COLONJt. INCOC:NTTA: 'THE FOitMATION O?' r:J-JIN /--\. TO\Vt~·.
NEW YORK ClTY , ~ ti50- J;rnc
by Her~.ry Tom., ,
' I ':', ( : l" I. } ' L ' ,' ·' ~. APPROVAL SHEET
Title of Thesis: Colonia Incognita: The Formation of Chinatown, New York City, 1850-1890
Name of Candi.date : Henry Tom Master of Arts, 1975
Thesis and Abstract Approved: ~ ~ ~ . Edward K. Muller Assistant Professor Department of Geography
; /. ( /_;( l l Ul. ~ Robert A. Harper Head D epartment of Geography
Date Approved: ..,, (:JI . '( :--- I ·-- I I ., ABSTRACT
Title of Thesi s : Colonia Incognita : The Formation of Chinatown, N ew York City, 1850-1890
Henry T orn, ]\laster of Arts , 197 5
Thesis directed by : Edward K. Muller, Assi s tant Professor
The g ene s i s of ethnic a r e as in citie s is attribute d to the process of
r e sidenti al concentration. For the Chines e experience in New York, how-
ever, the e mergenc e of Chinatown occurred through t he concentration of institutions . A r a pid influx of Chinese into this northern indus trial city followed by an occupational spe cialization in laundries - - the coterminous place of work and r e si.dence - - resulted in their widespread distribution.
This s patial patkrn prevented a r esidential concentrat ion of the Chinese, who possessed a g r e at cultura l variance from the indigenous population.
The m igrationa] obj e c tive of returning to China with t heir accumulated e arnings gave rise to the sojourning nature of Chines e migrants and its attendant de tach ed status of mig ration without wives or families. The s e conditions gen er ated a d esire among the migrants to p r e s erve their cultural identity, in curring a heavy reliance on things Chinese . In response,
Chinato wn h ad fo n ned by 1380. Initially, a concentration of service and social ins titutions wh ich fulfilled the s ocio-cultural ne e ds of the di.sper s ed
Chinese population, Chinatown eventually bec am e the b a s is for Chinese r esidential concent1·ation. DEDICA'.l'ION-
To 1ny parents, wife, ,rnci cbiJclren for their love, fa5th , :l nd sacrifices . ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I sincerely thank the students, faculty and staff of the Geog raphy
Department, University of Ma r yland, for their contributions whic h m ade
the academic e xper i e nce r.ot only meaningful, but als o enjoy able . My
thanks to Drs. E . K. Muller, P . A. Groves a nd J . Ci.r:rincione for t heir
help. Special compliments to Mrs. Peggy Webster for h er supe rb abi.lity
and finess e in h andling the administrative affairs and to M:c s . Mary T erry
for her unrivalled knowledge of Turabian, professiona l1 sm and t yping .
Martha VUl and Eric Solomon h a ve m y wa r mesi. r egards for t h e i r felb w ~:!1 i p
and moral support. Deep a ppreciation go es to Drs . Der8k T hor:1p.son,
Willi.a m Dando and especially Joseph Wiedel for the ir c o ns1:Emt vvillingn,2 ss
to provide r:n e with g uidance in all ma.Her s l arge and smalJ.
For intelle ctua l ins pira tion a nd an iricl elible im pr int on m y J.ifc, J
will al wa ys b e indebted to P r o fessor L. S. Fonaroff.
I a m very grat eful for t h e frequent aid, close fri endship :mci ki:idne.s~
of J a ck Yee, T on y and Nellie P err ella . It i s inde ed r ;1r e fort un e to h ave S1t ch friends .
Mos t of 2.11. 1 vvi s h to e x press my eternal g r atitude a nd friends hip ~o
F r a nk W. Pol'ter III. In g r eat purt dur .i.ng the final pbar:e, he tl'L'.l.y m ade-~
T can never forget nor repay hi ~; invaJi.,abJr.· acad2nJ i,:
th i r: 1, 1· 11g o'· <)t'- ,, ,··1· '., t i e al 1 v i_ 2. ily, -'- • lL .:J .v_/ 1o-"l ... ~.,.·~ r. y1. ,. e,,.. ., • • ..., J.J and c r tic ., TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
l....,J.S1' C)P' T .A, B I...,ES ...... •.•.....•. ·....••...... i 7
1, IS T () F' 1\'IA. fJS ...... • ...... v
Chapter
I FORMATION OF ETHNIC ARE.AS IN NO R T HE.RN INDUSTRIAL CITIES ...... l
Statement of Purpose ...... 1 Conceptua l Fram e .vork ...... 1 The 13lack Experience ...... Tb.e Euro pean immig r a nt E xp e rie nce ...... If The Chine se E x p e rie nce ...... 7 flypoti1csis ...... 8 Methodo .l.ogy ...... , .•...... , ... . 10
I I MOVEMENT OF CHINESE TO AI',JD VilTTHIN NORTH AMEHICA...... • ...... l G
Introduct ioa...... • ...... l S G eographic Orig in: K wang-tung Provi.ncE: ...... , ...... Hi The Objecti vi:: of Mig r ation ...... , ...... ?. 4 MigraU.0!1 to tb.e E Qst Coast...... ;.~9
JI I THE FORlVU\TlCN OF Cb1NATOWN, NEW YOI-U< Cl'J' Y .• . . . ..• ...... , ...... 45
Tnl.roclu c Uor1. . . . .• ••.•...••.• • ,. .. . . , •.....•. • •. . , .. . 45 Pr0 -· form;·1'. io n :'tl Stage (J850 - l f 7 5) ... . , ...... ~1-5 • ·1 Ji:o.r·tn~.1 tlon.D. .l :) !.c~;;·(: ( 1 iJ?r)-- 18f) O) ...... w • • •, -. ••• ~ • • (.l '·
i\T c~o:-:;c I , USi CF-.::; _\-:\'l) PH.OS P ECT S ...... ' .. ' ' . . . ' . . .. .
Hi L JST OF T A BLES
T abl e P age
1. Chinese P opul a tion (1 8 50- 1800}...... 9
2. Chin e s e Popul at ion ...... 32
3. Chine se Populatio n b y R egions and Sel e cted S t ates ( l 8 5 0-1 8 9 0) ...... , ...... , 3 5
4. Urban Popula tion Growth ...... :3 6
5. 1850 C e nsus D at a for C hi nese in Ne w Yo rk City ...... 48
6 . 1855 Cens u s D ata for Chines e in Ne.v York City ...... 51
7. 18 GO C en s u s Da ta for C hi n e s e i n N e w Yor k City ...... :;5
8 . 18'7 0 Cens u s D ata fo:c Chinese in New Yo rk Ci~y ...... 57
9. 1 880 Censu s Data for Chi n ese in N ew York City ...... (:3 3
10 . Type s o f Chinese S e r vice Ins titutions iE :New York City (1 880) ...... G5
11. Chin::>. s e Occu~ation s in New York City (1 880) ...... 65
12. C hinese M arriages in Ne w York C ity (1 880) ...... • 71
13 . Marita l Statu s of C hin ese in New York City...... 72
14 . 1 S90 Cernrns D ata for Chine s e in N ew York City ...... 76
1 ;') . G .l'o wtb d Chinese L a u ndl'i e s in N e w Yo rk City ...... '?3
iv LIST OF MAPS
I\ilap Page
1 China: South and Southeastern Coastal Provinces...... 18
2 Kwangtung Province ...... 21
3 Chinese Population in New York County by Ward, 1850--1890 ...... •...... •. 47
4 Chinese Population in New York County by Election Districts, 1860 ...... 54
5 Chinese Population in New York County by Election Districts, 1 87 0 ..... , ...... 60
6 Chinese Institutions and PopulaUcn in Ward6ofNewYorkCounty, 1880 ...... Gi
'l Chir1ese Popul2tion and Laundries in New York County, 1880 ...... , ...... G9
V CHAPTER I
FORMATION OF ETHNIC AREAS IN NORTHERN INDUSTRIAL CITIES
Statement of Purpose
In the study of American urbanization, the emergen ce of ethnic
areas is recogniz ed as a significant compone nt of the northern industr i al
city.· l IJecent work has exp1 ore d the origins of black and :r;u r- ope ~' n
immigrant neighborhoods; conceptvally, however, such effo r ts fail to
account for the ge:-iesis of Chinese areas in m ;:my of the same cities.
Unlike othe r e t hnic enclaves formed by r e side.atial concc '1 t r a tion, China -
towns appar,~r~tly e merged through the concentratio n o.f insU ti:;t i on s . T b:.f:'
prern.ise is eva.lua:ed by studying the forma tion of Chinato wn in J:-k.:: \V "'{o rl-:
city.
Conceptual Framework
No forrn al th<:.c.n·y e x i s ts for the forma tion of ethnic arcia.s in t hr: i\n-1erican in(1u:::r rial c ity. Funda m e ntal h an um1 e rstanding of e th:1ic c~rt~:::
form ~~.tion, hou; ever, i::; th e d istin ction bet we en cau se ~md pre -:: et:f,. A l t /J.01.,gh cJos•c: ly r e l ated, c a u .:,c r, :,ir e no t processes ; Lhc l' E:,:1E, 1)nf. b ~' why TCC, n01 f i e
w,1. ys in •;1hich c tl:n jc :1t·c8.:,:; forrn . lL",ci s rn ctl:d 1..h c o c-cin:nti.ona L ·J ''i:.·rt:-1. t LOil of 1·csick ·nc ::\ th P '._:,1u st~r; l\>r bl a c k a nd E u r () pec:1 n i rn rnizrant ar-2 as, cLfrer
1 2
Aupa1·cntly, China town resulted from a diffe rent proce s s a n ci cause .
B e c ause of socio- cultural nee ds, Chinatown emerged through a pro cess of institutional conce ntration. The underlying goal of this s tud y is to suggest that ethnic a r ea form a tion can occur throug h not o n e , b ut +.vvo processes (institutlorwl o,o well as reside ntic1l conc ent r ation), and :for socio-cultural n eed s , a reason whi ct h :1s not been conside r ed as a rn.a,ior cause.
The Black Experie nce
Prior to the emerge nce of the ghetto in no!"t l1 e r n citi C? 3, ;:;1_ ack:::; vren,: u s ually .found inter s p e :i:· s ed among whi.te s. They llve
1;nskilled labor. Wi th very low p ay and long :10ur s of wo r~. t Ley •.ver e. for·cc:d t o find (: h eap acc on.,mori a t1. ons on tbe city' s periph E, ry or in th,? o).(!,. . .c,t
jch ·_; ;1 c! )·,c ·::'o lcg ::or :::.p t':ti.tir>,, l'.ri th whi l:e:' . ln t,:·oJu,:ed ir.sl ~\S sn·'Lkc-:1rE.',Jkt·,·s 3 and fater a s an increasing proportion of the unskilled and semi- skilled 3 urban labor force, blacks sharply intens ified job riwilry. r:'he great gains in black population within northern cities, occurring concurre ntly wii.h the acceleration of European immigratio ~1, generat ecl a dra .s Lie demand for housing, further heightened by the suspension of building cor,stru:::tion
4 during World vVar I. White racism towards blacks was the consequei1c.e of such competition for jobs and housing.
The residential s egregation o f blacks within n0rthern industrial citi~~s was a significant expression of this white raci:::rn. In the face of a mounti.n g housing need, bl2.cks sought reside nces omside areas of blac k settle m e nt.
Formerly, as blacks encroached on white residential a re a s, v.rhites moved away. But, due to t h e housing short:lge , whites remained and oppo~";d Th e
5 influx of blacks. Motivated b y pe rsonal gain and v ested interests, ~er~Hct'S he1 peel to establish black residential areas. Black realtors inte rtJa lJ y
h promoted the ghetto, while externally, white re alto rs confined the blac ;.;: s . ·
After Wo:c·ld War I, the black population of northern indl1stria l cities 7 became increasingly concentrated in a reas or esta blished bla~k residc n c: (~S.
.'\cc o :cding to .i\lla n H. Spear:
By l 920, 35 percent of Chicago's N e6To2 s l ived in censu s tra ci: ::, that were over 7 5 pe r cent Negro. Only 7. 1 lX~r cent lived in n e ighborhood s lcs~, tha n 5 pe r r:e nt Negro -· ;;1. s l1arp r edu c tion frc rn 32 . 7 per c e:: n f: i.n l'.'1 1 0 . IJ a l f' <)C the N u~1·::., pc, p u 1 ali.on n uw l i ,:cd i r: :)n :.> du n1 in ~in tl y l\cgr c c<:; n s us f.l ·act s , and ~l () r,e r c en r Liv e d l tl t r adf; t h:it wc:: r e c) 1. l r: ri s t 1 0 p E:r cent N egr c . In ~.,ho .t i, th,:, mci jor it y cd' Chi:::a:~:o ' ..s N eg1·oes now live d i :, U :,r:: k c L·,cli.,v Ps ; t h ,2 :1::; e;attc: recJ" po r t ion of () tn c Nc,~·x ·o '. )' )J)'.Lt. ,i ti o n lwd ,l1.n10 E, i d i bap pear ed . 0 4
The success of the white society in reducing the d egree of res idential
contact is evidenced by the emergence of the black ghetto. Hi.storians
have argued tha t the emerging ghetto produced cohesion among bl acks, . 9 l eading to a separate group life. A black institutional infra-struc ture
later developed through a set of social, economic, and polihcal institutions
catering specifically to blacks. Such institutional development atti~acted
more blacks, as did a chain migration of farnily, relative.s, and friends,
both of which contributed to the aggregation of existing black areas. In
sum, white racism c a used the formation of black ghettos through a
residential intensification of existing lJJack enclave s and the subsequent
development of black institutions.
'I'he European Immigrant E x perience
The formation of European immigrant areas occur:ted ill aorthe rn
Cities during a period c,f great immigration and industrializa ti·:in. B d 'NP c n
1880 and 192 o more than twenty-two million people arrived, equival ent to
two-third.:: of the total immigration to America from 1820 to 1920. Unlike
rnany e a rlie r i.mmigrants, these later arrivals had lHtie industrial t r a inLng
or- experience. Conscque ntJy, most immigrants found 1;;,ork in northen,
industr j_ a liz.ing cities :~s unskilled laborers.
I'he c r~ 11tr;:;.l :ne a of th,2 city ;.~L i; r act ed the i m1nit,Tant s because it ·11;a s the Ja r g ,::! st and 1noE;~ cii verse source o f unskilled ernpJoyment oppo t·tu rn.tie:•.J.
Prio r to the ri::se of the j nduatria l c ity, i m m j_gTD.nts h ad been locat ed on tl1,_;
P1?:r-iplicry ;:rncl / or thl·oc:g hout Lhe city. Enr.roac hrncnt llpo n c entra l c e s idei·, Ji.:!. l - -
5
qu,1rters by com ..nercial c:.ctivity provided housing for immigrants. David
Ward has noted:
The settlement of newly arrived imm~grants on the margins of the central business district has for long been closely associated with the blighting effects of commercial encroachment into adj2cent residential districts. Once abandoned by their original popu lations, central residential districts were most frequently adopted by low-income in:nni.gn:. r:its. 1 CJ
The subsequent abandonment of central housing by original residents 1,vas
also facilitated by de-,.relopme:nts in intra-urban transportation, which per--
lhitted the middle-class a greater separaticm br·tw2en the plar,c of vvork and
Place of residence. Job uncertai.nty, .long hours of work, a.nd low -.v,1.Ge 3
necessarily re~;tricted e thnie groups to central locations. Most groups had
to live arc,und or w·ithin walking distance because t hey .had neither the ~lJne
ll()I' rnoney to. spend• Jn· conunu t· 1ng· t o an d f.rom wor k.. l1
As newcomers, the immigrants I unfamiliarity with J zrnguage, Hcv:
innnvcttions and technology sometimes generated a s ystem for ~he 1.n c;nagc -
Yn e nt of unskilled immigrant labor aE~nng ·,,-arious ethnic groups. Snch c1
;:;;,;stem wa.s the Italian p:1dron e . Its l anguage capability and knov..-lec!ge cf
1abor pi'actices effect ivei.y orgdnjzed immigrant l aho:r. The pad1·on~) also
er,ccn1r· c1.gec/ a n e thnic division of lcibor by furnishjng , at tim es, the entir e
th,~ c o ncentrat i'..)r,. or i.rnrn ·gra11t ~, in fl--1.1-:-i.r own are::as , Concentrati\)ll 1,vo1.ild
theG ::itL·act n1ore of t he ir own kind, r-nncc they woL1.id be n1or1c.' likely to 6
obtain work from or through their own compatriots . Further congregation of the group was promoted by the provision of tenement housing owned a ncl 3 operate d 'oy pa('.ironei t ype orgam·. z .at 10ns.· l Al. Lh oug 11 not a 1ways prom o 1.en ' by a formal system such as the padrone, the ethnic division of labo1~ was widespread and a force f9r resicientio.l concentration.
· Reinfordng this tendency to cluster for occupational purposes was the inclination of &n ethnic group's members to band together for social c.. nd protective reasons. As a large numlier of' an ettnk group conceP..trated in a particular area, social, economic , and political institutions develop2cl fo serve their needs. The aggregation of institutions then furthe r ed the additional conc011tJ·atbn of more immigrants belonging to thr:: same group.
Much of the s~.1bsequent concentration of immigrants into their own grn1J p~, resulted -'.:'rom their link :::-; to fciencls and rel8.tives who followed . J ohn and
Lealrice McDonald h &v e defined this movement as chain mi.gra.tior., o n e,
"in which prospective migrants l earn of opportunities, are provided wi:L transportation, and have initial accommodations and employment :-1:.:T.:u::.g·ed
O 1 b y m2c.1ns or primary• soc1a• 1 re 1a t 1on· s 1ups · 'Nl' .tl1 previous· nn· g r a n t·s . n l ·
Thus, l:li.e forrDation of Ec1ropcan i!r: migrant neig hborhoods occ,.;1r::-ed through a residcnl.t,~.l -2o ncent:catio:1 based upon the occupati.on:::,J 01·j_cnt~:i.ticr. of res:.denccs and the ~l.ii l-:: t:Ci J.11t develo pm e nt of etho.i.c support irs~5,.·..iti c1n ,.,. 7
The Chi,1ese Expe rie nc e
The re a r e no studies which deal with the formation of a Chinatown
as an ethnic a r ea in the northern.inclustria.l city. The histo 1:·y of this group
in America as well as a personal knowledge of the Chine s e , ho wever,
suggest that neithe r the black nor the Europe an immigrant ex periences c a n explain ChinG.town ' s e voluti on. Racism did not confine the Chir:e s e t~, a specific a1'ea in the city, as it did with blacks. Violeni. ctncl overt di.s c rirnin;-1. - tion aga inst Chin ese was generally limited to the We.;t and I or occurred p ,:·i.or 15 to the appea rance of substantial numbers of Chinese on the e c.st coast.
