime of Wilhelm II, but essence not a plainly in its it is reactionary. It is revolt against the men, methods and aims of the past fourteen years. It is not as a a return to any old Germany such. It is twentieth century as revolution, as*radical in its implications and potentialities the Russian Revolution, but in the Prussian manner. It is very Prussian because the people have had the desire, the to will, to subordinate themselves leaders with imperious voices even was and gestures, to obey them when violence involved, and individually to merge themselves in the totalit?tstat. They felt once to Germany ready again command in the world; and because were a not they conscious of being part of superior force they did individually mind being commanded. Marching, singing, smash to too ing windows, delighted be in uniform though usually young to have known the war first-hand, others of them never a having had chance of steady employment since they left the most army, immunized from any knowledge of all but the recent sense events past, without of proportion about the of the pres or ent, protected from all disturbing opinion, foreign domestic, the Nazi rank and file have swept along, accepting the symbols and slogans and ideology which all the instruments of modern out at mechanized propaganda have blared them, forgetting new everything else in the exaltation of accepting their lot. Democracy to them had become tedious, intolerable. Without to too an allowing ourselves be drawn into theoretical analysis we none can a of this collective movement, the less perceive in it to some strong undercurrent of the twentieth century, phases of which the Spanish philosopher Ortega y Gasset has drawn are attention. These young Nazis proud to be ignorant, proud to despise the skill and attainments of the specialist. Like young a Soviet workers few years ago in Russia, they also are proud to to be free of the burdens of possessions, proud be hungry. Parti are cles of the mass which is to rule the world, they compelled forward by some cosmic urge which their leaders as well as their enemies no can understand, much ? say? frankly foreigner possibly less alas ! explain. an The mentality of the Nazi leaders is mainly intensification of the instincts and feelings of the Nazi masses. Among them, as are among those whom they lead, elements of idealism, of ro manticism, of enthusiasm, of na?vet?. We find here, too, the same 596 FOREIGN AFFAIRS at elements seeking adventure, power, revenge and profit the of and rivals. One as one reads the expense competitors suspects calculated statements of certain Nazi chiefs that there also must be an element of sadism, the counterpart of what in the mob is bloodthirstiness. And of course there is in all classes and groups the reaction against what the chief financial adviser of the party to as ? characterized the writer "wild capitalism" speculation, the cycle of giddy profits and fearful drops, corruption, the power of money and banks. Further, what in the bands roaming the streets often ismerely intolerance and bull pride of ignorance has its parallel among the intellectual leaders (who, incidentally, are not an to reason many) in impulse abjure and cool classicism, to no fly from Apollo. The impulse needs special description here, because in countries there have been manifestations of many dis satisfaction with science and with classical rules, in art as well as in social politics. Of a remaining characteristic noted in the talk of Nazi leaders somewhat more must be said, however the it ? dangerous ground offers for and error the exaggeration characteristic, namely, of twentieth century Teutonic mysticism, what might be called Wotan second-hand. The current manifestation seems to stem from Houston Stewart Chamberlain, who preached race conflict and the invincibility of the blonde Teuton hero. But the German was war. a super-man defeated in the Obviously here is contradic tion. Either he is not a super-man, or there is an alibi. The alibi is furnished by the Jew, the traitor within the gates. Let him be extirpated, along with the soft liberals who helped him betray once Germany, and behold! the Nibelungen hero will again know how to with his enemies. If we take with Chamberlain's cope racial teachings the contempt for democracy which exudes from as to masses Spengler, carrying it does the suggestion exploit the as a to we two to means power, have principal keys Nazi mental to processes. The second conception has enabled Nazi leaders masses ? sweep rivals aside and to bind the for already they as as are are bound, though they do not yet know it, securely the ? to masses in Soviet Russia the chariot of self-appointed dicta more to or arms to torship, helpless any find the instruments free even to out. themselves, helpless cry The first conception will a enable them, they hope, to build up pure and whole Teutonism, on ready to move invincibly forward its appointed mission throughout the world. HITLER'S REICH 597

in