Moreover, if Chinese we re predominantly eng aged in laundry work and lived in or near the ir laundries, which h 2.d a ubiquitous distribu~oio n, then the occupa tic11o.l orie ntation of reside nc es., v,,hicb. clust8red Et.~rupc an imrnig-rants would not have concentro.ted the Chinese , hut r ::ithe1.· di.s pcff:,ed them.
Chin2.town is t od a y not only a reside nUal area .. but also a fo cal poi nt providinf s e r v i c e s and supplies to all the Chinese in th e ci 1.• y a nd i.t s environs . The r'esidential function of Chinatown, whic h inc h1d e s a sub ;_: t2 r, 1:i ;i'I p:·o1x n·tion of ibe Chinese popu lation, is a r e cent development of the p ;::;.:st Hi fifLe en yes.rs , · These fac ts s uggest that Chinato wn n'. ay h t '. Vf: 3 1.c-,.r ,:,-~ d 3 '.3 a s ,~: rvicc~ cent Pr. T h2 tindcrl yi n.g r ation ale i.s based on the r e1:.it.i.onsh.i iJ
o:.' Chine::;e wor'.,; i n ,r.; ~-.ncl living in bund1·ie::::, and 1: ho :.r great ~nltur·al dL f !'c n):1C (:: ::~ 8
The distinct Chinese c ultural variation from the wer;i favored a n inclina tion of the Chinese to rely on their own goods, especially in their dietary habits. Since early Chine se h a d no intention of sta ying in America this r e lia nce upon things Chinese was inte nsified by th e l ack of assi.milation .
This is confirmed by t he overwhelming number of m a le Chinese, many wi1:h wives and famiJy awaHing their return (see T able 1). 17 Due to the i r wi de spread distribution in laundries, Chinese would have been unable to reside together like most e thnic groups . The resulting solitary existence o f
Chinese without b e nefit of families increased the n ecessity to satisfy their social and c ultura l needs. It would Geem the essence oI the problem iies in institutiona l need s .
Wii:h r espect t o institutions, th e bla ck experi ence witnessf:!d the d evelopment of i nsti.tui:ion s l ater in tbe forma tior1 o f the ghetto; while i n i:he case of European immigra nts, it was evidently concurre nt and I:2__ s it~_: rrhe acculturation of immigrants in America was facilitated by the t ransitional influe nce of establis hing familiar i nsti tutions from the motherland. Bl acks, ho,Never, we r e not foreign born. The majority of t his group h ad b een bcJI'n
2.nd r;; i.S(:d in _:'.\ m eri c2.. A duplication of v,-hite institutions h ad resulted art er tlie white refu;:'al t o accept bl acks as e qnals .
Hypothc:-,i s
If th e nJ.:tj CH' i1,y or Chl.ur_, ~., c: were ,~ng&.g e d in l ~-..rnclry wo1.·I:. a nd Jive d in 9
TABLE 1
CHINESE POPULATION (1850-1890)
Year Total Male Female Number Percent Nurnber Percent ·--·
1850 7 58 756 99 2
1860 35,565 33, 781 95 1,784 5
1870 63,254 58,688 93 4, 566 7
1880 105,465 100,686 96 4,779 4
1890 107,483 103,620 96 3, 868 4 ----·----·------·------·---· ------· Source: U.S. Census Data ; Dobie, Charles C., San _Franc i s c o I s China~ovn~, London, N e w York: D. Appleton-Centu:ry Co., 19J6, p. 32 . 10
Chinese would have a dispersed distribution. This intensified the need of
the Chinese for their own institutions. Attendant to the d evelopment of
this dispers e d Chinese distribution would be a nodal clustering of Chinese
institutions in response to the socio-cultural needs of the widespread
dispe rsi0n of Chinese.
Methodology
The formation of the Chinatown in New York city provides an oppor
tunity to t est this hypothesis. This Chinatown was chosen b e(~ause it has
traditionally been the l a rgest one on the east coa st and is located withi;:i c:>. .
northe rn industri a l city. The study period (1850-1890) b egins when Chinc:sc
were first r ecognize d and recorded 8.S pe:rmanent residents of the city and
ends when the Chinese Consolidateci Be nevole nt Association, t h e quintessence of Chinese ins titutio ns in Ne w York c ity, was granted a state ch::,l'te::·. Stuciy . beyond this poi.nt conr:: e rns itself wHh growth a nd developmer.t rather than the form,'?.tiomd phase of N e w Y,)rk's Chin8.to wn.
Manuscr ipts for s ev e ral fed er al and a s tate census of popul ation provide the b ask reside ntial ;:.nd oc c upatior1a .l d at a. Supplem enting thi~~ inform;1tion are city and bl!siness directoriN;, contemporary newsp2p
The es.~.,,~nt i,:Jl pc,~, b1.c rn o f d a ta has b een on1: of survival. lfnforLun ,:. Lc l y . 1 l
Census of Population for 186 5 and 187 5 appear to no longer exist. No state cei.1sus was taken for 1885, and only the published federal census for 1 H90 could be used, since its manuscripts were destroyed by fire. Special note should be made concerning the L\VO enumerations for New York city during
1870. The firi;t enumer7:3,tion was used because of its evident accuracy since the necond enu:me ration was made not for demographic but political 18 reasons.
Distributionc:i.l patterns 8.nd occupational trends of the Chinese a rc derived from the census manuscripts. This involve s the systematic and complete review of the manuscripts for name, sex, conjugal status, location, occup~cttion, a::1d country of birth. The main probleYri was that actual residences of individuals could not be located until 1880, for ~:lie earlier federal census d:id not li.st addresse s and many Chinese wcr;:: n ot recorded in city directories. In addition, maps did not exist fo.r· the Jc,cc1 · tional cri_teria set forth by the m2.nuE,cripts. l'vianuscr ipts for :t 850, 13GO., and 1870 r~ avl:'' aw J.c-czltion of people by ward and the e lection district v;i t(iin each ward. 'Tli.e New 'lork Board of Elections retained only descriptions r ) i el(;ction distric ts from 187 0 o.n. The refore, boundary descdptions of ele cti.on c1istri.c ts fr-om nevvspa pers wer·e use d. Bu~.;i ne ss direc:tori'3s in.di- cate 1hr} nurnL::e1·s c f Chinese laundries a nd thci.r locatio n s . Cro s;:; rc~f ert:P '·c c f c<:n!':,u s rnanur,c·•. ;pts with b u:::; iness di.rcctori.~r~ cl e !crmin ed the r·t·l :.. tj(,n .c:J, '. [.' 12
attraction of Chinatown for the Chinese is disclosed by newspa pe rs and various conternporary sources. 13
Footnotes - Chapter I
1. Ethnic area - In this study, an e thnic area refers to the territory occupied either predominantly or exclusivel y by an e thnic group, it m ay a lsu be the area of highest concentration for the ethnic group. An ethnic area is sometimes referred to as a n ethnic : enclave, colony, cluster, communi ty, quarter, ghetto, a nd fre que ntly, the a r e a occupied by an ethnic group is denoted eith er by the prefix, 11 L ittl2 11, or the suffix "town" to the country n ame of the eth~ic group, e . g ., Little Italy, Germantown.
2. Drake, St. Clair and Horace R. Cayton, Black Metropoli ~: .A S_!_ud :y of Negro Liff.:_in a Northe rn C ity, Vol. l, New York and Evanston: H arpe r & Row, 1962, revised a nd enla rged edition, originally pub lished in 1945, p . 176. Meir, August and E lliott Rudwick, From Pla nta ti.on to Ghe tto, New Ycrk: Hill & Wa ng, 1970, r e vise d edition, crig i.na llypublished in 196G, p . 215. Rose, Ha rold M. , Socia l Processe s in the City: R a c e a nd Urban Res id e ntia l Choic e, C ommissio-i1 on College Geo g r a phy, R e sourceJ=> ape·r #6, Associa.cio n of American G e ogra phers, 19G9, p . 7. Spear, Alla n, H. , ;g_<;:c k Chicago: The M a king of a N egro Ghetto 1 890-1820, Chic ago & L-ondon: The Unive rsity oTChic-ag-:-oPre ss,--i 9fj7,p~ 11. T a euber, Karl L. and Alma F. T a eube r, N egroe s in Cities : H e si.d e ntial S egregation a nd N e ighborhood Cha nge, Chicago : Alcline Publis hing Comr~any_. ~}e-c ond printing 1966, oi°ig inally publii,hed in 1D65, p. 2 3.
3. Spear·, AJlan H . , Oi2 . cit., p . 8. Weaver, Robert Cl ifton, I.!)(~N ·2g ,~o Ghi;i:to, ::'.Jt~W York: Russell & RusE, ell, 1967, origLn::l lly publ i s 1, cd ill 1843, p . 29.
4. Frazier, E. Franklin, The Neg ro in the Unit e:! State s, r evi;:::ed edition, New York: The Macmillan Cornpany, U) f:,7 , 01' i f; ir, '.:! lly publishe:-.1 :.n l 948, -p. l 01 . Groh, Ge orge v; ., ---The -1.?,~--~1(:-----k-- Mi-··g·-r·----d i -0-n:-- The_ Journey to_l l rban Ame rica , New Yor k : \Veyh r ight & T al l r·y, 1972, p. 50. Spea r , Allan H., 9p. cit., p. 140.
5. Drake, SL Cl a i r a nd Ho race R . Cay ton , op. ci r . .. p. 17n. G r o h, G ec.-r g t2 V/ .. , O i) , ..c i! ,, p . 54. Meir, Augt1-st -:,~1il E : .L,,iL l : i.,i.i wicl~, ~~p . __c _~~-·, p . 2 .L7.
G. 'fc r: ~r ncnl ;:, :/1: tc; ,: po::; f:i :J l ~ tlJ c p.r·cvi ~ i.Oi"! of houE' i.ng f o r puo r· :.,.1:, c k :.-:0
8 ncJ i 1:.rn ( ,; r· a n. 1, :, l !. v ! u g i !) th c '.: '.)n ~i· al p art ( ) f the i. n ci u ;3 t r-.i. a l c i t y, ·..v l1 c ,.-z:: l~,r,d v :J l Jc;:, ·Ner e :~ i / 1:c::; t. He::i ltors a11c.l own ers ~; :.1 b- 1::! i·,ided h ou s c~ s 14
and raised cheap structures in vacant lots, alleys, and rear yards. Profit was also maximized by reducing or foregoing the maintenance, services and repa irs for these houses. Many tenants had to take in boa::-·ders in order to pay the rent. Osofsky, Gilbert, H a rlen:,: Thi: Mc1king ?fa GJ1 ett~ New York &s Evanston: Harpe r & Row, 1968, originally published in 1963, p. 95. Ottley, Roi and WiJ.lia m J. Weatherby (e ds.) The Negro i.n New York: An Informal So_ci~ History, 1626-1940, New York: Praeger Publishers, Hl69, p. 2 36. Long, H e rman II. and Charles S. Johnson, "The Role of Real Estate Organizations" in Bracy, John H., Jr., Meir , August. , Rudwick, Elliott (eds.) The Rise o_f the Ghetto, Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1 971, pp. 125-1::36.
7. Frazier, E. Franklin,~- cit., p. 257. Osofsky, Gilbert, ~>p. _'-:i~:, p. 10. Spear, Allan H., _op. cit., p. 26.
8. Spear, Allan H., op. cit_., p. 142.
9. Bracey, John H., August 1\/Ieir, Elliott Rudwick ( eds. )~·~_i_!., p. 3.
10. Ward, David, "The Emergence of Central Immigra nt Ghettoes in American Cities: 1 840-1 920, " Anna ls of the Association of ~C\ lD _C:. L! _~:_~~':? Geographers, Vol. . 58 (1968), pp. 343-359.
11. Ward, David, Cities and Irrirnir;rants : A G eography o~<;:;_i~~0P:.'::)!_l Nincteenth- Cent1,1ry America, New York, London, Tor-onto: Cxfo :;:· d Uni v~rsity P:::·ess, Second printing l 972, origincL lly pubE:3b '.c' d ir 1 !:J7 l, fJ. 103.
12 . lb id. , p . 1 0 7.
1 3. Nelli, Bu.mbert S., '''J:'he Italia n Padro1.ie System in the United Si;:::it.e:3," Labor BL~to r y_, V <} l. 5 (19 6 4), pp. 15 3 --1 (Hi. l i.2.li e-'. rn~ i r~ (~~ -~-~,~~- 1836-:T§Io~:~s tudy in Ethnic Mobility_, Ne w iz)·?.:-i::·:·(=);:-i'o1~d Gnive r sLi: y 1 ,c.c,~ , 'O"(' 1-os -r ·i- 0 1·'C', , : -~ ·111 T -;..(' TJ' 11 1·'-(•'1 1 Pr. \...- IJ t..J J_ t.1 ' t J r) • 5tr,j , S"UJ. 0 U "' : ) T'. n'- ''.. OdorI e· J () ··-· G .. L, 1;: , _'\. •~.,. .. , . ,. /. , •. .• - , ....,. f:,tates2- Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard 1;-1~v:~:n,ity P::c ;~ss, J ~l G,J, p. 48. i_ 4 . l'v'l c:1 cDon~11 d, .J ohn S . a nd L c,\_tr· ice D. :IVf acD on?:l d , ''Chain M igr: LL on, ~<:tl :n i (· J\T c : e; li h o r hood l•'o l'ffJ o. Li_,) n cl ml Soc i:tl '·! er -'i ' ll' ,~-:; . : ' :· ·i ;_~ )~-:~::~~ ;v'j_2 n-::,>~· i :1 ~E und_Gill ::1 r Le~ r~):t, Vol. 1:2, (i 9 G4) ' Pl:-i . t:: : - \;':' . 15
15. HiJl, Herbert, " Anti -Oriental Agitation and the Rise of Working Clc1ss Racism, " in Transaction Social Science and Modern Soe:iety, Vol. 10, Number 2 (J;:i.11. /Feb. 1973), i:;i;.43-54-:-· We i. MJ.11~Sl1e·· Labor C ommittee, Chines e W01·king :!? eopl Ec in Arnc:ri.ca : _A Pie Lori. a l _Histor:y:! San Francisco, C;:i.lif.: United- Front Press, 1974, p. ~3.
16. Chin, Rocky "Ne w York Chinatown T oday: Community in Crisis, 11 in Tnchiki, Amy (e t a l) (eds.) Roots : An Asi an American Read er. UCLA Asian American Studies C e nter, C alifornia : 19 71, pp. ·--- 282-295. Prial, .Fra nk J., "Little Italy Grows R estive as China·· town Grows, " The New York Times, Friday, April 2G, 197 4, p. 33, col. 5. Wu, Hobin " New York's Chinatown: 1\11 Overview, " Bridge Magazine, Vol. 1, No. 1 July/August 19'71, pp. 13-15.
1 7. The New York ~im_es, D ecember 17, 1870, p . 2, coL L A second enumeration usually implies a greater degree of acr:1.1.rac:,; ~han the first. This is not the case for the .sr.: c ond enumera~ion iakt.:!n fo l' New York county (Manhattan) in Dccen:iher of 1870. The above 2Lt0,J newspaper explclins why a revie w of the census manilscripts for [lle ::;econd enumeration inclicates that it w as done in a V -c:l' Y expedio:.rs and summai7 fashion. In turn, this explains why the publis r«,:d census of population of 1870, Vol. 1, T able ?., f, . ;:i?. o nly record"; 12 Chinr::)se. A count from the mam, scr:i.pts of th e first e n1.irt;1:' 1·:::itic n for 1870 reveal 87 Chin ese . It i s app,,rent that the first em1.r.::e'::'a:i ,.)1c was done c a refully. For these reasons, the figure of 87 will be us,:•d instead of 12. CHAPTER II
MOVEMENT OF CHINESE TO AND WITHIN NORTH AMERICA
Introduction
The migration of .C hinese to New York city occurred in two
geographical movem.1-; nts: the migration of Chinese to California and their
subsequent spread to the east coast. The geographical origin and objectives
of this migration strongly influenced the emergence of Chinatown. The
singularity of geographic origin was responsible for a trans planted system
of social organization prevalent in most Cl1inese s ettlements throughout th e
United States. At the same time, the migrational 0bjective was to ear·n
rn.oney to bring back to China. This non-permanent nature of Ch::.nsse
migration gave rise to c:i. detached status, which characterized the ;:JJrnost
all-male Chinese population in the United States. Moreover, it is this detached status that influenced the pa~tern of Chine se urban settleme nt in the east.
Geographic Origin: Kwangtung Province
Traditio,rnlly, overseas migrations originated from one part of China , the reg: (01 , for-med by the provinces of K w.:rngiung and F uki (! n. Their ori cn1:a- i. ion to :he St~:-1. disting uif,hed th C? m as a major m a rit ime dis t rict, ond l ed ;.n ~1 dorn~n<1nt pattern or oceank migration. Accordingly, when prompted a nd
16 17
attracted by significant events in the mid-nineteenth century, the region recvrred as a major source of overseas migration; people from Fukien went to Latin America, while Chinese migrants to America came over-- whelmingly from Kwangtung.
The locational and .topographical features of the Kwangtung /Fukien region encouraged its maritime activities . Kwangtung is located on the southern coast of China, while Fukien comprises the southeast coast.
This is a region generally marked by steep slopes, 1~ocky terrain, and a small percentage of flat land. High population densities made farming quite intensive. Nautical activities were facilitated by nume rous natural harbors along a l engthy coastline generously endowe d vvith timber for ship- building. Under these favorable circumsta nces, the ports of ~)oth prt)vinces acquired a reputation for mari.time commerce and fishing.