Given these origins, is there cause for surprise in the fact that was at a the foreign policy of the Nazis the start very primitive came were thing indeed? On the day they to power there few of ever seen a them from top to bottom who had foreign land, and was one probably there not whose conception of what the world to across is like corresponded reality. Striding back and forth plat or forms cooped up with microphones, forever preaching in hoarse or voices planning the strategy of violent party warfare, they no to turn across had had time their eyes the frontiers long enough to see more than lowering masses of enemy troops, on clouds of aeroplanes the horizon. Wishes and words were their success. facts, force their measure of It was not to be expected that when suddenly the responsibility for directing the foreign of a nation fell on their shoulders would a policy great they adopt or less impatient less brash method than that which had just brought them success at home. The method became apparent in the statements of German at representatives the Disarmament Conference inApril and early in May, and in the statements of Chancellor Hitler and other same Nazi notables, both public and private, during the period. a on Thus, in conversation with the writer April 27, Chancellor more Hitler said that the Allies would have been honest had they even denied Germany the 100,000 soldiers allowed by the Ver were as sailles Treaty, for they useless protection and simply gave an Germany's neighbors excuse to call her chauvinistic; that to allot her so inadequate a number was obviously a "swindle;" armaments was a non that equality of sine qua of his policy; and that he doubted whether progressive disarmament of offensive own weapons by Germany's neighbors, and her progressive re armament, pari passu, with forts and other means of defense, to could possibly close the gap quickly enough satisfy German were needs. The plain implications in this line of argument given von on substance by Foreign Minister Neurath May 11, when he announced Germany's intention, regardless of the results of the to a Disarmament Conference, create military and naval air arm force, to with big guns, and to increase her man-power. Vice von Chancellor Papen's belligerent speech at M?nster two days later seemed designed to strengthen the determination of the no German public to be satisfied with other course. 598 FOREIGN AFFAIRS on same von But May n, the day that Baron Neurath pub lished his interpretation of Hitler's intentions, the British Secre tary of State for War, Lord Hailsham, gave expression in the to House of Lords the world's rising fear that Germany would armaments race precipitate another while the Disarmament Con at to ference was still sitting Geneva, and England's determina tion to prevent that result. In deliberate tones he pronounced the word "sanctions." The German press had brushed aside as "French propaganda" the warning given Germany by Sir Austen Chamberlain in his speech of April 13, and the plain implications of the Rosenberg incidents during the second week inMay. But was a this different matter. Moreover, Signor Mussolini, who had not a been little shocked by the universal outcry against his ally, now to sent strong admonitions him, giving notice that Italian not to a sympathies could be stretched the point of engaging in struggle against the united forces of England and France. At the same time he intimated that the Nazi persecution of the Jews had a error: misrepresented Fascist doctrine and had been tactical "You put all the Jews of the world against you," he told Hitler, "and you put against you the Christians also!" In this, Hitler's more first important test in foreign affairs, he showed himself sup ple than his critics expected. Seizing upon President Roosevelt's a message to the world, he adroitly used it as shield to cover his retreat. As this is being written, the world is waiting for evidence to on was a manoeuver whether the speech the Reichstag May 17 a or whether it represents change of heart which will lead Germany to postpone rearming. or What do the Nazis want in addition to rearmament equality of armaments? Th.ey want the Anschluss with Austria. They want the Corridor and Silesia back from Poland, and Danzig back a from its truancy as Free City. Less immediately, they want Northern Schleswig back from Denmark,5 Memel back from Lithuania, Eupen and Malmedy back from Belgium, and the former German colonies back from the present possessors. It goes count on without saying that they receiving back the Saar after the iQ.i? plebiscite.6 Alsace is usually mentioned indirectly, as 5 In the 1920 plebiscite about 75 percent of the inhabitants of Northern Schleswig voted for union with Denmark. The campaign for re-annexation of this territory has been led in German Schleswig by the Schleswigsche Zeitung and by the Nazi organization in Flensburg. 8 to Nazi threats as to what will happen the administrative and judicial officials who have been commission have so an effect serving the Saar international governing had demoralizing that to an at the League commissioner has appealed the Council (in official communication made public some Geneva on May 23) to secure sort of guarantees from the German Government. HITLER'S REICH 599 on when the Nazi Premier of Bavaria May 7 said that the Nazis would take an oath "never to rest or relax until the Rhine flows to sea once more as not as the Germany's river, Germany's frontier." If Nazi leaders think of the South Tyrol they say ? moment. nothing about it for the As the Nazi textbooks pro to use to as claim the right and duty force attain Nazi goals, and the use of force to attain the very first of their territorial goals would entail war, and since France will necessarily be party to war to to that if she is not wait passively be dealt with singly a war later on, it cannot be claimed that general European is are excluded from the Nazi program. Conscious that they super sure not men, and having made that they will again be stabbed in not the back by pacifists and Jewish traitors, they do doubt that a neces when the time comes they could win such war. It is not or to sary, then, to speak definitely about Alsace breathe the words "South Tyrol." These will fall into Germany's lap by the events of logic of and the law gravity. war About the cancellation of the so-called guilt clause in the von Versailles Treaty the Nazis seem to care much less than did as a to Papen. He wanted that concession trophy bring back from so Lausanne, along with the end of reparations. The Nazis have on at moment many real scalps hanging their belt that the they no feel need of trophies of sentimental value. The annexation of Austria has figured first among territorial aims of the Nazis because until recently they thought it the goal as as to most easily attained, well because of Austria's proximity the home base in Bavaria and because of Hitler's Austrian origin. The situation in Austria has been so tense, the strife between the Christian Socialists and the Social Democrats so bitter, that the a Nazis well might have considered that sudden putsch would soon be feasible. And indeed in the first weeks after Hitler's vic tory the Nazi forces in Austria grew steadily. The Pan-German course went over to the Nazis en were party of masse, and they followed by many adherents of Chancellor Dollfuss and by younger Social Democrats who accused their leaders of inaction and of stupidity in having actually created the situation which a allowed Dollfuss (head of minority party) to function without most to parliamentary restraint. But the important recruits the came Nazi banner from the Heimwehr, which in Styria accepted the Nazi program entirely and in the Tyrol in large part. To meet the Nazi menace Chancellor Dollfuss had a choice of 6oo FOREIGN AFFAIRS

? two courses to out-do the Nazis in an anti-Marxist drive, the while drawing support from Fascist Italy (which is far from to see a on anxious greater Germany the Brenner and looking down at the blue waters of the Adriatic from above Trieste) ;or to make some sort of armistice with the Social Democrats. The aim of the Social Democrats has been to avoid both Anschluss and to a Hapsburg restoration; arrange neutralized status for Austria to some like Switzerland's; and bring her into sort of Danubian as confederation where she might fulfill her traditional r?le middleman between east and west. With the benevolent neu trality of the Social Democrats, and supported from without by the Dollfuss would have had a fair chance of League, waiting? successfully for Austrian public opinion?notoriously variable to become disillusioned by Nazi performances in Germany. In course more choosing the first he probably made his task diffi not cult. The risk, evidently, is that he may be strong enough to on a on two at keep waging battle fronts once, and that either he will eventually find himself swallowed up by the Nazis, or, to avoid that, will follow Italy's wishes and throw himself into the arms of the who want Otto in the If the first legitimists ? Hofburg. of these eventualities occurs if, that is to Dollfuss ends ? say, up von consum by having played Papen the Anschluss will be mated whenever Hitler finds it convenient. If the second occurs, success. Italy's will be the principal She will have prevented the a Anschluss; she will have prevented the formation of Danubian confederation; she will have nullified the strength of the Little a Entente by isolating Jugoslavia and by setting up focus of are attraction (Hapsburg and Catholic) for the Croats who dis contented with the rule of Belgrade. Before Czechoslovakia and a Jugoslavia accepted such development Europe would certainly have had, if not war, then a war scare of the first order. Meanwhile, all the radio stations of Germany continue to blare out across arms their nightly messages the Austrian frontier; and over money have gone to aid the Nazi cause, especially in the care Tyrol; and is taken that in every Nazi demonstration in a to Germany prominent r?le shall be allotted the representatives movement of the in Austria. As Herr Rosenberg said recently: "The first stage of the great German revolution will only be finished when National Socialism has become the foundation of the thought of 80,000,000 Germans." The population of the Reich is 65,000,000; of Austria 6,500,000; the balance is to be HITLER'S REICH 601