The region occupie d a strategic location at the nautica.l g Ltew3 y between
China a}1d the r e st of ,c\ s ia. Since earliest antiquity, the phy::.;ical geog r a phy of China haf, prote cted and ena bled her w rernai.n secluded from the rest o f th2 world. Massive mountain ranges in the west, and n early a footis ancl rdles 0f des ert in the north insured security and privacy on l and; vast 1 oceans 1n. Lh t~ east a na' to the south compl eted the s a nctuary o f C'h.1n a . For c e ntu ~· i e:s , '~h u : .,~ phyi,i cal b cuT ler s minimtzcJ C hin a' s exterm,1 rel ations .
Vl ·~.s tcr n ;1 cces :-, to C h i.11,:i_ w ;1s ~ a inc d e i ther by l a nd, tlH' a rduo u s Irrpe riaJ
S il.:.c n ;rnci i n r. ,:; ,,1h e1.'ll C hina o r throu g h the Scuth Chi n a Sea to Kwa ng tung and Its a 6 j oini•1.g: pn,vi.n c e Fukien {c e c .rvI<1.p l}. Map I CHINA: SOUTH AND SOUTHEASTERN COASTAL PROVINCES
PEK IN G e CHINA
SHANGHAI
Ni NG PO
KWANGTUNG KWAN GS I
SOUTH CHINA SEA N
t 0 50 0 10 0 0 M i I es
Source: Drawn by Author. 19
Of the two provinces , Kwa ngtung ha d definite adva ntages over
Fukien in m a ritime ende avors and rnigra tional matters. Kwangtung had
the first and longest r e ] ationship with European nations. Such intercourse
occurred through Kwangtung's great port of C anton which wa3 the focal
point of not only the provfnce , but the e ntire region. Located 90 miles
inland from the South China Sea, Canton lies at the confluence of three
major rivers of the interior. Conseque ntly, the port became one of the
principal comme rcial c e nters of China and the largest city in southern
China.
Foreig n influe nce and trade made the pl~ople around C a nton quite
susceptible to ov erseas m.igration, a proneness reinforced by C antor1' s
exclusive exposure to the West. Early contacts in thr~ eightec-:nth century
t· esulted in the closing of a ll Chinese ports to \V e stcn.e rs witL : he .:.:xceptic, n 2 of Canton. Ch.i.na sought to c-0ntr-ol western influe nce by r c stricU.ng a cce ss
to her borde rs. F0r nearly a cent ury, only C anton maintained trade with the \Vest unde r the administration and control of the Chinese mer-cbar.it 3 tra de guild, known as t he Co hons .
ln the rnid-ninete e:nt.h century, othe r µorts deve loped in Kwar..ghng .
Whe n China lost the ()phim \Var (1837-1 842) to Great Br itain, additic,na ~
port s wer e ope ned to Ior 1..'ign trad(-:: . The p:r·ovis ions of the Tr,:aty of
~ N i., n 1.< i.11g (1 f3·l::?.) c e d e d '. o th e B r iEsh t he bland of }Jong C ong . ·± L ater , rn 20
nucleu s for overseas migration, foreign trade, and external influence. It
fro«·. the environs of this nucleus t hat the Chinese migration to America wa S emanate d.
Chinese migrants to America originated from only seven of Kwang-
tungis seventy-two d'1s t r1~ts.. 5 These districts are located in the central
f the province around the port of Canton. The three districts of Shun par t o 1" , , Tak, Nam Hoi, a nd Pung Yu are collectively kno~m as Sam Yup (Three
Districts), and the four districts of Toishan, Hoi Ping, Yan Ping, and Sun
Wui are jointly referred to a s Sze Yup (Four Districts). However, it is
r ather remarkable that one distric t alone, Toishan, accounts for approxi-
' 1 :rn a.telY half t he total numbe r of migrants from the s even district s (see 6 M a p 2 , · In s hc,rt , this m eans tha t h alf the Chinese 5n the Unit.e el States
originated frcm a place equivalent to the size of a ~oLmty, th e r em aining I • I I
h alf were from the surrounding counties .
Inextricably bound to geogra phical locality was the soc ial organizaliun
of Kwangtung. Since the overwhelming m ajo rity of Chinese came from this
province, the adapti. ve and modified social organizalion of Chinese in
/\merica strongl y reflected that of Kwangtung . This commonality of geog-
raphical origin a nd its consequent similarities in soci al orga nization
ve i·n1iHed the r ::,pid conr_;olid ati.on a rid cohesive unity of C hi.nese sc i:: lr::.:n en:.::-'. 21
Map 2 KWANGTUNG PROVINCE
HOl PIN G • N HONG KONG t
100 2 00
Mi I es
CHINA
Source: Drown by Author. 0 22
The ::iocial orga. ni.zation of Kwangtung can be expressed by its kin, territorial, and secret associations . Professor Stanford M . Lyman, eminent authority on Chinese-Americans, describes the impor Lance of these associations.
China at the time of emigration was a society organized into numerous kin, territorial, c..nd secret associations. The limitations the Chinese government placed upon itself indirectly encouraged the establishment of these associations, e specially in those cities and to~ms to which one time villagers had migrated. The associ ations regulated the socic1J, commercial, and cha rita.ble aspects of community life. They formed the basis for craft and labor guilds, provided a common voice and defense, and represented their members in relations '.vi.th governm e nt officials and other associa tions. Finally, the conflicts that divided the association::; also isolated ther.o. from the larger aspects of Chinese society and from foreigners. In all these respects the social organization of China was tro.ns - planted overseas. 7
Kin or clan associatie,ns are based on a monolineage orga.nization of
Chinese vill,<:,ges and hamlets. Generally, villages are inhabited by membe rs o: one clan. When a vil-lage is composed of mere than one clan, distinc t sections in the village appear. Depending on clan population, this would dc;:ernJ Lnc the size of whole village complexes . In this way, cer-t,ii.n clans
a :Jsoci a~ io n s rriay L• c organjze c.1 by people of the same s u r 11 etn1e , terr i lory . c111cl di a lec t; or, it rni g:ht i.ncludc fl ('Oplr~ o f the same s u r n arn t: 1-0:g: :1r c1 i. (:;s:.; ,:,f t c r c;tory ~:.nd cJi. al c:c t. .1\ n org ani'l ::-!. tfon b a~~e d on t e rT .i. to r y and :1~tcncl :.1rit 23
dialect, without regard to surname is the territorial association. 8
The territorial or speech association (hui kuan) is organized by the
region of origin and its associated dialect. Kinship itself was insufficient
to provide the social solidarity necessary in Chinese urban life. These t erritorial associations, ,representing various people of different clans from the same region speaking a similar dialect, fulfilled this n eed for . 9 mutual aid and benefit. The broader base of the same reg ion rather than smaller a reas dominated by a clan offered a more substantial means for social organization. As Lyman obse rved:
Language and place of odgin proved more expedient for persons from smaller lineages s ince an hui ku,rn could combine the 111 emb•:.'rS of several clans into 0:1P powerful unit. Moreover, language-based groups were a natural formation becauE,r.~ t h e spoken dialec ts of Chinese divided the Chinese from one another a nd encouraged the formation of separate spee<:.:h communi tier,. Place of origin and language tended to coaJ.esce so that speech and t erritori_a l associations were usm1.lly, at least at the time of their first estabH3hrnent, coterminous. L 2.nguage and place of origin took on ecological signifi.car:.ce in the organization of the Chines8 city so t hat it came to resembl e an assembl age of 'Chinnto·,m~; ', each representative of the Joe al r:l 1su·1ct. . . . anc-l n a ('i. ve J.a nguage o f 1't s 1n. h .a b't J. an t s . lO
In 2dditic1n to cla ri ?,ri d territori:.:1.l associ ation s , secret societie s al so or1_g i.n a 1,,:d i n Chi n:.1 . Th '.? rl:: are ~everal nuU.on s a s to why s e cret soc i ~~b e s
b e cr11.1se rJ;· Liier-lineag l~ feuds c,- Lr orn unified hostiliiy a gai:1st state o r 24
.1ngmstic1. . t·.1es. 11 Lyman I s view, on a L.-1r~Ic ::;c a le, includes t he feuds a nd
struggle::; b etween landlord and tenant, rich and poor, intruding 0utside rs,
and finaJ.ly, those rebels opposed to 1:he constraints dictated by clan or
territorial associations. Furthermore, he considers secret societies
as an extra-kin organiza~ion which recruited the less desirable elements
of the society, such as criminals and outcasts. Because of the vast and
diverse nature in membership background, secret societies were formed 12 on a bond of brotherhood to a common cause. This required a
renunci2.tion of family, friends, and foes. Not surprising is that much of
the vice (gambling, robbery, and prostitution) came under thE: cont."ol of
secret societii..~s. 13
Chinese migrants enculturated unde:r· this traditional s yste{:..'1 of socia l organiza-don inherently duplicate d one or all forms of Chinese as,,0cfati0 ns in a n alien country. These associations provided the m eans fur n carl/ aH the socio - cl~ltm:·;:;l o.f::Uiations of ovcrsecis Chine,3e. Consequen~ly, t !1e unique singu1.arity cf geographical origin in K wa nghmg province jnsure d the rapld replication a nd reliance on such organi.zation3 by the Chine:=:~ e in
1\meri.c2. .
The Objective of Mig r ation
rfnc initl2l rnc v ern e nl of substantial nu1nhf:rs or Chinest' to th e UnJt,cd
~-:; i_ alt'. S during th2 n1id--1d.11c t c (:·nth ce:itury, was not an imrnigrc1i ion in tllc
1rLi c S 1..: o ~>~ ()f the word. M(,n -' acc:u rale l. y , it 1,vZJ s a labor rnigratior,.. 'T11c 25
distinction is one of intent. Immigration usually refers to the movement of people for the purpose of changing permanent residence, and implies that families move together or soon .follow to join those who h ad migrated earlier. Unlike many immigrants, the Chinese had no desire to make 14 their move permanent. Young Chinese men seeking economic relief came without wives or families (supporting them with financial remittances) and fully inte nde d to r eturn home upon earning and saving a sufficient amount of money which would enable them to live comfortably in China.
The basis of this l abor migration rests on periodic economic stress in
China. During adverse times, overseas migration was predominantly fr01n the Kwangtung /Fukien region. The foundation of this mi.grational prc,pensity begins wi.th the causes that induced migration from China.
The primary cause directly responsible for the Chinese migration to the United States has been attributed to the Taiping Rebellion (1848-1 865) .
It should be Eoteci that fais uprising was the culmination of a number of forces wbic.h by themselves could have promoted, ,2speci 3.lly in soutlv:~rn
China, the 5.nit:ial movement of the peas2ntry to the coa st a nd then overs~<'3.S.
But, it was the immediate and d ram atic effects of war that tended to ddine
.sharply arn.1 ha.sten the process.
!\f-: the m jcJ -nln c:: t cc1·1th century approached, conditions in China we:c r:
alonr£ v\'i.1·h .1n jw::.;' e :::scr.: food su1JfJh 1:h c oi_i [)·h the cultivation of more lo.no and <...... I , I .._, tl-H:: u~,c o f n c».v c rops, cspec· ..illy car1ic 1· -ripe ning ,,ar.i.et i e s of rice from 26
15 southeast Asia, helped to create a rapid growt h in pop~.1lation. By the
late 1340 's, however, the demographic situation reflected the 1\/Ialthusian
principle: food supply lagged behind population increase.
In addition to popu.lation pressure and the ever· present threat of
famine was the burden of' taxation. After the loss o f the Opium War, the
l\!Ianchu regime imposed heavy taxation on the people in order to pay the
16 massive war indemnity to Great Britain. Compounding these problems
was a growing ineffectiveness of the government; and under the pressure of mounting problems and self-seeking officials, ad.rninistra tive cor1trol
17 rapidly deteriorated. As administrative control decreased, disorders increased. Banditry, riots, and minor outbreaks bt~e:ame prp,valcni,
Discontent and disorder became most widespread in the sot! therr1 p1~ovinces of Kwar,gtur.g and Kwangsi. John Fairbank , noted Sinologist. pro·;ide d this explan8.tion for these 0111:breaks.
Imperial control of this region was dimini.shed by hvo factor~; - first, it ,.,vas the part of Chtna con quered last and least dominated by the C h 1 i nE· dyn-c1.:;;t y, :Zal'thest frorn Peking G.nd garris.o:ned by l\J;:2.nch11 bannern1e :1 only at C an te n. Second, it included the Canton region, which had b e e n longest subjected to foe disturbing influ2nces of Jib rdgn trod 2 2nd W e stern conta ct, culminating i ~1 the opium 1., a ffic and wa r with Britain. 1 B
Jn ,_ 13 1; ~) , l!1r,2 Tai.ping H e b e llion erupted in K wangsi, nw province adjoining
Kv, a ng t:irn ;;·. (Jn:le r !he: l f':a d1 ~r s hip of H:mg Hs iu Chua n, a n ative of Kwa ng ·· tt,r;;::, c/1;i.~JS 3pr·ec:.C1 throc:ghout central and :~outhern. China. \Vithin 27
Kw8.ngtung alone, seventy-five thousand people were executed during the
c::r: 19 sumrn er· o f 18 ,J ;:>. Aside from the numbers killed in this almost
successful rebe Jlion, the devastation of homes, crops_. and irrigation
works with the resulting ruin, poverty, and famine account2d for an
r:morrr;ous cost in Life. 3'rafically, these effects of the T a i ping Rebellion became worse tha n the conditions that produced it, and gave rise to migration from southern China. The impelling effects of thir, internal strife, commencing in 1848, laste d seventeen years.
Contemporaneous with the Taiping Rebellion and l a3ting for 1:he same p e riod of time, a number of external forc e s drew migrants from southern
China. Initially, the majority of Chinese attracted to Americ c1. c 3nH~ for gold, which was discovered in California during 1848. Under the conditions of the gold rush, the sc2.rcity of labor in California's fronti e r commu n ',1. i es became quite acute . Chinese began to journey to California in respon se t c, this tremendous demand for l a bor. The more reliable opportunHie s fo:;__~ labor soon replaced the precarious n a ture of gold mining. In this m anner, 20 the Chinese llop,;d to achieve their basic e conomic objective s.
Oceanic transportation compa ni es also pro1::1oted the Chinese mig1·a tion in California.. Their ship:-;; carr ied the n e ws of gold and circulated literahn·e
2 1 .·.. in,·1, 1• n1r-onnat1• on expolm c1, rng· t h e opportun1h. . es o f"C· .. , a 1·J. 1· o rnu. ..1 . In adrlition to tr··.'.,, i:' :)o ri.i.n;::;- p:..1sscngers , thes c com p a nics fu1·ni shed nee ciss,u-y supp lies fr·orn H
Even prior to the first tre aty between America mid China (1844), commercia l 22 1ntercourse existed b etween the two countries. The treaty, how.:;ver, established tra d e a nd move ment on a formal and regular b a s i s. Thus, commercial contacts, which were well formed by 1848, greatly facilitated the Chinese mig ration.