made up, presumably, in Danzig, parts of the present territory of Poland, and other lands not yet redeemed. Dr. Frick, Nazi Minister of the Interior, raised the ante to 100,000,000 in a on "a full all Germans speech May 9 when he noted that third of now live outside the Reich," thus adding the necessary specifica a or tions to the statement made by Hitler week so earlier to the effect that "the revolution will only be complete when the entire German world is inwardly and outwardly formed anew." The German radios carry the voices of Hitler, Goebbels and the as others over the eastern frontiers of Germany well; and they a have had particular effect in the Free City of Danzig. This was city, almost exclusively German in population, given inde status serve as a pendent in order that it might port for Poland. were From the first there disputes between Poland and the city government. The Danzigers complained about unfair Polish competition, about Polish mismanagement of the railways, about Warsaw's alleged intention gradually to Polonize and absorb them. Poland complained of the obstacles put in the way of her men merchants, bankers and shipping who wishedjjjto establish themselves in Danzig. The continual wrangling, and the memory arms of the difficulties which she had encountered in importing on war through Danzig in July 1920 to^carry the against Soviet Russia, led Poland in 1924 and 1925 to undertake the construc an at tion of exclusively Polish port Gdynia. The energy and success were with which she pushed the undertaking remarkable ? so remarkable, in fact, that today the upstart port of Gdynia on a divides the sea-borne trade of Poland equally tonnage basis with her ancient rival, and takes an even larger share of the more a profitable trade in non-bulk goods. As result, Danzig is lan out a guishing, unemployment has reached about 40,000 of can no population of about 400,000, and there longer be any to doubt in the minds of Danzigers that in their anxiety monopo lize the transit trade and show their resentment at Poland's high now handed ways they have over-reached the mark and face too gradual dry rot and in the end ruin. Their fate, they realize late, is to be that of Riga, Libau, Fiume and other ports left without a hinterland to gaze out across stagnant seas. to as some For Danzig rejoin East Prussia the result of des not perate coup d'?tat which did also bring the Polish Corridor and Gdynia within the German frontiers would merely hasten the eventual disaster, for all that Danzig could expect in those 6o2 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

to circumstances would be divide with K?nigsberg the meagre local trade of East Prussia. The Nazi program of "Back to the a to Reich" offered, then, not practical solution the dilemma, a to but development which appealed the town's aroused German was sentiment and feeling of desperation. The writer in Danzig a 28 for few days during the campaign which preceded the May were cars were elections. Nazi flags flying everywhere, motor to dashing about carrying brown-shirted couriers, and, in order keep within the letter of the law forbidding political meetings, assemblies or concerts were held at after sports being daily, which, or the necessary legal preliminaries of calisthenic exhibitions was on patriotic music, the radio tuned in Berlin. The result of was this intensive propaganda that the Nazis swept the field, to set securing the right organize the Diet and up the city ad ministration. In Nazi hands, the leader of the Danzig Nazis7 to told the writer, Danzig will be "safe for Germany," ready be reincorporated in the Reich when and ifHitler gives the sign. In other words, here as in Austria, Hitler aims to secure the mas arouse or as vex or tery, calm the populace suits his plans, pacify as his foreign enemies other aspects of his foreign policy make it can seem expedient, and bide his time until Poland be dealt with own resolutely, the Corridor wiped out, and (in his words) "once again it is all Germany." IV

National Socialism will last in Germany, as the Soviet and Fascist dictatorships have lasted in Russia and Italy. So much can be said, even its domestic is still reasonably though ? program directed toward a the of mainly? negative object extirpation its enemies and hence has not yet been tested for constructive we can discern several statesmanship. Already, however, possible sources of future weakness. so In the first place, the party has grown rapidly, its final access to was so not power sudden, that it is homogeneous. The historical fact that divisions which occurred in the ranks of the Italian Fascists and the Russian Communists were overcome does mean not necessarily that similar divisions within the Nazi ranks overcome. will also be Among the seventeen millions who voted the Nazi ticket on March 5must be many who already are uneasy

7 one An energetic young Bavarian named Foster, of the "original seven" founders of the Nazi movement, whom Hitler despatched to Danzig about two years ago to organize the party there. HITLER'S REICH 603 over the new regime's treatment of its enemies and its violation of the old German standards of law and justice. The burning of the voters on eve to Reichstag enormously impressed the the of going was the polls. But the proofs that it done by communists (prom a were not ised then for publication within few days) forthcoming, and now some are themselves whether the whole com asking munist menace was not a hoax. to the Up present time, however, more individual waverings have been than made up for by the general rush to the band-wagon. More real at present than any likelihood of divisions in the Nazi masses is the possibility of divisions in the Nazi leadership. can Two tendencies already be distinguished. The conservative himself. Thus it was he who wing is represented by der F?hrer But argued in the party councils against the Jewish boycott. of some for a though he rejected the proposals of his colleagues was a protracted boycott he eventually persuaded that one-day was as a means off accumu boycott indispensable of letting the lated hatred which Nazi propaganda machines had whipped up and to avoid "undisciplined" persecutions, plundering and very a as to two possibly general pogrom. To say much is admit impor ? on masses tant facts that this particular occasion the party were out to conse of hand and had be satisfied, regardless of quences; and that there was a division of will among the leaders.8 no Again, it is secret that Dr. Schacht's influence in the r?gime consists in large part of the weight his views carry with Hitler personally. This may prove of importance in party councils when the difficult economic and financial decisions of the next come to at a few months be taken. Again, private meeting of party leaders held inMunich the last week in April, Hitler gave notice that the first task was internal consolidation, and that talk about winning back lost territories should be postponed not until Germany's internal position had become stronger, until mere argument but positive action could be the order of the day. But the whole psychology of the intimate circle of persons with whom he has worked in past years is contrary to moderation of this sort, even should the reasons for it be merely tactical. to as no one to Not exactly opposed Hitler, for yet dares oppose more him, but nevertheless suspected of pursuing inflammatory are men and dangerous methods than his, like Captain Goring, 8 It is instructive to note in this connection that apparently Hitler has never felt it wise publicly or act or to disown deprecate any of violence committed by attributed to members of his party. 6o4 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

head of the Prussian state government, Dr. Goebbels, head of new some the propaganda ministry, of the Bavarian ministers whose views have already been quoted, and the chiefs of the S.A. troops in various centers. The torrential but carefully phrased over eve speech which Dr. Goebbels pronounced the radio the must to extent ning before the boycott be read realize the of the to to man's will and ability subtly incite violence. There might a men to on or to well be temptation for like these egg the crowd, float with it should its demands grow more radical, even while pre tending to accept the party decisions dictated by Hitler. After a all, it is less question of direction than of speed and intensity. to Or they might elevate Hitler the Presidency (or even, it is sometimes suggested, to some inaccessible religious height) and attempt to rule in his name. Or, should the program of the more to moderate (i.e. less impatient) Nazis fail fulfil popular expec a tations, the extremists might carry the party for policy of one immediate adventure and in desperate stroke sweep away the cross will whole underpinnings of European peace. To Hitler's openly today is impossible; any disillusionment of the country movement. But about him personally would destroy the whole are a to these only the opening months of long struggle get and a a keep monopoly of power. The possibilities of division of wills later on in the very heart of the Nazi party are not to be excluded from an observer's calculations. Among the economic effects of the Nazi accession to power have been a shrinking of the market for German goods in many a on to parts of the world; reluctance the part of many people travel by German boats, ship goods by German routes, patronize German or visit as students or a retreat films, Germany tourists; were by foreign enterprises which considering opening factories or con branches in