Equally important as a system of physical transport were the financial L ' means a nd arrangements which enabled poor Chinese migra nts to venture to
America. A credit -ticket system formed the b asic means by which most early Chinese migrated to C a lifornia. The passage fare advanced on credi t w as to be repaid to the credit-broker a fter the migrant arrived a nd secured I, work. Subseque nt confusion of the credit-ticket arJra ngem ent with the contract or inde nture d labor system was ex pediently employed to the detri- ment of Chinese during t h e a nti-Chinese moveme nt in Am erica. The contract or inde nture d labor system, also r e ferred to as the " cooU.s trade ", v,ras characteri zed :::cs a forrn of human s l avery. T h e f:igned contract w a:.3 based on a long l e ngth of servitude at v e ry low w ag-P-s . Coo1ief3 had no ch,Jice as to vvho they could work for and the contract was a vc.1.ilable to the highest bi.dJer. The rnajority of Chine se in Am eric a , hov1ever, came Ly
,, , . . . 2 3 , C h i. 1·:c:.:.;e r,::i g;1·c,t.io n. to ! mcricCl prior to ih e Chinese E xcluf,ion i\ct of 1882, o v -::· r· ~ •;I)_, ')(_);) Cl:in cse ::i.1-ri ved in C :=llifornia thro1.1gll the port o :r San 0 2 ,:t J·-:;, ...l" (.rl. r1 c..· ]..c.....: ...... lo '.J•·· . ,I -~ 29 Regardless of the means and arrangements by which Chine se journeyed to America, they came to satisfy their migrational objective of accumulating earnings and returning to China. For this reason, Chinese men came without wives or families, the roots of assimilation. In the absence of the inte,nt for acculturating permanently, what the Chinese needed was an existence that permitted them to earn money, while maintaining their cultural identity and social order. Any changes that did occur were directed at furthering their goal of returning home with money. The significance of this migrational objective wc1.s the reliance of migrants on Chinese service and social institutions during their sojourn in America. Migration to the East Coast , The trans-continental movement of Chinese s t::1rted from a conc 2n·- tration in Califo1T1ia, advanced through a Rocky Mount ain dis persion, ~rnd rebuaed in eastern contact. A California concentration occurred b e cause of the initic1.l entry and activity of Chinese in the gold fields. The rnigrc.ttion f r om C aJ.jfornia to the east coas t began directly \.Yith a locai.iorial s hift in mining a c tivity ;:ind indirectly by the Chinese move into urban occupa tions b Lh c W c ':3 t. F r e q ue nt a nti -Chinese be ha viol" asscJci.aLc cl wi th u r' ba n o ccr;p;_11 i 1 ) n 2 ! cc: : Chine s e migrants arrived principally at San Francisco, the major entrepot of the California goldfielcls. The first Chinese in San Francisco were mercha nts, who c a me prior to the discovery of gold to carry on t h e China trade . With the city's rapid e xpansion during the gold rush, these m e rchants b eg a n ope rating wholesale and retail stores for both Chine se migrants and the general public. 25 The majority of Chinese lived and worked in the g oldfields, a lthough they were small in numbe r and scatte r e d throughout the mining c amps. The scattered pattern of Chine se in t h e g old fi,~lds began to cha ng e in 1951. In that yea r, Kong Chow, t he first mutual aid arid bene volent association, was organized. 26 It was a territori c1. l a ss•) c i ation for the entire geogra phical r egion of Kwangtung, from \Vhich the majority of Chine s e mig r a ted. B esides furnis hing food, shelte r, and too;s for the r1 e wly arrive d Chine s e , this org aniza tion coordinated t1·ansportati,) n to and arr·.:Jnge d for work in t he mines. Suc h negotiations h ad a consolidating effe c t on Chinese s ettlement within the goldfields. C c ncent:cation was oJ 3 (,' promoted by the propensity of Chinese from pa rticula r districts in K wa ng -· tun g to live and work together in C alifornia. Such similar geogTaphica l o rig ins in K wang tung u su31J.y d e sign at e d kins hip. Chinese a ls o c am e 1('ge:U~ e r 2s 1.v1)rke r s for C Linese m ining c o m pani es or as joint c oopcr2.tive :.'h e d ~rn 01.s i oi1S o :· ~l-;L~: p::i.tt e r n o f c onccnt rc1ti0n at th e g0ldfi cJ_ds 111cr<'-)2sc: d . rn :Ltl :=, J. , thi,!r·,::: ·,Nr-:ie ~·,ppr o x ilnatcly 2, 7(;0 Chinese: in CaL_fc.,rnia _; 31 at the end of 1852, there were ove r 21,000 Chinese in the state. By 1860, 98 per cent of a ll Chinese in America were residing in C al ifornia, the 28 majority e ngaged as miners (see Table 2). As the number of migrants increased, Chinese continued to concentrate into their own c a mps, which h e i g hte ned the ir visibility to white miners. According to Stephen Williams: The Chinese worked in the mine s, and those who worked in g roups of three or four, attracted com paratively little attention from white miners. On the o th er h a nd, the many Chine se companies of miners, varying in size from fifty to five hundred men, were the obj ect of continual attention from the miners a nd the mining communities. 29 Su.ch visibility resulted in anti-Chinese s entiment and c:reRted the general b asis for this hostili.ty. The adverse attitude towards Chinese that p ervaded the United States prior to their arriva l wa3 a consequence of decades of unfavorable reports o n the Chinese by Am e rican tr::iders, diplomats, and m1s. s 1on. a r1 . E:s . 30 IVI oreover, anti-Chinese activity was firmly rooted in C a lifornia's history of r a cial friction. Although initially a minority, the n u mber of white s rapidly multiplied, a nd they eventua lly succe eded in .su ppressing the Spanic:1rds, Mcxic ::u1 s , and Indians. E lmer Sandrneyer pointed out a noth er i.mportant aspect o f this pre judice : \Nhe n g old 1•; ,:is d i.sr..:: ove r e d pr o s pec tors c a m e fro m evr)r y p,J J" i. O'. th":' ,vodd. l n u nusua.Ll y l a 1·ge n umber c ~t JIH' t'ro .:-. i :_: 1·· L ,~i. in n.1crican counL rie~, , frorn n ortlF,t'n l\.,;::_,y~c·.: ~·: C hilr~. Oppos11.ion to t h ese grot1 [)·~ d r:: v c J.;1p -2 ,1 ~H: c z, 11se previous experience n1a d e then, r:;u pc rio r p ccdu c ers , because oJ' rac ial. - -··1-1 32 TABLE 2 CHINESE POPULATION San Francisco California- United States Year Number P ercent of Number Percent of 'I State Country 1860 2, 719 8% 34,935 98% 35,565 1870 12,030 24% 49, 310 78% 63,254 1880 21, 745 29% 7 5, 132 71% 105,465 1890 25,833 36% 72, 472 67% 107, 133 1900 13, 9 54 300-/o 45, 753 58% 89, 863 -·------S ource: C ompiled by H e nry T om from: Lyman, Sta nford M., ''C'· ....,tranger s I,, in the City," T achiki, Amy, et al (e ds.), B.:~ot~, The R egerit s of the University of C a lifornia, 1971, p. 166; V arious C ensuses of Population. 33 prejudice , a nd because they carried a large portion of their earnings out of the country. 31 In d eed and in 12.w, whites working in the goldficlds vicious ly abused the Chinese. Violent uprisings, including murder, expelled them from the mining camps. F ew whites were ever brought to j ustice . 32 Discrimir,at ory legislation r.1.ccornpanied this physical p e rsecution. The most infamous law, C alifornia 's Foreig n Miner's Tax, was employed to dismiss Chinese from t" 1• the mines. First enacted in 1850, it was adopted and translate d into the Chinese lang uage in 1853. Foreign miners h ad to pay for the privileg:::E; of mining. Significantly, the Chinese paid h a lf the tax collected in tb .c~ fi r st four years and 98 p er· cent of the revenues for the remaining sixteen yea1~ s of ' 1 ') its enforcement. 3 0 Anti-Chinese agita tion induce d many Chine :c,e to l eave the mine :-:, .. although som e e l ect ed to stay. Those that r·emained re-worked ::,b ando ne -i or poor diggings, while others engaged in washing_, coo kin.rt and s Vn: ek eeplng in and a r ound the camps. L ater, when mining corpo rations we r e formed, ,, l 1nany Chinese r eturned to the mines as laborers fo r t h ese l arge co.Cn f) 3 l!ici:, .., , During the decade of the 186 0 1 s Chinese b egan a gradual rnove rn f.'nt fron-, the origi n aJ California nucleus to the ne ighbo r ing Rocky Mounta i.n st?.t es . V arious stl°ikes in Idaho, lV(onLan a, Oregon, and e v ,:m British Colu:rnbiu att t·iictr,r; 1h 1:: Chinese . 'flH.: building o f t h e t rari ,~ -·continc n tal r·a iJ rnad v,r a :-: ,,. noUi ,:r ;ff1petl •f,. with o v,.~ ;· 10,000 Chine se e ngaged ;is l a bClrc rs b etween ''t- I ci tJb ~u 1d J. [Fi9 . ,'> ::> A ,:; a r es ult, UH'~ nurn b er of Chi n e se in the fixc we stern 34 states markedly rose, while California's proportion of the total Chinese population declined to 78 per cent (see Table 2) . Significantly, this dis- persion extended the range of the Chinese toward the large r cities of the east (see Table 3). Simultaneous wi1:J:i. the ir dispersion from California, the percentage of Chinese living in cities increased from 8 percent to 29 percent (see Table 4). This urbanizing trend resulted from a diversification of Chinese occupations into urban manufacturing and services, particul arly in San Francisco. In the 1860' s , manufa cturing flourishe d in San Francisco because of a shortage of goods during the Civil War, t he difficulty of trans- por t f ro1n th e eas t· , a n d l11g . h maritim . . e insuranc. e rat e s . 3 6 The tremendous d e mand for c heap unskilled l abor in m a nufacturing tasks was. fulfilled b y the Chinese. As B. Schrieke pointed out: DrivEn from the mine s, the Chinese found e mploy ment as common l abourers ; as domestics; in the manufacture of ciga rs, boots, s hoes, woolen goods, clothing, bags, o a kum, soap and c andl es. They worked as storekeepers, hotel··ke('. fJ Cl'S, laundrymen, carpen1:ers, cabinet-makers, u pb.i).lsterers, carv e rs, restaur2nt cooks, a nd so on. They were to be found in lumbe r, pape r, ar,d powder milJ.s, i.n tanneries, rope -walks, l ead-works and t in shops . The re was scarcel y a trade in which they did not engage. ;n Jiu ring ihe eai-1.y 18 50 ' s , m.a ny Chines e had found work as laborer:=:'. i nstead of rnj_ning . A g e nera l sca rcity r>f women on th e fron ti er and the r1c:fuscJl of whiles v, d~j :1 -.vomen' s work." a llowed the Chinese to find. j obs Tl \BLE 3 CHINESE POPULATIO N BY REGI ONS AND SELECTED STATES (] 850-1 890) 1850 1860 1870 1sgo J.89 0 Num b er % Nur:nbe r % Number % Number % Number o/o Unit e 'J S t ate s 758 100 35, 565 100 6 3, 2 54 100 105,465 100 107 , 488 100 C ali fo n :i a 660 87 34, 93 5 98 49, 310 78 7 5, 132 71 72,47 2 ~ 67 R eg ion s : West 6 G2 87 35, 361 98 62,41 9 99 101, 6 01 96 9 8,3 2 6 91 Nort h Cen t r a l 5 1 15 - 10 - 813 1 2,351 2 South 42 6 43 - 667 1 J., 450 1 703 No r th east 49 6 146 - 158 - 1,601 2 6, 108 6 Nev..-York 34 4 77 29 909 1 2, 9 35 3 Sou r ce : V:::i.:ciou s C e ns u ses of P cp 1..:lati o n C.-:> ()1 36 TABLE 4 URBAN POPULATION GROWTH ------·---- Year Chine se Chinese Percent Chine s e Percent U.S. Popula tion U rban Population Urban Populatio n Urban Population 1860 35, 565 2, 719 20 . I 1870 63, 2 5 4 18,068 29 26 1880 105,465 35, 794 34 28 1890 107,488 67, 503 63 35 1900 89,863 6 5, 092 72 40 19)0 71,531 54, 3 31 76 46 1920 61, 6 39 50, 008 81 51 1930 74,954 65,778 38 5G 1940 77, 504 '70, 226 91 57 J.950 11 r/, 628 109,434 93 64 i960 193,958 190, 870 96 70 ~' 1970 382, 7;:J5 369, 729 97 74 ~:, ·------·------··-.------~--·--- ,;:J:nc)u 6 c s Al a s ka and Hawaii, all oth er fig ur e s r e f er to contiguous 1J nited States . Note : J-'rio 1· to H ; 50, ,.t numbe r o f large d en sel y s e ttled place s we r e noL i n c~ L:(: r.· 1.i. ,-i s 1.;1·b:J.11 b c c au s ::: U1 ·:>.,Y we re no t i nc orpora te d. S 01 ~rr:e : C ;:rr,pi L? d h:· !-Ir:,11:·y T cn ;.-1 frorn : TJn it e cl S tai.cs De partm ent of C o m ;:1 1.- ·r c e , B ~1:r·,:c:c1. u of di e Cen s u s , Statistical /\t ,s t 1·a c i. of the Ur i 1,,d '.::: L<11c ~ UJ'i'i, p . 17, G . p; O .~.-V/ ;i s hing ton, D . C . -1 '.J'i' l; \:v 0 1·j . I);_J_v i d , Ci Li z.: ~~ ct nc.l Iiri;-nigT:rnts, Ne w Yo rk: X f ,- ·1•cl Tl rl ; , , 0 Y' ,:·' t·y· J-.h , ,-J ,., S •,-; , cl• · "' 1.. · 1· 0. Li"' ,::;·~ n S ll " i? S Of 0 • - ' -•' ·" "-. ) , l. , t .. , ..J J... .L \,... >,.. • , I, \.) ·v ,;.l lo,.J \....., , ~I . i,. PopuL:1 !.Len . 37 of washing and cooking. A few Chinese had realized the potential oppor·- tunities for labor and stayed in San Francisco to establish themselves in such work. It has been estimated by by 1852 there were approximate~y 3, 000 Chinese in S an Francisco working as laundrymen, cooks, groc ers , 38 . f t . Ch" 39 and butchers. I n 186 6 , h a lf th e owners o f cigar ac ones were J 1ne s c . By 1870, one out of every four Chinese in California lived in San Francisco (see Table 2). Sixty-four percent of all l aundrymen and woolen worke!'.'s, 40 and 92 percent of all cigar makers were Chinese. This predominance of Chinese labor resulted in shifting the anti-Chinese agitation from the g old - fields to the labor markets associated with urban manufacturing and servj_ces in San Francisco. A predomiriance of Chinese l abor in San Francisco's manufactur ing sector revived anti-Chinese b eh a vior. Inflamed by the s and-lot oratory of Denis Kearney, the zenith of this action occurred in the west during the 187 O's, In the early part of this decade, the genera l depression in the United States a nd finan c ial colla pse of m a ny v.r estern agricultural and mining interests gen erated labor problems. The trans-continental railroad pe r- mitted the w e st to be flooded by eastern goods and workers. Completion of this major ove rla nd link h a d also relea.s ed a huge l ab".)r force. At a time ,,vJ:,c n work w c1 s s c ;:,.rce, Chi.nese Job o r thr ive rl a nd :.:_;oo n s uffer e d t h e conse - Ci'J ": :n c.c ~,,, Harsh t!'eatrnent a n d vjol ence forced the C h inese to l ook eZJst. V/ith t h e ex:~(: ption of searnen e l!gaged in th i? C,1in a t r 8.d e , r elo.tive.l y f e w Cbinus~: 15.v1°:d ir1 o r :: ver haJ c,n y exposure to the east coa st prio1.· to 38 1870 (see T a ble 3). The conspicuous absence of Chine se in the east resulte d from the inertia of the west as the initial region of Chinese work and settle - merit, the d e fid.ency of overland transport links between the east aGd the west c o ast, Chinese unfa miliarity with the east, and the l ack of demand for Chinese l abo1·. R.ecog nizi.ng the Chinese l abor potential, a few eastern employers began importing Chinese laborers in 1870. Calvin T. Sampson contracted the first group from San Francisco to work in his shoe factory at North 41 Adams, Massachuse tts in June . Strikes by the Knights of St. Crispin forced Sampson to seek a n alternate labor source. After unsuccessful attempts to recruit white labor, Sampson resorted to the Chin e s e . Seventy- five Chinese l ab8rers came to North Ad a ms via the recently corn~1leted trans-contine nta l r a ilroa d. The apparent success of the North Ad ams experiment demor,siratcd that it was feasible and profitable to emf)loy Chinese. Three months l ater, C aptain J 8D1es B. H e rvey, folJ.owing the pre ced-?.nt a nd ;icivice of Sampson, introduced a gang of Chinese l aborers 42 i nto his l a undry a t BeHeville, N0.w Jersey. The se favorable outcornes further influence d the ::ippearance of Chinese at Beaver Falls, Pennsyl vania t wo yea1's l ater. Here, Chinese l abor e rs worked i n the Beaver F alls ~ , '• 4 ··~ d c·r· v ( ,yr,; ,, ,, ,·1y .. c ( ,, U ~ - • , ,, • l •• I .J L-l L • S(; :n e whde wo t'l,ingn1e n in i:er µn:te d the presen ce of Chinese l o. boce1 s 14 in the e af' t Zl. .~; a n econ ur:-iic threat. Ch:inese l abo1· w a :3 no t cheap; fo r :;_nd Eer,,ey m ad,? origina l investments of $10, 000 39 each for coniracting and transporting their group of Chinese workers. 45 Such 8izeable initial expenditures apparently discouraged the widespread importation of Chinese labo:c. Moreover, the depression of 1873 provided employers with a n abundant surplus of white l abor . 