Germany, due to Nazi discrimination against cerns a with foreign capital; feeling of uncertainty and mistrust new enter among domestic capitalists who might have started a to prises; general tendency of people hoard money rather than some an spend it in such uncertain times; and to extent export of capital either because of the flight of Jews and others from the or event country in preparation for such flight in the that ways might later be found to cross the frontier. are a Now these all distressing developments in country with some 6,000,000 men out of work, and which has managed to live in recent years because it had a favorable balance of trade. The HITLER'S REICH 605 two are now trade figures for the months following the election were at available. In March imports valued 362,000,000 gold marks, exports at 426,000,000 gold marks. In April|imports had fallen to 321,000,000 gold marks, exports to 382,000,000 gold were as marks. Last year the figures follows: March, imports 364,000,000 gold marks, exports 516,000,000 gold marks; April, imports 427,000,000 gold marks, exports 472,000,000 goldfmarks. It will be noted that last year imports increased from March to a a a April, natural development (in country which is large im raw porter of materials) in the spring of the year. This year, however, imports fell. The explanation undoubtedly is that in order to maintain a favorable balance of trade the Reichsbank raw had to restrict the import of materials. The result inevitably will be a subsequent further fall in exports. Dr. Schacht went to America in in the of a loan to finance German May hope securing a exports. He failed. Germany's economy is obviously in pre carious situation. not Meanwhile, the position of the individual worker has im so as can not proved. Unemployment, far be judged, has de a unem creased. The official figures show fall in the number of ployed from 6,000,958 in February, the last month before the to an Nazi victory, 5,598,855 inMarch, representing improvement from 33.0 to 30.7 in the percentage of workers who are without employment. It is doubtful whether this improvement is real. num Part is seasonal, part is undoubtedly due to the transfer of to bers of men from the unemployed lists service in the S.A., to while part is probably due the elimination from the lists of those receiving help of many persons suspected of entertaining "un was German" political theories. While the government issuing a figures showing decline in unemployment, the Trade Unions an reported increase in the percentage of unemployed from 47.4 percent in February to 52.7 percent inMarch. On the whole, it seems worse likely that the unemployment situation is really than it was in the winter. It is hard to see how the Hitler govern ment is to off its redeem its to im going pay supporters, promise prove the situation of agriculture as against industry, and in general bring better times, except by trying socialization schemes a so which may prove risky in time when political tension is high. Another cause for apprehension in Berlin is furnished by Ameri can moves toward inflation. Germany has been through the mill as of uncontrolled inflation, and knows its bitter ending as well 6o6 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

its pleasant first stages. The Reichsbank under Dr. Schacht, like set German opinion in general, certainly is strongly against another inflation, even if the United States proposes to join to at to a England in offering her goods the world lower prices due devaluation of the dollar. But could Germany long resist if the greater part of the world took that road? And what would happen to her export trade if she did resist? Inflation is one of the things which no German government, not even a Nazi government, could feel sure of coming through unscathed. In the decisions to be taken in this connection may lurk another threat to Nazi popularity and power. a or As yet only few Nazi leaders have had time felt it necessary some to look ahead at all these hurdles. They will reach of them are rapidly in the period of "trial and error" upon which they now entering. But for the moment the revolution is still in course are an and fevers high. A whole people has been given inocula tion. To all practical purposes it has taken universally. v new Another of the democratic states of Europe has retreated wave we before the of dictatorship. Must conclude that Western as democracy known in England, France and the United States a has suffered defeat? The truth is that it has only lost the a never won. semblance of victory it had In the lands of the was not Hohenzollerns, the Hapsburgs and the Romanoffs the soil a yet ready for democracy. The old Germany, it is true, was legal a state. There was freedom of thought, free press, confidence that one one would secure justice if kept within the law. But at the top was a stark force, militaristic and autocratic, which could com was to mand Germans to die, and which ready give the word when or it thought its interests prestige demanded. was a or The German Republic puny plant. Beneath the inch so were a of top-soil in which its seeds hastily placed were dozen unyielding strata, packed down and solidified by tradition and a usage. The servitudes of punitive peace treaty, the galling preponderance of France and her allies in Europe, the economic distress following the defeat and the inflation, all these hindered its growth. The cultivators, from Ebert and Scheidemann at to von through Stresemann and Briining down last Papen and von Schleicher, cared less and less about saving it. Nor did the well-intentioned campaign of the liberal press abroad to rectify HITLER'S REICH 607