46 Significantly, Chin~se labor gangs in the east did not work in large cities. Aware of the possible danger from very l arge populati.ons of white workers, the Chinese contracting company refused to send any group of 47 Chinese laborers to large eastern cities. Furthermore, Chinese laborers would not venture east unless in a group tha t had protection. A1so, many Chinese did not want to lea ve the familiar life in the west for the unknown east. Correspondence and returning Chinese laborers from the east must have relic.::ved this uncertainty because by 1880 the increase of Chine se in the east was dramatic (see T a ble 3). 48 It was during the 1870s that anti-Chinese feelings ran high in the west, which undoubte dly gave further frnpe tus for a Chinese movement to the east. i\ltbough the e::ist,:;r E vie w towards Chinese changed from sympathy to resentmenL, it was prejudicial r ather foa n d iscrim in a tory. Initial contact hetwecn Chinesr:: a nd the ,e::~st e rner.s v;1 as path-fi_nding, paving the way fo!::' a more s ubst;-rnti c1 l in.f.illx of Chinese from Cali.fornia, which helped to inspire Chinatowns in 40 Footnotes - Cha pte r I I 1. Tregear, T. R., A Geography o f China, Chicago: Aldine Publishing Compa n y, 1 965, pp. 8 -12. Cressey, George B ., L and of the 500 Million: A G e_ography of China, N ew York: l\kGraw-Hill Book Compa ny, Inc., 1955, p. 31. 2. Fairbank, John K ., (et a l), E a st Asi a: The Modern Trc1 n sformation, Boston: Houghton rJiifflin Comp,rny, 1 9G 5, p. 75. 3. Latoure tte , Kenneth S., The Chinese: The ir History and Culture , New York: The Macmilla n Company, 1 963, 7th printing, p. 266. 4. L a ttimore, Owe n, Inner Asian Frontiers of China , New York: America n Geographica l Society, Resea.rch Series No. 21, 1951, p. Hl. 5. Culin, Stewart, China in America : A Study in the Social Life of the Chinese in t h e Easte rn Cities of the United St ates, rea d before the America n Associ ation for the Advancement of Sci ence (Section of Anthropology), at the 36th Meeting, New York, 1887, pp. 1-16. Hoy, William, The C hinese Six Compa nies: A s hort, gen e r a l historical. resume of its orig in, functioi:12. __a nd importance in t~::_-~~fi_ o f the C a lifornia Chinese, S an Fra ncisco, Calif. : The C:-1ines0. Consolida t ed Benevol ent Associatior1 (Chinese Six Companies ), 1942, p. 2. L ee, Rose Hum, "The Hua - c h'iao in the United States of America ," in Fried, Morton (e d.) folloquium on Overseas Chi_~~:..?~2.. New York: Ins titute of P acific H.e l ation s, 1958, p. 35. Sung, B E:tly L ee, ~oun!_ain of Gold, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1967, p. 12. 6. Hoy, William, op. c it., pp. 15 a nd 1 7 . Sung, Betty L ee, op. c i!: , p. 13. 7. Lyma n , Stanford lVl., Chinese Americans, N ew York: Random Houst'. , i.9 74, p . 28. 8 . _r_.yrnan , ~~tan.ford J\/1. , op. __c j!:._: , p . 18. Freedman, Maurice, C h iri e:s._:: L.i.nc~1.gc cind So ciety : Fu l~i cn a nd 1-.:::wamdun g , l'Je w York : )-Turn:-:u,i i.i ,2s Prcs,:i Inc . , UJGG , p . ( ~).- J:>ouu·, .Jack M ., "La n d ;,q,,i L ine age i.,j T r;,di Li m :al China '' F a rnily c:mcl I( i nship in Chine s2 Soci e i_v, T'vi: ,uri cc F1.'··.::edma n, ecf:~-Sti°nfo rd : Stz,nfor d Un i v e r s i ty P r.- c ::: f] ., 1 rn o. 41 9. Lyman, Stanford M ., op. cit. , p. 1 7. Speer, Rev. William, An !Iumble Plea, l\ddresse d to the L egislature of C alifornia in behalf of _t h e Immi.grants from the Empire of China, S an Francisco, lcl56, p. 6. 10. Lyman, Stanford NL, op. _cit., p. 19. 11. Freedma n, Maurice, Lineage Organiz_ation in Southeastern _China , London: Univers ity of L o ndon, The Athlone Press, 1958, p. 93. 12. Lyman, Stanford, M., "Chinese Secret Societies in the Occident: Notes and Suggestions for Research in the Sociology of Secrecy, " in Lyman, Stanford M., The Asian in the West, Social Scie nce & Humanities Publication No. 4, Western Studies Cente r, Desert Resea rch Ins titute , Univer sity of N e vada System, Reno and Las Vega s, N e vada , 1970, pp. 33-46. 13. Ibid., pp. 33-46. 14. Lee, Rose Hum, The Chinese in the United States of Ameri_ca, .Hong Kong: Hong Kong -Uni"V-e.rsity Press, 1960, p . 72. S;.txtc,n, l\lexancier, The Indi r:pen sabl e Enemy, B e rke l ey, Calif.: University of C8.l:i.i'o r·nia -Press, 1971:-r~- 1 'I. Barth, Gunther, Bitter Strength, Cambrir:ig2, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964, p. 5. 15. Fairba 11k, John H., op. cit., p . 90. Chen, Ta, Chinese Migr;:i_t-ion.s, with sr~cial. r e ference to L abor Conditions, Wa.:: hing ton, D. C .: U.S. Gove rnment Printing Office, 1923, p. 5. 16. Forman, I-I a rrison, Chang ing China_! New York: Cro wn Publishers, 1948, p. 42. 1 7. Fairbank, John H .. , op. cit., p. 156. Mallory, W alte r H., _f~in<:1:: Land of F a rnine, New York: Americc:.n Geographical Society_. Specia l Publica tion. No. G, 1926, p. G6. 18. F airbank, J ohn H., o p. cit., p. 157. H l . Yu:1g , \,V i.! 1g , .[\Ty Life in China ond r'\n1l~r1co, N e vi York: He nry Holt f'x. C om p a nv. U Hn, p . 5 3 . 20. GiJ liarn , E. V'v" . ., "Chinese I rnmig raLion, 11 The No r th America n Hc vi.cw V o l. 143, 1 88G, fJl_). 2o --34. 42 21. Coolidge , M a ry Roberts, Chinese Immigration! New York: Henry Holt & Compa n y, 1909, p. 1 7. Conwell, Russell H., Why a nd How: Why the Chinese Emigrate, ;:i_nd the Means t h ey ad a pt forthe-h{rpos e of Reaching fa_ merica , New York: Lee, Shepard and Dilling h am,----- 1871, p. 149. Nee, Vic tor a nd Brett Nee, 11 Lontime Californ', 11 Bulle tin of Concerne d Asi a n Scholars, Vol. 4, No. '.3/Fall 1972, pp. 2-9. Santa Barbara County Board of Education, The Emerging Minorities in 1\ m e rica: A R esource Guide for Teachers, Santa Barbara: 19'/2, p. 83 . 22. Clyde, P a ul H., A History of the Modern and Contempora ry Far East: A Survey of Western Contacts with E ast e rn Asia During the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, New York: Prentice - Hall Inc., 1937, p. 125. F a irbank, John H., op. c it., p. 144. 23. Chinn, Thomas W., ( eel .} A Historyof the Chinese in California: A Syllabus, California: Chinese Historica l Society of America , 1973, ITt11 printing ) originally published in 1969, p. 5. 24. Coolidge, M ary Roberts, op. cit., p. 498. Molloy, Timothy J., 11 A Century of Chinese Immigra tion: A Brief Revie w, 11 l\/Icnthly Review, Vol. 5, No. 6, D,2cember 1947, pp. 69-74. ,'\nonynious , riJ.., a 11ding Chinese, The R e striction Act in Practice, 11 §_~~~-!~~_anc~~~~L Chronicle , A pril 13, 1887. 2 5. Anonymous , 1'The Chinese in the Unite d States, 11 The __Amer ican, V o ] . 4 , 1'.T1·, .:::>. 8)t, n l s 8 2 , pp. 2 3 - 2 5 . w 1· 11 1am,· .-,),:, J e [.1 l wn, Jn"" e c,cn,-:' · ,'i"(: L 1 the CaL fornia _Mines: 18 -18··1860, Stanford, California: 1 ~)30, p. GU . ----·------·---·------,------Cathe r, Helen Virginia, 'The History of Sc:.n I-i'r:,rncis c o 's Chinai:o .vr:, " (nnp:.1blished M aster's thesis), Unive rsity of C'.ali.fornia , Berkeley, 1932, pp. 9 and 10. 26. Hoy, William, ~-E· ci!:, pp. l and 2. ') '7 L... ' ,. Williams, Stephen, or, cit., p. ·rn. 28. Chinn, Thornas W., (e d.), op. cit. , p. 22. 29 . V/illiams, Siephen, op. c i.t., p. 54. --· ----- I . 43 31. Sandmeyer, Elmer Clarence, The Anti-Chinese Movement in Ca~forni.a , Urba na, Chicago, London: University of Illinois Press, 1973, p. 41 . Originally published in 1939. Undoubtedly, anti- Chinese f eelings were also intensified by the racist Southern e l ement, which formed nearly one third the total population of California during the decade of 1850. Schrie ke, B. , ~lien Americans, New York: Viking Press, 1936, p. 4. 32. California Legislc1.ture, R e port of the Joint S e lect Committee Relative to the Chi11ese Population of the Sta te of California, Sacrame nto, C a lif. : 1862, p . 7. 33 . Wu, Cheng-Tsu, (ed.), Chink, New York: World Publishing, l 972, p. 25. Lyman, Stanford M . , 1970, op. cit., p. 13. 34. Chinn, Thomas W., op. cit., pp. 32-33. 35. Hill, H erbert, op. cit., p. 45. Mulford, Prentice, "Glimpses o f John Chinaman~ Lippincott's Mag azine, Vol. 2, 1873, pp. 219-225. Chiu, Ping, Chinese L-;bor in C a lifornfa, 1 850-1380: An Economic Study, Madison: The D e partme nt of History, U oiversity of Wisconsin, 1963, p. x. 36. Saxton, Alexande1~, op. cit., p. 5. Coolidge, Mary Roberts, "Chinese Labor Competition on the Pacific Coa st, 11 Annals_<::~!:.::..'::. America n A cademy of Political a nd Social Scie nce, Vol. 34, 1909, pp. 120-130. 37 . Schrieke, B., _9p . cit., p. 8. 38. Cather, B e len Virgiriia, 0)2, cit., p. 20. :rn . Schrieke B., 2.E· cit:, p. 10. 40. Palmer, Albert W., Orientals in American Life . Ne w York: Franklin ---·------Press, 1 834, p. 13. '11. Bowen, J.;1 m 2s L., "The Celestia.ls in Sunday-·School., 11 Scribne r ' s N(o n thl~,', Vol. l, lB71 , pµ . :iGG-5:59 . Cornmons, .John n ., (e d. , et a l) !~ D oc:un,cJJL·.t1·y }fi!':;l,lI'Y of ./\mel'lcan Indu~;Lri.dl Soc ie ty, Tr;w Yol'k. : H 1.Js,:;cll & it 1, '--:scll, 1 U~icl, Vol.. :) Labor' Mov~~11:;-c1 1(_r,_fM . Pi.dgcon; D a.nicJ., O ld W·Jrld Quc1:;tions :1ncl New WorldA i 1sv.re rs_ .London: l<:(:i;·:-rn -··------·· - ·------, ------II P ;:rul, Tr 1:-'. 11ch i::. c:n m p;.rny, HH3 LJ , p . 11!7. '· 'ile Chinese, '[he \Vodci , Ne,v Yorf-(, Friday, J un e 17, J.8 70. 44 42. 11 The Heathe n in our IV[idst," N e wark D a ily Advertiser, Thursday, Septembe r 22, 1870. " Newarker 'Fa ther' of C hinese L aundry," Newark Call, October 9, 1932. "Cheap 'Chinee ' Labor, 11 New York Herald, Friday, September 23, 1870. Shaw, William H., (comp.T History of Essex and Hudson Counties, New Jersey, Philadelphia, Pa. : 1 884, Vol. 2, p. 890j. · 43. Bausman, Joseph, H., History of B e aver County P ennsylvania 2_nd Its Cente nnial Celebration, New York: The Knickerbocker Press, 1904, Vol. 2, p. 670 . May, Charles R., "Chinese in Be aver C ounty" Fiftieth anniversary. First Presb_yte ria n Church, Beaver F a~ls, P8. Historica l Sketch, 1867-1 9 17, Tribune Printing Co., 1917, reprinted in Chinese Historical Soci ety of Am eri ca Bulletin, April 1 97 5, Vol. 1 U, No. 4, pp. 2- 7. Rhodes, Albe rt, "The Chinese at Be2.ver F 2ll. s , 11 Lippincott' s Magazine, (1877) Vol. 19, pp. 708 -712 . 44. Rudolph, Fre derick, "Chinamen in Yankeedom: Anti-Unionism in Massachuse tts in 1870, " The American Historical ~ evie w (1947) Vol. 8, pp. 1-29. 45. Nor ton, Frank H., "Our Labor Syste m a nd t h e Chinese," Scribner' s M:onthly (1 8 71), Vol. 2, pp. 61-70. Shanks, Willi&m F.G-.,-11 Ch:G"1ei.:;e Sldllecl L abor,'' Scribner's Monthly (1 8 71), Vol. 2, pp. 494-4S9. 46. Rudolph, Frederi ck, op. cit., p. 28·. ' , I 4 7. Ib~9. , p. 2 7. 48. B~·ooks, Cha.rles W., "The Chinese Labor Problem," Ove.:El and_ Monthly , Vol. 3, 1369 , pp.· 407-419. CHAPTER III THE. FORMATION OF CHINATOWN, NEW YORK CITY Introduction The emergence of Chinatown may be viewed as a geographic response to successive changes in the composition of the Chinese population within New York city. Undo'..lbte dly, the crucial change occurred with the rapid influx of substantial numbers of Chinese from California , however, prior to the arrival of Chinese from California, a Chinese population already existed in New York. Although relatively small in number and occupationally different, the settleme nt pattern of this initial group of Chinese vv,is inst:::'c:. n1.ental in the evolution of Chinatown. Such changes in the occupations and numbe r of Chine:3e functionally divide the evolution of Chinatown into bvo stages. The pre- formational stage, defined by a residenU.al dispersion ::i.nd convergence of the initial Chinese population, d etermined indirectly, the location of China town. The subsequent establishment of Chinatown occurred through the institutional concentration of Chinese businesses and servi.ces in the forrn ationa l stage. Pre--formatio n Dl Stage (1 850 -1875} DLE' Lng i,hc first h a lf of the ni~1c tecn ih ct,n tury, inte rmittent vis i ta t i.o ns cli ~) r3c~crizect the t~~ Lrly c on'..acts of' Chincse with New York cit y . The firs t kn•:lwn C!itn. (~ SE: v is Hn1· to New Yor k was Pung ·-hu:..1 vVing Chong , l a t,2r lrnowri 45 46 as John Jacob Astor's "rnandarin". 1 In 1807, an embargo on American foreign shipping had b e en esta blishe d. Astor, a New York merchant, overcame the restriction by gaining presidential permission on grounds of international comity for returning a stranded, but very prominent mandarin horn e to China. Actually, this mandarin - Pung-hua Wing Chong - was quite an ordin ary man, but there was nothing ordinary about the profit of $200, 000, 2 made by this voyage. Other Chinese visitors to New York city have been noted. In 1809, a Chinese equestrian was employed as a stage performer; nine years l a te r, Wong Arce of C a nton came to work for a merchant. 3 One notio:n of Chin a - town's origin involve d the burning of the Chin e se junk, Ki-Ying , ::mchore d i n 4 N e w York harbor during 1840. SuppoBe dly, t 1.1c Chinese s eamen and 2. dog jumped from the s hip a nd swam to shor e . This seems hardly th r:: c:1se. The Ki.- Yir.g did r1c t stop in New Yo1·k ut1til S e ptem b er, 134 7 anc no fir e w ~1.s :::·ep()rle d. It (~o n t inu e d on to Provide nce , Rhode Island in Novembe r a nd r: fina lly reach e d London in March of 1848. ,J Pl'ior- to the mid-ninet eenth c e nt,iry, o ccasi o n a l. vis its exemplified th ~! tran s i e nt P- .:rt ure of CLi11 e s e con tac t 'Nith New Yo:.ck c:it;y. The fe d eral cen s us first r ecorde d the pTc sen c e c;f Chinese at New Yo i'l-: ;n li"l ::,U. I t jn d i. c,:i.r ,: d t h ,:: xr~r_; idc nc e of 20 C hi nes e i n :3ix ward.s at the sou t] 1,:-- i.- n portic ;1 o f !Vlan h :J1:i an i s J.::md (s ee Ma p 3). J w:lging· I;, ,· wa rd l ocm iu n, the C l 1i. il <;3e di.~.;L·ib,,; t i. ·~)n 'N :,: s o r i en l ed to wards th e do 1~k a reas . Thi s c.•r i c nt;:1L iti:1 47 Map 3 CHINESE POPULATION IN NEW YORK COUNTY BY WARD, 1850 - 1890 Percent of Total Chinese Population in New York County D 1-9 D 10 - 19 D 20 - 29 ~ 30 - 39 40 - 49 over 88 - I ' 1890 Note: After 1850, Ward 16 was divided into Source: U. S. Federal Population Census Schedul es (1850, 1860, 1870,1880) Wards 16 ond 20; Ward 18 into Words New York State Census Schedules: 1855 18 and 21; Ward 19 into Wards 19 and 22. U.S . Federal Population Census : 1890 48 of Chinese living in each dwelling and the spatial arrangement of these houses by their order of visitation during the census indicated no definite focal point of concentration (see Table 5). The China trade accounts for the presence of these Chinese inhabi- tants in 1 850 . After the ;Revolutionary War, the colonial system in which New York and other ports operated successfully, was disrupted. Due to the American victory, Yankee vessels were barred from trade in the Britj sh west Indies . A proposed substitute was trade with China. On February 22, l 784, the Empress of China left New York for the Orient. 6 Sailing east around the Cape of Good Hope and through the China Sea, she r eache d 7 M acao on August 23, 1874. Her return to Ne w York yielded a profit of $30, 000 and thereby initia ted the China trade. 8 Although by the b eginning of the ninet eenth century other ports equalled New York's volume of China tra de, New York remained the leader s ince t.b e vessels from the other ports would dis rose of their China cargoes in New York for the hi.gll~i· 9 prices . Ship:-:; engag8d in trade ,..vi.th China occa sionally employed Chinese St::::tI,Jf:'ll. At times . sorne of the Chinese seamen would live in New Yo rk. 'fh 1:::::; e itine r ::1 :1. i: settler~-:; would reside in small groups generally dispersed 10 c1Jor;.g rmd b ehind the great waterfront strip on South strect. It was the P·,t l c' •"v c ; ec1g, ,..,...... J'rorn ,}y,1 •• ._ • .,•c. , --··- ., c. .1 ,, tlie v e i·v. , ti- p.. of lower Manlwt. ten up to \Valnut s!Lr~,:, L, a nd t.>: -:1 \12.r:~r__,,J '.v &rds one, !:wo, .four, ;:ind seven. T ABLE 5 1850 CENS US DAT A F OR CHINESE IN NEW YORK CIT Y ~------~ ~ ~- ~-~~ ~- ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~~ ~~~ ~ Chin e s e Occupat ion Wa rd Number Percent Ward House Number in Number order of vi sit at ion 19 (1Q:~1le ) Seame n 1 5 25 1 381 3 1 (fem al e) Hc u s ewife 2 1 5 1 403 2 4 2 10 2 135 1 20 T ot2 l 5 2 10 4 51 5 2 6 4 20 5 730 2 7 6 30 6 187 4 -- -- 7 1, 074 6 20 100 - 20 ..i,. So ur ce: 18 50 C e nsus of Popul ation Sch edu l es co 50 By 1855, the Chinese resident population increased to 33. The 6 ward distribution of Chinese at the lower end of Manhattan in 1850 was reduced to just three wards (see Map 3). The orientation of distribution still appears to be towards the waterfront. Although Chinese remain principally mariners, a diversificat~on in occupations is evident from the appearance of cigar makers and peddlers, and boardinghouse keepers (see TabJ.e 6). A convergence in residential pattern is explained by the presenc ;:; of three Chinese boardinghouses. They are all located in one ward and housed over 6 0 percent of the total Chinese population. Although such places primarily served Chinese seamen, they also boarded Chinese c1ga::: rnak€-: r s and p e ddlers. Chinese boarding-houses provide d the Chinese with the culhffal amenities of newspapers, pc ricdicals, books, groceric.s and other l l g oods. 1\ctlr.g 3.S focal poir1ts, these boarding-houses attracted Chinese to ward four, which conta ined 83 percent of the total numbe r o f Chinese i. n the city ( see Table 6). Underlying this trend of convergence through the '.lttraction of thf:: bc1;;~ ro.i.ng- house is the premise that a basic desire for p E.: ople of the ;:c:ume c u lture living in a foreign country to associate with one anothe r. In c.,dd;_tiun to the advantages of food and language, mutual a id and Lmderc,ta nc.i i Y>g for tl1eir pa rticular custom.s, n e eds, and problems were a J.:::;o it!" ,por t:.mt in c(~r:;r, ~·egatin g pe0 ple c f the s ame culture . T br:: ou:'..J; 'r,Jion al s U:".. ,cL ure o .f the C hines e at thi s ti1ne was a l so cuPdu z::·i v'2 tr_; ,, co:-:ive rgen cc i n r esid c ntia i lo c ation. To the Chi~ese searn cn, t! ,c scrni.-JJ.~!r .::ti a n e nt r esid ,~ ncP a t a Chine se boarding-house ne ar the cl ocks_, T ABLE 6 1855 CENSUS DATA FOR CIDNESE IN NEW YORK CITY -- ---·- ·--- Percent of Percent of House No. House Chinr2'se Oc e Ltpa ti,m Ward Ward Total Chinese Ward Election E. D. Total Chinese Ward Election in order of T otal Tot a l Population District Total Population District Visitat ion I' ·------·------'I I i ' 16 5 earr1e::1 .)" 3 9 3 4 3 9.5 3 4 301 3 ·r·\·l I 8 P eddl e :;.-s 4 29 88 4 1 5 15. 0 • 4 1 80 5 f 11 3 ( ;i.g 2.J.·1-.nak er s 7 l 3 4 2 11 33.0 4 2 50 11 (BH: ll 33 100 ;, !'1 I ti,, .) Boar d i.nghous•2 4 3 10 30.0 4 ;l 109 1 )1 t' ke ef}<:~·s i 1'cc~ .s ~or0 4 5 3 9. 5 4 3 202 3 (BH :· Ii I jI'· 1 Cl e r k 7 5 1 4 3 222 6 (BH; · ~ --= \i 00 'ro1ai ( Al1 ·,r ·.:1 33 0 , J .,. ------· -' le\I 100.00 4 5 22 2 J 4 5 70 l 7 5 69 1 33 n=n-:r = Chinese Boa rdinghouse c.n ..... S;...·urce : 1 i3S 5 New York State Census of Population Schedules 52 suited his profession. A Chinese tea store employing a Chinese clerk seems quite appropria te with New York's prominence in the China trade. The presence of Chinese cigar makers and peddlers, (who sold the cigars 12 rnade by their countrymen) howe ver, is not so obvious. Together they had a common experience, that is, they left China as coolies and were 13 shipped to Cuba and Peru. Somehow, they managed to escape or 14 survive the inhuman servitude of the coolie trade that began in 1847 . The appearcmce of Chinese cigar makers in New York initially resulted from the extensive a nd steady stream of shipping between New York and Havana , 15 Cuba. It is probably here that these Chine se l earned how to roll cigars, since tobacco and cigars were an economic mainstay of the island. Chine se cig c1. r peddlers, orig ina lly coo lies on the Chincha Isla nds off the c:oost of Peru, h a d to m ake their w&y across the Isth,T'.US of Panarna to the shipping lanes of Cuba in order to reach New York. Because of the cl i. rec:t ion in shipping route s, it seems unlikely tha t Chinese cigar m::i.k e rs a nd p eddle1' S, or e ven seamen in New York initially migrated from Califor nia . Prior to the C c:d ifornia gold rush·, the tra ditiona l route to a nd from China was m ad e al~ound the C 8. p e of Good Hope . Even after the discov0ry of gold, the ships t h =i.t circle d C ap1~ Horn and stopped in Califor nia un Lh e w2y t,_, Chin ;:J 1 1 1 l . . f:~•. t '•-I.. I ' l. l. e- c·l f. rc)1·1·J ,' -•,. · Ll l ...L I). t,·, •.J.,' V wrtyC , 01° t l·l(".., ('..,. ,_":l [')C.C of' G~l.· o o c·l .'l :Jop"'"j \..:, • G A'.l i.':)•"'( '.,· ; Cl,,. .!. ~l - i."\ ·.C, ,.:'., I.·) .. 1 17 wer,: not pror:'.Lincni. •n cigar m a king o n the west coast until the early 1 En0 : , . · Cigar n :,~,ki.ng a s a hom e i ndustry en abl ed tho s e Chinese involve d to live :1L a Chi T! 'c: Se b o ;::_r' c1ir!['. - house , wt i~h .in turn was close to the wa t e rfront and 53 warehouses of tobacco frorn Cuba. The degree of residential convergence continued in 1860. The 3 ward distribution of Chinese for 1 855 has been reduced to just wards four and seven, with ward four accounting for 92 percent of the total Chinese population of 38 . ( see M a p 3 a nd T able 7). Within ward four, the Chinese population is found in only two election districts. The second election district has 34 p e rcent, while the third election district contains 58 percent . (see Map 4, Table 7). Within the second election district, house number ,~ 7 in order of vis ita tion during the census is a Chinese boarding-house with other Chinese r eside nces being at house s 45, 50, 52, 53, and 59 in order of house visitation {see Table 7). This sequence suggests the Chinese boarding house to be tlE.'! nuc l e us of a Chines E: residenti al cluster. A some·.vhat siroi.br clustered p ai:tc r n i.s r e peate d in the third election district. In short, ward four contains a lm0si: all the Chinese in the city and has two Chinese r esi dentia l cluste rs, each one fo c u sed u pon a Chinese boa rding-house. 'The waterfront is still the impo rta nt iocati.onal fo rce . This is c on firmed by the two principal cluste rs of Chinese close to South s treet a nd the f ::tct that 3~ of the total 38 Chinese in N e w York were seamen. In addition to ti-1 e m , the.c (:, are two Chfr1ese boarding-house keepers, one cigar maker, and four Chiru.:: b v vvit:h no occupations ( see T a bJe 7). E/ 1 ?, ',· U, tl ,c· ,J i f;L ·iLu i. i,:,rwl paltcr-n fo r t he to i o.l. Chinese popul a tion c, f 87 r e v eal e d tl~ a l rn.OV (\rnent l, ;10 u c c:urred in a n o rth weste r ly d i rection . W a n.1 fo ur . pr r::vio u:,:l:· co,,. t. ~d.1:,ing 92 p e r cent of lhe total number of Chi!, ese in 18 GG , Mop 4 CHINESEPOPULATJoN IN NEW YORK C OUNry BY ELECTJoN DISTRICTS I St re e t 1860 Word Boundory flec1; n -- 0 District Percent --St r eets Boundory 2 ~F Tota/ Chinese Population f lec1; 0 n Di strict in New York County C:J I - to 12 Source: CD "-20 2/ - 30 Federal P0pu fotion Census Schedules , 1860 c:::, fZEJ3/ - 40 22 19 4/ - so , 20 5/ - 60 16 21 9 1.:, "\ IS - 8 17 "' S 14 ,, .J 6 .....10 13 2 4 --Z CJ1 1 ' ~ T i\BLE 7 1860 CEKSUS DATA FOR CF!1l\:"ESE IN NEW YORK CITY Percent of Per cent of Hous (~ No . (~:l-rL::~~e ()cct1 pa1~ io!"1 'vVard 1-,vard Total Chinese Ward Election E. D. Total Chinese vVar·d E l ection in orde r of House Total P o pulation District Total Popula tio n Dis trict Vis Hat.ion To tal 'I r, I - ··-~··- ~·------· -- -· ------I j f '.J"' ~r- ') 11 .:.:•.'. $ t.~r; :rr: er:1. 4 , . D 92 4 2 13 34 4 .. 45 1 1!ii' 1 ., {~ G .~\1~ 7 ,J 8 4 3 22 58 4 2 47 5 (BH) ' 11 38 100 I , q II i3c· :1 r di r1t::bou s e 7 1 2 5 4 2 50 4 "' ·, 111 J~::..:t~!jf. -. r· s i ,.; I I ;. 1 7 . It .l. ( ~i.g · hr :tr1a.l~e::· 2 1 3 4 2 52 1 ' ,, 38 100 -----· l h 3E~ ~I,o ~::i1 {8 Ll 1-n~~l·2) 4 2 ' 5~:l 1 ' 4 2 59 1 4 2 70 1 7 (BH ) ' 4 3 77 1 4 .)... 114 1 4 3 298 3 7 1 38 2 U! c.n ;1,: }~f] ~ C l'1t:1est~ Bc,a:r·di11ghouse 7 2 8 1 --38 S,-1,.tr·r::c : :8 c:.) C·~i1S~is ot .P retaineo only 31 perce nt. The adjacent ward six contained 44 percent of the total. The remaining 2 5 percent of the Chinese were distributed among several wards north of ward six (see Maps 3 and 5, Table 8). In ward four, the cluster of 19 Chinese in the fifth el ection district reflected the earlier pattern, since it was the same area as in 1860 (:;;ee Table 8). Within ward six, a Chinese boarding-house housed 20 Chinese. The l ocation of 18 other Chinese in its immediate vicinity again points to the nodal attraction of the Chinese boarding-house (see Table 8). As in 1860, s ean1 e n predominated in these clusters, along with the re-appearance of c i gar m a k ers a nd peddlers. Unlike e::,rli e r y ears, a proportion of the Chinese resided outside the main clusters, a p parently because of diffe rences in occupations. nI\ . group of domestic servants, waiters, and a cook lived throughout the six wards north of ward six, whe re p e ople could afford t o pay for such s;2rvices . Premnnably, as indicated by a loca tion apart from the main body of Chinese in the city, a handful of Chinese (doctor, druggist, female ho1.:sekeeper, two men) i.n ward fifteen were v.lso serving a highe r c l a ss clientelc . .According to the 1870 populatio n census m a nuscripts, Chinese did not occupy the pr·2sc:nt l ocation o f Chinatown within ward six. Chinese were r recorded the pr c:~, cncc o! a single Chinese boo.rding ·-house in this fifth c l 0".>i. i 1.>n clii-'. Lri.ct of U1 e: s i ): th ward. During the pre-,1i.01..1s year. a n e\Vf,pcq"lcl: T ABLE 8 1870 CENSUS DATA FOR CHINESE IN NEW YORK CITY ------Percent of Percent of House No,. ..,. . J!llli~ S (; Gccur: 2.Uon 1kctr d Viard To t al Ch i nese Ward Election E. D. Total Chinese Ward Elec tio n in ord er of House Total Po pul atio n District Total Population Di s tri ct Visit ation Total ------·- - '8 C iga:i:·rn:::f.;.•2r2 4 27 31 4 4 1 1 4 4 92 1 ,,.., • I Seamen 6 38 44 4 5 19 22 4 5 12 7 0 Serv ants J 4 2 2 4 6 6 7 4 5 14 8 J. Cand _v l5 6 · 7 4 7 1 1 4 5 15 4 peclc! l er~, 8 (~ig·;-i~_· 17 2 2 6 5 38 44 4 6 65 1 p2d-:L1(; l"S 2 \V a jtt2r8 19 4 5 14 6 2 2 4 6 66 1 2 None 20 5 6 15 6 6 7 4 6 70 3 1 1 Housekeeper 21 3 3 17 11 2 2 4 6 215 .1 87 100 1 Dr:.iggist 19 6 1 1 4 7 121 1 Docto r 19 7 2 2 6 5 12 1 l Hotel Cook 19 20 1 1 6 5 13 2 C)l-l 1 1 c :e r k 2 Li 11 .L 1 6 5 14 5 T ABLE 8 (CONT'D) 187 0 C E ~JSUS DATA FOR CHINESE IN NEW YORK CITY Percent of Percent of House No. Chinese Oc cu pai ion ;l: ::tr d Ward Tot al Chinese Ward Election E. D. Total Chinese Ward Election in order of House Total Popul at ion District Tot::i.l Population District Visit ation Tot al I L 2ro r·er 20 12 1 1 6 5 42 1 1 Fr uit Dealer 20 13 3 4 6 5 47 3 -S?Total (85 m ale s, 2 females) 21 17 1 1 6 5 50 .)q 21 19 1 1 6 5 53 20 (BH) 87 99 6 5 60 1 6 5 168 2 14 6 135 2 15 6 159 6 17 11 55 2 19 6 173 1 19 7 60 1 CJ1 a., 19 7 124 1 T ABLE 8 (CONT 'D) 18'70 CENSU:3 DATA FOR CHINESE IN NEW YORK CITY Percent of Percent of House No . <~h i~1ese Occu pat ion Ward Ward Total Chinese Ward Election E. D. Total Chinese Ward E l ec tion in order of HmH,e Total Population District Total Popul a tion District Vis itat ion Tot ai 19 20 (Wor k 1 hOUS t:) 20 11 96 1 20 12 61 1 20 13 108 3 21 17 137 1 21 19 469 1 21 20 206 l ,:,B E = Chin i:s e Boardinghouse Source: 1870 Census of Popdation Schedules <:}l C!) 6 0 Map 5 CHINESE POPULATION IN NEW YORK COUNTY BY ELECTION DISTRICTS, 1870 12 22 19 20 16 2 1 18 9 15 Percent of Total Chinese Population in New York County I - 10 II - 20 21 - 30 31 - 40 41 - 50 f) I ~ - 51-60 ~ Traditional Core of Chinatown Ward Boundary Election District Boundary Streets 2 Election District Source: Federal Population Census Schedules: 1870 61 article referred to a Chinese boarding-house in this area at 14 Baxter stree t. 19 Probably both the boa rding-house s mentioned were one and the s a me. If s o , this boarding-house e xplains the next door location to a building at 12 B axter street in 1873, which housed a Chinese mutual aid society and temple. 20 A t the same time a n d ·f or the identical reason of proximity, the pre sence of a Chinese boarding-house and mutual aid society on Mott stree t, the main street of Chinatown located two short blocks from B axt er street, r e flected the Chinese institutions existing in the area adjoining the future site of Chinatown. Furthermore, the boardin,:a ;- - house at 13 Mott street was kept by Jon Assing. 21 He had appeared in the 1870 census manuscripts as a mariner living i n th2 Baxter stree t area. 2 2 Such evidence suggests tha t the location of Chinatown's site was determ ined indirectly by its a ttachment to the previously existing res idential cluf3te r of Chinese. Formational Stage {187 5-1890) The rn·e - formational stage of Chinese settlement a round Chin~se boardi.ng--house E:, ch:.-~nged with rapid and substantial i ncreases in the number of Chi.n ,,::s e &nd the accompanying occupa tional shift fo l aundr:y worlc ThL' t'.c·y,,1 Y r:,r· i:_S !~"_tc:Censuf; o f 18'?5 repo.r-i e d 157 Chi11cs·e i.n the city, while the _-:_c ;;:n t cf. Cl:,jnc ~;·_· frorL t he u.;so Fec1crd P o nulation Censu s Scl1c dnles is 5 ,3 7 . 'L,hcrdo c· .::-.', 1.hc jnlhal influ x o f C hir'. e se occurred lY::t\ cen 1875 a n d 1880. 11·donn,ttLn:i:1 ·.kt·:.veci fron-1 l etters ,u ;cl the news card .e d by Chinese r eturning- 62 to China h e lped to influence a highly favorable impression of the East 23 becaus:; of opportunities in laundry work. The raging anti-Chinese campaigns in th8 West during the 1870' s also promoted Chi.nese migration 24 east. Another impe tus for migration was the price war between the Central Pacific Ro.ilroad and Pacific Mail Steam-ship Company, the out- coroe of which low e red the fare from California to New York from $60. 00 25 to $35. 00. IVI0 1·eover, increases in the number of Chinese was indicated by a sma ll group of f a rmers that came from China in 1878. They bought land in what is now the Bronx for the purpose of raising vegetables for the . 26 Cl:.ine f,e o f the city . In the same year and for the iirst time, under the gcn e r ;::,. ~ heading for laundries in Wilson's Business Directory of I\ew York, 5G l o. und1·i2s were lis t e d under the specific sub-heading of "Chinese 27 L a undries". By 1880, 75 percent of the city's Chinese engaged in l a ur;dry wo1·k (s e e T a ble 11 ). Because of these changes in numbers and occupation, th,2 Chi.nese boarding- house, which had assumed insti.tutional fo~1cti.ons during the pre -formational stage, could no longer adequately ful 1' i lL the nee d :=: of the Chine se population. Such changes significantly c n vo :1-'.: c rl an ins ti.tutionaJ rer,ponse in the number and functions of Chinese ins tit11tio ns. Sig ni:f'i c a n tl. y , cha n ges in ins t:i.tution;:;J func Eons b egan at the loca tion s ·~·,[ Lhc C l> i !1C!.:,<_: 1:1u tu ;1l a i cl s o c j e:i.y ::rnd b oarding - ho use ;it 13 a nd 34 Motl 2B . . , 29 ~.t-c C'cL. ,L,_ C h i nese 2 1· o c e ry s to r e W c1S fo und a t 13 Mott stre0 t rn 187&. 'l'l-i •: i. , :v 1;:, fo,··1 n ::1Lio!, l'i' the Chi n e se ins titutions a t 34 Mott street a1.,p e~tr s to 63 T A BLE 9 1 880 CENSUS D AT A FOR C HIN E SE IN NEW YORK CITY W ard Ward Tota l Percent of T ot al Chine se Popula tion l 5 1 2 3 6 1 4 30 5 5 1 . 1 6 117 20 7 28 5 8 12 2 I , 9 19 3 10 62 11 11 20 3 12 13 2 13 8 1 14 21 3 1 5 13 2 16 9 2 17 61 10 18 22 4 19 62 10 20 18 3 21 33 6 2 2 26 4 23 1 1 24 58 7 Tot al 100 --·------·--- - ~·._-):1ccc: : 1 3:=; o C ;.) n sus of Popu J;i_Lio n Schc clr;les 6 4 Map 6 CHINESE INSTITUTIONS AND POPULATION IN WARD 6 0 F NEW YORK COUNTY, 1880 CHINESE INSTITUTIONS Each dot represents one i nsti tuti on. CHINESE POPULATION Each dot represents one person. ....···1 ...... I...... ·:. ...••=· I ...... -::::··: :::...... 