the extreme appraisal which the world had formed about Ger a many's part in causing the war, campaign in which they white as as washed the Imperial Government uncritically Lloyd George in an earlier incarnation had damned it, serve to make the task of more sincere republican leaders any the easy. But the final deter was mining condition which caused the Republic's death that it had no nourishment from below. As an eminent German said to two or a the writer three years ago: "We made republic; but there were no republicans." came to was The German people believe that their position never ignoble, intolerable, and could be righted except by force. Even their best leaders (Stresemann included) were afraid of out was pointing how much better their position in Europe be coming year by year. They hardly noticed that the hated treaty was a gradually being revised in whole series of vital respects (evacuation of the Rhineland, ending of military control, entry into the League, virtual cancellation of reparations), that France, was more the traditional enemy, becoming perceptibly pacific, that she had the for tne next already recognized? necessity taking ? great step in treaty revision the accord of equal rights and that disarmament would come next. progressive von to Von Papen and Schleicher prepared break sharply with the method of appeasement and revision by stages which Strese a man as as mann, thoroughly German either of them, had concrete success. to pursued with evidences of Hitler, going the an none people with eloquence and abandon of which of the were at others capable, actually made the break. Looking back account the position of the German people after the war, taking of their and that ten psychological make-up, remembering years, a a seems though it is short time in the life of nation long in the life of individuals, we now see that the break was one day almost bound to be made. an to Will Hitler, having given the German spirit opportunity purge itself of part of its store of resentment and hate and envy, new and having counted from his vantage point of supreme a power and responsibility the cost of desperate policy of revenge, to to decide try gradually return to the methods of piecemeal some revision which of his predecessors pursued? If he does, will it be possible for France, all of whose wartime fears have been revived by the events of recent weeks, to return to a conciliatory course promptly enough for the (hypothetical) moderate ele 6o8 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

ments in the Nazi party to retain control? It will not be easy for to assume a France good faith in Germany which has been talking as to to a and acting Nazi Germany has, make concessions Hitler which she said she was not yet ready to make to a Stresemann a to and Briining. And if she refuses be led rapidly into accepting are German offers of collaboration (presuming they forthcoming), will the German masses, "awakened" indeed, allow Hitler to no matter at delay rearming, what has happened Geneva? Then, feeling themselves stronger, will they refrain from producing faits accomplis in Austria and Danzig and the Saar and wherever else local conditions play into their hands ? cannot One other question-mark be ignored. National Social as a ism poses mighty bulwark against Bolshevism. But it fights own ? with the enemy's methods repression, fear, propaganda, con isolation from world thought and world opinion. The whole an trol of the state, mechanical and spiritual, is in the hands of turn unchallengeable directorate. One of the knob, and the radio a as unan would play German version of the Red International as now imously it plays the Nazi marching songs. One order, a and the S.A. would become Red Army. A transformation like a this would not be the result of chance. Germany is not country or of improvisations. It would happen because Hitler, his col or to as a out leagues, his successors, planned it happen way of a imminent failure, to avert the anger of people which had been a stone. promised bread and given It is with fears and questions such as these in mind that we watch each day's events in Germany. Three months after the Nazi revolution we cannot pretend that as yet there is any real evidence to cause our fears to or our can diminish, that questions as be answer. yet given any conclusive