12 22 19 2 0 I 16 2 1 18 111' 15 - 8 17 5 14 11 6 10 13 3 2 -1 7 Source : Federa l Popula ti on Census Schedul es , 1880 Wil son 1s Business Directory of New York, 1880 65 TABLE 10 TYPES OF CHINESE SERVICE INSTITUTIONS IN NEW YORK CITY (1880) Barber shop Boardinghouse Cigar Store Doctor Druggist Grocery Interpreter Opium Store Tailor Shop Tea Store Source: 1880 C e nsus of Population Sche dule s 66 TABLE 11 CHINESE OCCUPATIONS IN NEW YORK CITY (1880) L a undrym e n 444 Cigarma kers 50 Cooks 25 Marine rs 9 Storekeepers 9 Grocers 6 Cle rks 6 Boc1 rdinghouse k eepe rs 5 T e astores 4 S e rva nts 4 Porte rs 3 Stude nts 3 Barbe r s hop 3 Idle 3 Doctor 2 Opium Dealers 2 Interpreters 1 Candy F a ctory 1 Drugg ist 1 TaHor 1 M e s senger 1 Prisoner 1 P a t e nt 1 L abore r 1 P e ddle r 1 587 ------·-- ·- · ------ S 1JL1 r ce : 1 880 C e n s us of P opulation Sch edul e s 67 have been gradual. Initially a mutual aid society in 1873, it was known as 31 a gambling house three years later. By 1879, it was referred to as "the grocery-store depa rtment of the board rng-. h ouse. 1132 This quote not only sug gests the plurality of functions available at the location of an institution, but also the accommodati,on to an increasing number and occupational shift of the Chinese population. 33 In 1879, the number of Chinese was large 34 enoug h to warrant the establishment of a Chinese mission on Mott street. The significanc e of even a few Chinese institutions and changes in their functions w a s the forma tion of a nucleus around which the co!lcentra tiori_ cf a dditiona l institutions could occur. In 1880, the form and function of Chinatown had become distinguishable . W ard six, which include d Chinatown and its environs, contained 11.7 Chi.ne se. (s ee Map 3 a nd Table 9). The majority of the s e people were associa ted wi. i:h the s i x store s located along Mott street, which provided ten different functions 35 fo r the Chine se (see Map 6 and T able 10). The threshold and range of these inst ituti.ons we nt b e yond s e lf-sufficie ncy for the Chinese in the i rrrriedi.~1t e v icin:ty. R e"latively s pea king, a s mall number of people existe d i n r d a tion to this l a rge number of institutions, which specialized in Chinese g oods a nd s e r v i ces. The disparity is r e solve d by the e xplanation that Chin a - to 1.rr.. vl 8.:, serving tbe res t: o f the 470 C hinese r esiding outsid e o f Chin2to vn1_. of V.i h l <.. l 1 4.:J-4 v1er·e LwI.1drymen (see T a ble 11). L ;1 unc.:r:_,,- v,ork h :td b een a n ea:clie r part o f the C h;n ese e xperi en ce i. n P,mcri c,..:.. The C.hinc~~ e h ::1d dominated this o c cupation in C a lifornia following 68 Becaus e o f th e l ack of vromen on the western frontier, the l'efusa1 of rn Ch. ost White men to perform this work, and the expulsion of the 1nes . e frorn lhi . Work nmg, the Chinese were induced to specialize in laundry . Based o . lab n this western exposure in laundry and other trades, Chinese ore rs Wer · e llhported to the east. to The initial recruitment of 68 laborers Work. 1i."o'.,. in the Passa ic Steam. Laundry at Belleville, New Jersey in 1870 1 . al Sting effect 36 Perro · · News of the possibilities and success of Chinese I I r-·11 "' ng this Cal. kind of work close to a major eastern city spread back to I lforn· i a and Ch·ina, thus, a Chinese laundry rush to the east began. !'he l aund 1\ ~· ry business offered many practical advantages to the Chinese. "'lna11 ' ' a:rnou t ,.' ope n of capital, approximately a hundred dollars, was enough t o l n 1 1 aundi·y 37 It was a self-employing business, which also pr,Jvided eb:i Pl o \lh.. • v<11en·.' _ to1 · 01JP0 rtunities for other Chinese. Since their presence wns e.rat ed in H-. tre -lls occupation, labor competition was diminished. Hars h atr.-. ·•1 en1 n . it ~vcl. "' ncountered in the West surely impressed upon the Chinese that s ti,1wis· hotis·. e to c ompete with white workingmen. The possibilities of l;1 re l '"'"' C Otllp=>• '•· ... d uy a. e cJ.tion and. friction with the population at l arge were mimrnlze Co.i.cer ' . l' 1111nol- . 1 J d A cross ~l'e:.r 18 1ocatio n of work and residence in t 1e aun ry. E: 11cr:. I - ) .:::,, '~ &1:1,· • " •\Veen 1h e names of Chine se listed in tl1e 1880 c ensus rnanu- . lIJI ., ·.:. Map 7 CHINESE POPULATION AND LAUNDP.IES IN NEW YORK COUNTY, 1880 I /.,:, s,,,, .sr LAUNDRIES CHINESE POPULATION / CH I NESE Each dot represents one laundry. Each dot represents one person. I I I I } I ) .:,'<, 'l' ~ l 'l' 0 '¢~ , I ~ n,' '<'- q_"Z I '-J ( '<'-"' 6'6, ,,, I; "-.. S'r «,~ (., I : / : I I r' I ) .· : I . ... I ~.?,,,)O' ...... sr / :" / / ... : ) ·=:::=... · ...... ·::_·.. ;; ... : : ... .f / .... : .... I 79 ...... 2 0 16 I 2 1 9 18 15 8 17 Sotu:ce~ 5 14 , , G 10 13 3 2• 7 I ·---~ 70 ter111 . s of time d an money. C}Jinese J.aundrymen could .:,.dapt their laundry as th e Place of . residence because of their detache d status. A detached status meant that whether married or single, Chinese lnen c"' "'-!he to Am . erica without wives or famiiies . The state of detachment., Prev a.l ent d Uring tl . .tno ~, 11s stage, stemmed from the migrational objective of St Ch· llle::,e t . Wo , 0 return to China with a sufficient amount of money that ll.J.d au ow at 1 , ~. c easr a comfortable living. This status is P.vident by the or1sp· lc-uous abc, la .::ience of any Chinese women. Only two of the 444 Chinese lll'lcJr- .Ylti E:n hr . O t ad wives living with tbem. 3•· Furthe,tmore, every one c;f the Otal 24 lllarr. pc. iages among the Chinese were interracial (see Table 12) , The '-"l"c enta r ti f,eofchinese· that rnt. er-marned. with white women in this fo .rma- 0na1 .Staap Per c:-, - Was :r.nuch lower than in the prior stage. In part, the high!~r cent,l 0 C g/2 of intnr ' d • Ll ~ •matl(Jn ··-1 l -.<· ,,re ··,r,·,c' clut! - ·" - racial marriages unng ,. ie pre -ror .a.J. :, ,.o.,s · u o." · to 3Jn ·) 11 Pel'in c.. , .numbers, and those that did marry prob2bly intended t-::; .s12itlc , ane.nt1 . J, , Y 1n America (see Table 13). Possibly, these 1narriag•2s rn r.y ' •.:tv-E- b t:'f}[l th CJf th · e reason for including the Chinese in the ccnDua, since P.10S t -e ,...., , . "-'r, !ne . .. .s r se !:n (:: n ai bat tirne were engaged .in tt11::- i.tinerai;.t occupa.tio:n o, 0011 .1e0 Th" ,. f Ch . ese m ._, · i··cr"· ir ths -· - aus e fo r ti1e qu,as i .. yerman.cnce o rn ,,..! .Jl • ··' '· ' . "' [lr·e SC!-i()D the S.c:n a .U nurnber Oi' 1n te r mE. c;[ s pat io] e,'i. .. · ~· , 71 TABLE 12 CHINESE MARRIAGES IN NEVI YORK CITY (1880) Occupation Number Cigarmakers 8 Cooks 7 I I Porters 2 Laundrymen 2 Sailors 2 Candy F actory 1 Tea Merchant 1 Cigar Store 1 --- '12 TABLE 13 MARITAL STATUS OF CHINESE IN NEW YORK CITY Year ------Number Percent of Total Chinese Population 1850----- 2 10 1855 10 30 1860 13 34 1870 16 18 lBao 24 4 Sour------ce: V arious-- Censuses of Population Schedules 73 As detached males, the Chinese men in a l aundry could all sleep there · without p r oblems of space and privacy for a family. The retention of fam 1·1 · · ies a nd wives in China h elped to curtail the expenses of their tl'ansportation and support in America. Above all, a congruence in the I Place of work and residence greatly reduced the possibility of Chinese liv· I ing i.n Chinatown and making it a residential concentration for most Chinese. At the same time, the inherent distribution of laundries with c· . .ornese living in or near them would disperse the Chinese population out- Side 01~ · ward six, which contained Chinatown. The migrational objective of most Chinese l aundrymen insured the e:rn e:r gence and existence of Chinatown. In order to preserve their way of lif .. . e during their sojourn in America, the Chinese developed a great need a:nd reliance on Chinese commercial and socio-cultuf'al services. T he absE:nce of f a mily reinforced by the isolatior,. of a d ispe rsed distr:.bution in l auncJ,.1· e · t · · · d t · 1 d · lt 1 · i · i · · s in. ens1fied phys ical nee s o me u e soc10- c u ura r eq:.nremen ;s . 'I'he Vastly different food habits of the Chine se we r e satisfied by imported d:ry d a n Preserved goods found only in Chinato wn 's grocery store s, which also pr .d ., , . d d ov1 ea mu.ch of th e l aundry supp.11es nee e . A journe y to Chinatown rnigl1t · J · · b b d l · · d .so include visits to the Chrne se pharma cy, a r er, a n · tat or. V.;1- :, 1 , .(j· ·· ,.-, ··-'-L 1.·1 1 e groc e ry s tore, the l aun d r yma n cou Id a·tt en d I~o 111s . po sta. l . l;,"et t h er n e ws , or m e el wi.th som e frien ds . 4. 0 For othe r affairs \Vh -ir:.- · ~ . • t ITJ1.ght require advi ce, a id in business, or any serious c irc um stan c es, Chir1ea-:.: s oug ht out theil' s ociety or soc ial organization in Chinato wn. As cl 74 system of control among the Chinese, the social organizations of China - town were significant. Since most of the Chinese in America came from Kwangtung province, the rise of their associations and organiz:itions was expeditious and effective. As early as 187 3, there were two mutual aid societies in New York's . 41 Ct11natown. The one located on Mott street was the Poolon Kun Cee. Its purpose W3.S to provide mutual aid to members and to help new Chinese that came to the city as strangers. Foremost, this society was dedicated to the traditional custom of returning the bones of Chinese dead back to China . 42 In l 88r), Lung Gee Tong, the Chinese Fre emasons, was orga nized and con- sistecJ primarily of laundrymen. 4 3 Although the year of inception is not 44 apparent, a Chinese Ciga r Makers Union was active in 1 884. Sho rt.ly thereafter, the Chinese Benevolent Association, the pinna cle of Chine s e 45 organizations, appeared and was incorporated in 1 890. These Chine se social orgar,izations were important because they establishe d, maintained, and regulatl?d 0 rcler among the Chinese. Any matter concerning Chine s e b ecan1 e proper jurisdiction for the organizations. One transaction, usually nm under the auspices of a s ociety or 11 a;::; s r..ci :::tion, 'NC;S the Chinese wui s yste m" of banking a nd credit. Th E-.: 11 . . ,, , • 4G wn 1 · (or :-,1011,.:- y po o , J o r ig inated in C h ina . In order fo r this sy,,:;_c1n to ope : ·i11(: i_n / ·.. m ,~ ricn, in stitu tions we r e n eccssm·y . The socie t y or orga11.i.- 1 11 :s a tion p.i~c ;,,:.d~d ' w1..1 ~ p:_.rticipants through their rne n; bership and mo~1 iLo rcd t.hc inf.q:-ri.ty ,if tho::;c i nvolved. The 1'wu1 11 was a s in1ple but ,JJedive mea ns _ ., - - -- 75 fo:r s . av1ng orb . orrowrng money in Chinatown. If a hundred dollars were needed, a Person would propose or join a "wui" made up of say nine other PeopJe. Each on . e would contribute $10. 00 into the money poo.l. The one fo:rrn. lDg th e .money pool woul d then be able to take the $100. 00 for his i1n lbediate use . But for the next, say nine months, he could not borrow lnoney from . that parHcular "wui" and must repay $90. 00 on a monthly bas· is of $10. oo . In the second month, all ten members of the "wui" would Coth -e togeth $ er to put up their $1 O. 00 each, anyone wanting the use of the loo.oo Tnake s a bid. The one making the highest bid got to use the $100 0 • O Jess the bid he made. Those that did not get to use the $100. 00 clivid . . ed up the bid as interest. This continues for the total of ten rnontha, ctu1'in g 'Nhich everyone has had the chance to use $100. 00 or save $100. 00 PJ.tic,1 . "' interest . The "wui rr is guaranteed under an association or society, and a11 . is lboney is he J.d by that orga nization until the a llotted time is up. It P1:·ooab1 . , . . e that m f th d . .. ope·J"d rn New York were financed th an y o e 1 a un ne.::, 1 le: · toll gh the "wu i" 4 7 S. "f' tl thi·s financial s vstem provided and ii, . · 1gm 1can y, v ,s u -t'ed ~ · . · l · ctJ.10th et· . 1 h ndrym· en and their soc1a orgam- , · 11111<:ai,e between t e 1au ~at· 0 1011 <' • ~· J.n C . . d th i·viJ matters concerning Chinese h1n;i.to wn. DJ.Sputes an o er c · · \Ve 1, e tot:·d· . ..· f Chi·na,.town's social organi ·- . l &.tc:~d and subJ. 2ct to the arb1trat10n ° · ' 1··, ·'Y .1 . r ecog·nized fact. h,. Bon·, c,·Jn·.. ·r: ,::. to. v1.·n wos a weJ.l kno wn an d , . t" .11\1 . '1 ·,.t1 2 t.in - 'e to 1, 970 Chine se ' · 1 1' 1 .. . r ·r0 i'pled Of 0 ·0· 1000 eC:=tcl · \ \,( "y'·, .. ,.;. l·l't1[ ' l Ov d , . - '-' . ..) J . 1\. .. nn·5 thC, 1 88' - . . . . -~ the hia·hes t concentra tion I Wa rd six still m ainta1neu , b 1 ___ .,, 76 TABLE 14 1890 CENSUS DATA FOR C!IlNESE IN NEW YORK CITY Ward Ward Tota l % Total Chinese Populati.on 1 24 1 2 3 . 2 3 12 1 4 53 3 5 20 1 6 348 18 7 67 3 8 44 2 9 60 3 10 98 5 11 52 3 12 265 13 13 53 3 14 39 2 15 63 3 16 75 4 J. r/ 111 6 18 49 2 19 196 10 20 80 4 21 80 4 22 115 6 23 45 2 24 18 1 ··---· ---- - Source: 189 0 Census of Population (published) 77 of Chine s e , 18 p e r cent of the total number of Chinese. The rest of the Chinese population we r e distribute d outside of ward six. It appears that the majority of Chine s e remaine d in laundry work. Based on the number of Chine se laundrie s, 819, almost 70 percent of the total number of laundrie s in N e w York, a conservative estimate of two Chinese to a l a undry would yie ld a figure of 16 38 (see Table 15),. Such a figure would adequa t e ly appro vima t e the 1622 Chine se living outside of ward six. Furthermore , Chinatown's function as an inst itutional center of Chinese goo ds a nd s e rvices for the Chinese laundryrnen is firmly estab- lishe d by Wong Chin Foo, a contemporary writer o f the time, who noted the numbe r of s uch ins titutions. He arrived in New York during 1877 and 48 wa s e dito r in 1 8 83 o f the firs t Chinese n e \vspa per. In an article written :~n 1 88 8, h e m e ntio n e d the e x iste nce of over thirty Chine se grocery stores in N e w Y o rk, m o st of which we re loca t e d on Mott s t r e et in Chinatown. All thes e sto r es d e p e nd e d e ntirely on the support o f C hinese l a undryme n. 49 S ever a l wl'ite r s o f the 1890's a l s o refer to Chinato wn a s the focal point f ( IJ ' t h e Chine s e po p,ilati o n in N e w Yo rk and its environs . Helen Clark, an early '?l1 ii_er o f the Chine s e note d: ... Chinc:~; e from a ll part s o f New ' {ol'l,;: 2nd Brookl y:1, a.nd f ~·om L on i:,,· I s la nd, N 1~w J erse y :, n d C onne cti cut i. 0 1,-.,r; ::::, floe:k t o Cbi.n a 1o v;n to vis it their i 1·iend s an d cl o b ~ts i n c s '3 . S in ce th e /\rnc r ic;:m Sun d ay <.Jn es Do t p ,'crni t ~a undry wor k o n tha t d ay, the l mmd r ym cr1 E,ei';: '. (' upun i t ,-.s a general r·ecreatio n day, and go t o C hi1::1io ,v,: b y il,.mdrP.ds . T his, the refore ~ i.s the grc~:: it h <1 ::-, in es:::.; cL1y of that r egio n, a nd all s to r e s are o p e n 0. :t c.; c v' ( ~!"Y ern pJoy2e i s con s t a ntly o ccupied. 50 78 TABLE 15 GROWTH OF CHINESE L AUNDRIES IN NEW YORK CITY ______;______.____ _ Year Total Number Number of Percentage of Laundries Chinese Laundries Chinese L aundries 187 5 1 71 1 . 01 1.876 206 5 . 02 1877 246 26 11 1878 350 56 16 1879 270 43 16 1880 497 123 2.5 1881 483 283 59 1382 464 170 37 1383 347 180 52 1884 387 99 26 1885 419 1.43 34 1886 439 118 27 1887 492 173 35 1388 941 607 65 l 006 640 6·1 loDO 1191 8 19 G9 ------·-·------~------·------~-ioiur..:,? : c ~, mr:JlL,~d b y H e nry Torn fro m: Wil. s_9-_:.1~ s Bu_s iness Dire c t oi~y 1)f New ·y(H'k City, New ·YoY'l~ : The T row C ity Di rectory -- Co r.n. p <~n y , V ! ) !.. s . 2 8- 4 3, 1 8 7 5 - 1 3 9 0 . 79 In conclusion, the formation of Chinatown progressed through a spatial sequence incorporate d within two stages of evolution. In the first stage, an initial residential distribution revealed Chinese seamen living generaJJ.y dispersed within an area adjoining the waterfront, reflecting a residential. linkage to their occupatio_n. Subsequently, in the same stage, there was a convcrg f:.: ncr.?. of Chinese seamen and cigar makers in and around Chinese boarding-hot~s e :c,, vvhich permitted an occupational ori.entation of residence and also provide d cultural amenities to the Chinese. During the second stage of e volut ion, a concentnrl.ion of Chinese business and institutions occurred a round a nucleus that began as an extension of the residential cluste r adja cent to Chinatown. The underlying causes for this were the r a pid influx of ;::;ubs ;: a nti.::1 numbe rs of Chinese migrants that c2.rnc to New York to e nga ge in laundry work. For these same reasons, the Chine se boa rding-hou:::ie c o uld no longer function adequately as the institutional outle t for the Ch.inc,, c . PrLrn,:crily; Chinatown served the majority of Chinese, who w e1·e in J.m~ndry ,,vork. For econornic and protective reasons, the l aundry w as thrc~ p lac e o f both work and residence. Since the distribution of l a t:nclr i cs i s ubiqui.to1 1s, t :1i.s r e sulted in a dispersed distribution of Chinese. The Cb i n E. if3C rnig r ational obj e ctive of returning to China maintained their great cuJ 1:;! J ' ;,, _1_ '-n .1 1·i ~mce, wh ich marle th e; Chinese deue nden:; Oll i.b :!i.r o wn good s . u :,c: i ,:-. i _1; .- o,;_i -1 ir:.g exp,~(' ien ced b y 1nos t ethnic g ro1..1p s . The r efore , the e1ncr ·· ,--,:;· ::1. 1ce ,J C C hinato wn -..va ::· & c oncent ~·;::1- t e cl in s titutional ref-~pons e to the 80 socio-cultura l n e e ds of the sojourning Chinese laundrymen and consequently became the focal point for the Chinese in the city and its region. 81 Footnotes - Chapter I I I 1. Ellis, Edward R., The Epic of New York City, New Yo1·k: Coward- McCann Inc., 1966, p. 420. The Guild's. Committet.: for Federal Writers' Publication, Inc., New York City Guide, New York: Octagon Books, 1970, p. 104. --- 2. Albion, Hobert G~ and Jennie B. Pope, The Hise of New York Port (1815-1360), New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1939, reprinted 1961, p. 195. 3. Ibid., p. 197. 4. "Chinatown: Not East, Not West," New York Time s Mag_azi~e, December 15, 1946. 5. Chapin, Howard M., "The Chinese Junk Ke Ying at Providence, " Rhode Isla1:1d Historkal Society Collections, Vol. 27 (Jan. 1934), pp. 5-12. 6. Albion, Robert G. & Jennie B. Pop~, The Rise of New York Por~ ( 1815-1 8G OL New York: Charles Scribner' s Sons, 1939, reprinted 1970, p. 1 95 . 7. Morison, Samuel E., The Mariti.rne History of M assachu3 etts: 1783-186~, Cambridge, Mass.: The Riverside Press, originally published in 1 9 2 1 , 1 9 6 1 , p. 4 5 . 8. Albion, Hobert G., 2P· cit., p. 195. 9. }bid., p. 200. 10. "The Chin2se in New York," New York D aily Tribune! Sunday, June 21, 1885. 11. "Chinamen in New York, 11 New York D aily Times, Friclc1y, D0cc 1r,ber 26, 1856. JJThe Chine se in New Yo rk, JI Ne w_ Yod;: D a ily :Xr·ibune , Su nd ay .June 2 1, 1885. 12. J'Sc ene in F'1lton Ma rke t, New York C ity, JI ~B a~l~~~~-~~-~~~J:_ja1, Saturd8y, ._Ti.me 28, 185G, p. 401. 82 13. "Chiname n in New York," New York Daily Times, Friday, December 26, 1856. "The Chinese in New York, 11 The New York 1_'.!-me s , May 30, 1869. ----~-·--- 14. Brooks, Charles W., op. cit., pp. 407-419. Conwe ll, Russell H., op. cit., p. 82. Holde n, Edgar, "A Chapter on the Coolie T rad e , fl Harper's M agazine, Vol. 29, 1864, pp. 1-10. Anonymous, "The C e l esti a l s at Home and Abroad," Littell's Living Age, Vol. 34., 1852, pp. 289-298. 15. Albion, Robert G., op. cit., p. 183. 16. Ibid., p. 202. 17. Chinn, Thomas (ed.), op. cit., p. 49. Hill, Herbert, op. cit., p. 51 . 18. Fifth Election District; Ward 6, N ew York City (first enumer2.tion), 1870 Federal Population Census S~hejules. 19. "The Chinese in New York," Th~_ New York J'imes, May 30, 1869. 20. "Chinese jn New York," The New York Times , December 26, 1873. 21. Ibid. 22. Fifth Election District, Ward 6, New York City (first e numeration), 1870 Fec1eral_Population Census Manuscript Sch edul es. 23. "Chine s e L abor for the South," The New York Times, Ap.cil 28, 1879. 11 The Chinese Still Coming," The N ew ~lorkTim e s , March 21, 1880. "The Chinese in New York, 11 New York Daily Tribune, June 21, 1835. 24. Hill, Herbert, op. cit., p. 45. McWilliams , Brothe rs under the Skin, Boston, Mas~Little, Brown & Compan~revised ed. 196 11, originally published in 1942, p. 105. Schrie ke, B., oe_. ci.1;:, p. 14. 2;,~ 1\~c e rt es ir1 tl1 e Cl1i11 e s e Qu ar ter, IVIo lt Street., l\J° c\V )~ o rk. .. 11 ll'ra11l< 1 L esli c ~; JJJ 1.1 ~, 1~·alccl N e:: ,v c.-; pa pe r, M or c h 27, 1880 . " C hi.rw.m c n Cn rnj,1g Eas t , 11 T h e N <.:w '(o r k T i m es, .Nfa1· ch 4, 1 88 0. "The C h inese in New York, 11 rrhe Ne \v Y_?_£k Tim e s , M a r c h G, 1880. 26. "Chinese Tillers of New York Soil, 11 The Ne~Jork Times, March 23, 1878. 27. Wilson's Business Directory of New York City, 187 8 -79, Vol. ~H (1878) New York : Trow City Directory Company, p. 427. 28. "Chinese in New York, 11 The New York Times, December 26, 1873 . 29. Wilson's Business Directory of New York City, 1878-79, Vol. 31 (16'78fl'fow York: Trow City Directo{·y-Compan-y-:-i). 307. 30. "Arrival of a Chinese Matron," The New York Times, March 21, 1879. 11 31. "Chinese R e creat ions, New York Daily_TribuE._~2 July 21, 1876. 32. "Arriva l of a Chinese Matron, 11 !he New York Times, March 21, 1879. 33 . Culin, Stewart, 11 Chinea in America : A Study in the Social Life of the Chinese in the Eastern Cities of the United States, 11 read b efo r e the American Association for the Advanceme nt of Science (Section of Anthropology), at the Thirty-Sixth Meeting, New York, 18Wl, pp. 3--1 6. 34_ "A Chinese Mission in Mott Street, 11 The New York Times, April 25, 187D. 35 . 11 Scencs in the Chinese Quarte r, Mott Sfreet, New York," _?ra n~ L eslL'::.' s Illustrated ~ewspaper, Ma rch 27, 1880. 36. 11 Newa rker 'Father' of Chinese Laundry," N ewark Call, October D, ---·- 19 32. 37. Cdin, ~:, tewart, 02. cit .. 1887. 11 Thc Chinese Laundries, 11 The \,\' orld, 1\pril 5, 1885. Foo, Wong Chin 11 The Chinese in New York, II '.T he Cosmopolita n, Vol. 5, urns, pp. 297 - 311. 38 . C h e w, L e e , 11 rfhc B iogi·aphy o f a Clrinam._111, 1 1 T he Independent, VoL G:i, Jr!D::'., pp . 41 r/-- 42 3 . Foo, Wong Chi n , :)12· -~: i t_., pp . -2 Q"f < ll L ''~"() r,' .--..,r' ,-, 1• r,' l) - [--- 1; J c1 t1"r>n r' -, •-c•l \ C' ~,,1,edt11EH' 39 . __l CO ., -: ._ .... 1 ... .. ___ _ (- ... J.=._ . 1 _.u ~- · __ c. . . __ ... _ .~L:iL.~ ,_J ·-'.:: ... 1... . 1. .~-,, V/c1.rd s 1-22. 84 40 . Culin, Stewart, op. cit., 1887. Clark, Hel en F., "The Chinese of N ew York, t1 1ile Century Magazine, Vol. 53, 1896, pp. 104-113. Foo, Wong C hin, op. ~it:, pp. 297-311. Taylor, Warren, "The Chine [, c C~u arter of Nev.r York, t1 Munsey Mag,;azine, Vol. 6, pp. 678 - 682 . 41. " Chinese in NeVI York," The_New York Time s, D ecember 26, 1 873. 42 . I bid. L1 ..., i ,) . File #00548-80c>:', New York County Cle:ck Business N3.rne Index; " ChinN ,:e Benevol ence, ,, The New York Time s , AprTl 2s,"lss·o-. - 11 J oss in New Quarters, 11 The New York Tin::_ies , June 1 3, 1888. 44 . "The China men Organizing, t1 The New York Times, July 30, 1884. 45 . File #00123-90c~', N evv York County Clerk B usiness Name Index . ,: A Chinese Charitable Society, " The New Yo rl( Times, l\liarch 21, 1 890. ~16 . Ku l.p, D an i cl H. , II, Country Life in _South Clt1ina: T he Sodolo~y of Famil~Sl?l.2 Vol. l , T a iµci: Ch'eng-Vi/e n Publishing Company, 19G6 , p. 1 90. 47. Clc:!rk, Hcl8n F ., op. _ci1:_: , p. 110. Foo .. vV'Qng Chin., op. cit., p . 2 88. Lig ht, Iva n IL , Ethnic Enterprise i:n Anierka: Business a nd Wel fo.r-e: ,nnong Chines,~. J apanese a nd Biacks, Berkel ey~- Calif.: Universi ty of California Press, 1972,.. pp. 2 3-27. 11 4 8 . " A Heath,) r1 Ar:cong l Js, The Wo rld, April 29 , 1877. "The Buddhist Relig ion. : It i s Expl c1ine d by a Chir:aman, 11 T he New York Times, April 30, !.87'7. " The C hinese New Year, ' ' 'T rie New Ynrk Times, }.,8bruary 7, } 8B3. 911i!'.~~_se _J:\.!P<"..~j_can~ Vol. "i, No. 1, February 3, 1 883. 49. Foo, Wong Chin, o~. -~~i_: , p. 300. " C hin ese City Me r c h ants, " I',' ew Y CJrk \V, H' Ld , May '.~ 2, l 887. 50. Clark, lll~len F ., ~E· cit. , p . 106 . • CHAPTER IV CONCLUSIONS AND PROSPECTS Unlike the formation of other ethnic areas in northern industrial cities during the nineteenth century, New York's Chinatown formed through institutional concentration. This process indicated that residen tial concentration, as in the black and European im1nigrant experiences, was not the soie process of ethnic area formation. For European immig1'ant groups, socio-cultural need was secondary to racism and an occupa tional orientation of 1·esidences, the causes that produced their ethnic areas. In the Chinese experience, however, socio-cultural neecl was the primary cause for the institutional concentration which forrned Chinatown. These conclusions imply a number of consideration~; when studying the cau?es and processes responsible for ethnic area formation. Implicitly, the a priori assumption has been: the specific caus es and processes which form an ethnic area are ultimately derived from an intcgr2.tion of the inherent nature of the population group under study and 1 its total t.T 1an milieu. As this integration varies with time, space and sca le, the c a usel'o: and processes of ethnic area formation differ accordingly. Such Vc•.6aiions can occur b etwe en and within the causes and processes thernE:clvcs. The re::-rnltant integration, selectively defines the primary caus e a. .nd proce~,s responsible for the formation of a particular ethnic 85 86 Variation in causes explains why Chinatown could not have formed because of racism or an occupational orientation of residence, the primary causes for the formation of black and European immigrant areas. In effect, both these causes were indirect agents in the emergence of Chinatown. Racism towards the Chinese was prevalent in the West 2.nd provide d p a rt of the impetus for the Chinese trans - continental migration east. An occupational orientation of residence dispe rsed the Chinese and prevented any residential group concentration. The Chinese occupational orientation of residence existed at th e highest l evel, Chinese lived where they worked. Despite this dispersed pattern, institutional concentration occurred to satisfy the strong soci.o cultural needs of the Chinese. Furthermore, the notion of an oe:cupationc,l orientation of residence also reveals the internal dichotomous variation that can occur within a cause of ethnic area form.atf.on. The difference in the processes of ethnic area forn1ation elucidate why Chinatown did not form through a process of r esldentiaJ concentration. ' A lthough the causes responsible for the formation of bla.ck and E uropean areas ,Jiffered, each cause innately permitted a cli.rect residential concen-· tJ· a ri.on of the population group. Spatially, racism operates in two w c~.ys to c once £Jtrate people residentially. First, it can be an external force confining people ; secondly, racism can be an internal forc e that draws people together \Oluntarily as a sociz~l a nd protective response. 1n the Chinese experience , racism functi(me d geographically in two ways that dh~persed the group. Fin,t, 87 it was an external force Lhat exp e lled _: secondl y, racism was an internal force by whic h they voluntari ly scattered for th e ir own protection. Because of other ad va ntages , it i s unlikely that the Chinese e ngaged in laundry work just for a dis persed distribution, bovvever, it was certainly in their favor to do so and reduced the hig h visibility of Chinese. As has been mentioned, the Chine s e occupational orientation of residence directly dispersed the. g roup and pre v e nte d r eside n tial concentration. Yet, the institutional con centration thnt forrned China town did occm', In this respect, institutional conce ntrati.on Vv'Oulcl be an i ndirect process for the formation of a n ethnic area. This s uggests tha t the causes and processes of e thnic area formation can ope rate directly or indirectly a nd vary arnong and within the1nselvcs according to the r esulting integ:ca tion between the n a ture of the group and its tota l environrn8nt, a long with the el e m ents of Li me, space and scale. The r e a r e a m!n1bcr of irnplic2..1ions for future investigation whic h cc.1 n be drtiwn. Foremost, the gen esi s of Chinato wn has shown that a n ethnic a rea nee d not emerge t hrough a res ide ntial concentr·ation. A nume rical 1najority of the ethnic po pul8Eon is not ·required to d efine an e thnic area. During th.:: study p e r .:ocl, Lh e m a j ority popul ation of t he Chines e always res ide d o uts i.d c of ChimLW\Yn . It did, howe v er, al ways h ave the highest conce ntr ation of Chines ,,· p 2r unit zrea . 'J'his consideration is significant in a n urneric0.l cfass i.h c,,.Lion of ethn ic areci s . F urthe rmore, any qua nit- tative t,;nonorny for ethnic c1re:::1s s hoi.!ld include a consideration for racial visibilit y. It a ppears that the Chinese, a hig hly ·1is i. bl.e group, r e quired -- ~ - 88 l8atnes s el r a . . b is 1 s e thnic area. Any ethnic group having the ' 1Ur.n ]·) ('re·. o t o distin n, ." · on Y population would tend to need relatively c1al s to ck as tbe maJ·0 ·t . · 0 1 · nun1b 0:l'S fro i-n t' ,,ence of Chinatown, an institutional concentration, resulted Th.e E-". rn e r o· then io · ultural needs of the Chinese. A worthy problem for study Ll e ,C.i oc:jo-c n " . .L, 1 u 1onal needs among various ethnic groups." . "" the "'' cl l'l. Cl'' D. . Ce 111. j , ct·t t' . l l'apiclcle atr . . u an cultural or ganiz a lions were responsible' for the part , soci ~l · d Phn ·t · 0rnce these societies and assoe1at1ons were trans· lse of· Chrnatown. c · · · . . a · ie mothe r-land and based on geographic location, it iuay be i e cJ f r om 11 ilnotll Sehf , rnr studying the social organization of other ethni_c groups. . lll inc. ,Jl•. ght ~ . . 1 studying other ethnic groups might be through their .. er a pproach to es, , 1e Chinese "wui" system was an important means for i 110 l'iciaJ .._."' ystems· tl •r).bl'.lShino . 1. 11d-" o Clnn0: ,)ec· l aun d rics. d!i r· · ersarate and distinct sub·groups for the Chinese in New York JC3. t e d. two. s ., " . The Chinese from y;wangtung province were also l.)) g tl i e s tud . . di.f[p . Y p e riocl. -1 0 1- ·' · • Y lheir i nternal districts and even villages, . .l tl,'c:L t er} b it " ·group differentiation is import ant bee au se of possible variations Jntr· o .O , r c s: id enc es, and migra tional objectives. The Chinese . <:: cuP. ::ttions Bj)o ,, goal of r eturning to China gave him a dewched status, winch 0 J0 ur ner•o . 1· es;a "'" g reater m o bililY and stricter occupational orientation of V\' F: d ]·C , otne rwise possible, A residential Chinatown maY ave evo, en,...c C thl. n , h tb ,\).. y ceve.topedJ 1)·· + the Cl11·r·cs·e so iourners were the catalytic. agents ~ itu· 1 ,n• lltcd 'l . ' . ",, . • . . , •!'l e pv•esence of SU -groups '· p,'·:. ·r ·1n · '.1e rapid formation of Ctllnatown, • ' · ' · b l ---- 89 can be revea led by a diversified division of occupations. A careful consideratio n should also be given to the exact nature of occupation and its spa tial dis tribution. Furthermore, an occupational orient ation of r eside nce , to be a meaningful criterion in an ethnic group's spatial distri- bution, must 8.lso cons ide r the ethnic division of l abor. A Chinese occupa tional o r i en tat-ion of residence c an only determine Chinese spatial dis tribution if the majority of Chinese engage in laundry 'Nork. 1\n interesting point i s the regional differences in r acial prejudice anrl discriminatio n of Chinese b etween the east and west coast. The appJica- tion of this notion and its change through time may have significant implications for other r a cial groups. A serious deficiency occurs in the l a.e k of literatu re that expose the internal point of view for the ethnic group. This is quite a problem in the study of the New York Chinese durh1g the initia l period because r ecords and information failed to s ur vive b ecause of poor preservation. 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P~ s inf:Ss Directo ry of N e w Yo~k City, Ne w York: Trow City Di.rectory C ompany, Vols. 1850--1890. VITA Name: Henry Tom Permanent address : 12001 Berry Street, Wheaton, Maryland 20902 Degree and Date to be Conferred: M.A., 1975 Date of Birth: May 24, 1942 Piace of Birth: New York City, New York Secondary Educc1tion: Brooklyn Techni.cal High School Brooklyn, New York, 1960. Collegiate Institutions A ttendcd: Dates Degree Dai:e of Dcgr f'I:! University of M c.1 ryland 1969-1 972 B.A. 1972 University of Maryland 1973-HJ75 Tv1. A . 19'? () Majur: Geography Pos 5.ti.ons Held: 197 4: ReseaTc h Assistantship, Unive:csity of l\liaryland 197 5: Teaching i\ssistantship, Uni?ersity of M2xyland