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The Chinese Blue Shirt Society a Publication of the Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley, California 94720

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The Chinese Blue Shirt Society a Publication of the Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley, California 94720 The Chinese Blue Shirt Society A publication of the Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley, California 94720 The China Research Monograph series is one of several publications series sponsored by the Institute of East Asian Studies in conjunction with its three constituent units—the Center for Chinese Studies, the Center for Japanese Studies, and the Center for Korean Studies. The others include the Korea Research Monograph series, the Japan Research Monograph series, and the Research Papers and Policy Studies series. The Institute sponsors also a Faculty Reprint series. Correspondence may be sent to: Ms. Joanne Sandstrom, Editor Institute of East Asian Studies University of California Berkeley, California 94720 CHINA RESEARCH MONOGRAPH 30 INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • BERKELEY CENTER FOR CHINESE STUDIES The Chinese Blue Shirt Society Fascism and Developmental Nationalism MARIA HSIA CHANG Although the Institute of East Asian Studies is responsible for the selection and acceptance of manuscripts in this series, responsibility for the opinions expressed and for the accuracy of statements rests with their authors. Copyright ®1985 by the Regents of the University of California ISBN 0-912966-81-5 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 85-80730 Printed in the United States of America Contents Acknowledgments vii I. The Problem 1 II. The Documentary Evidence 13 III. Sun Yat-sen, the Blue Shirts, and Fascism 30 IV. The Ideology of the Chinese Renaissance Movement: The Economic Development of China 55 V. The Ideology of the Chinese Renaissance Movement: The Political Development of China 82 VI. Summary and Assessment 124 To my father and mother, Chang Pao-en and Huang Lu, who named me Hsia. Acknowledgments Many individuals must be thanked for their contribution toward the completion of this manuscript. I am grateful to Professor Chalmers Johnson for his generous encouragement and support, and for the advice, given years ago, that "ultimately, the study of the Blue Shirts must go back to a study of the Kuomintang itself." For their assistance in my research, I would like to thank the following individuals in Taipei who made possible my access to the Kuomintang Party Archives at Yangmingshan: Vice Admiral Ko Tiin-hua, Deputy Director Li Yiin-han, and Mr. Lik Fang-shang. For their provocative questions and comments that forced me to go beyond the ideology of the Renaissance Society toward a consideration of the society in the context of intraparty factional politics, I thank my former colleagues at Washington State University: professors Paul Hagner, Frank Mullen, Takesugu Tsurutani, Terry Cook, Walfred Peterson, Nicholas Lovrich, and Thor Swanson. Thanks must also be extended to the Hoover Institution's National Fellows Program for providing me with the material support that made the revision of this manuscript possible, to Professor Robert Bedeski for his critical insights, and to Professor Joyce Kallgren for her infinite patience and tolerance. Finally, I must thank those without whose support and encouragement this manuscript would never have been completed. My gratitude goes to Dr. Ramon Myers for his tireless reminders and active encouragement; to my good friend Stephanie Helen Free for her courage to risk our friendship continually with her unrelenting daily reminders of my responsibilities; and lastly, to Professor A. James Gregor, who assisted me with the Italian language material, for his counsel and wisdom, his patience and endurance, his support and encouragement, and for believing in me in spite of myself. Maria Hsia Chang Stanford, California December 1984 / concluded that villains in [history]are not inherently evil—they're villains only because they end up on the losing side. It's the winners who end up writing histories and myths. MARION ZIMMER BRADLEY I The Problem On the eve of China's War of Resistance against Japan... there appeared a political movement of great power and influence, which, for one shining moment, restored to the Chinese the self-confidence they had lost since the Opium War.^ The effort to provide an account of any historical phenomenon is an inherently problematic endeavor. Historical occurrences are not simply comprehensible on their face; their meaning is not self-evident. The insistence, by some, that a historian can write a "pure" account of some phenomenon, confining himself to an "exact description" of what happened, a "plain narrative" of past events,^ is an indefensible position.^ The distinction drawn between a plain narrative and a historical interpretation is a spurious one. "Just to do history at all is to employ some over-arching conception which.. .goes beyond what is given.""^ To begin with, any account of the past involves selection and emphasis, which presuppose some criteria of relevance since the account cannot include everything.^ A more fundamental way in which rendering an account of the past must invariably involve the "inexpungable subjective factor" is our employment of "project verbs" and "narrative sentences."^ For the philosopher of history Arthur C. Danto, historical ^ Kan Kuo-hsun, "Min-tsu fu-hsing yiin-tung chV [A record of the National Renaissance Movement], in Chung-wai tsa-chih (Kaleidoscope Monthly) [hereafter cited as CWTC]^ 16, no. 1 (July 1974): 38. 2 W. H. Walsh, An Introduction to Philosophy of History(London: Hutchinsons' University Library, 1951), p. 31. ^ L.O. Mink, 'The Anatomy of Historical Understanding,'' in William Dray, ed.. Philo sophical Analysis and History (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), pp. 184-191. ^ Arthur C. Danto, Analytical Philosophy of History (London: Cambridge University, 1965), p. 115. ^ Ibid., p. 114. ^ Ibid., p. 142; see also, pp. 143-181. 2 The Chinese Blue Shirt Society events and behaviors become meaningful and comprehensible only when they are conceived as constituent elements in some conscious or unconscious "project." Projects are "time-extended events," typically represented by predicates like "is-R-ing," as in "is planting roses": a project that includes a range of behavior, such as digging, fertilizing, sowing, purchasing shovels and seeds, even reading seed catalogues. According to Danto, "The presence of roses is the result v/hich all these separate pieces of behavior are meant to lead to; and because we see some connection between them and such a result, we tend to describe these different pieces of behavior in terms of the result."'' It is only in such a context that a bit of behavior, as the digging of a hole, takes on "meaning" and can be "understood." In the absence of a project, the digging of a hole becomes uninterpretable, a behavior fraught with ambiguities, for although "digging holes is part of what a man of whom 'planting roses' is true does, we could not infallibly infer that [he]...is planting roses: he may be planting lilacs oryusrdigging holes. Not to have project words, then, is to render ourselves "incapable of describing what men are doing"^ and of writing history itself. Most project terms as they are employed in the social and narrative sciences are ill-defined. Phrases and terms such as "making revolution" have no generally accepted meaning.'" Concepts such as "modernization" and "countermodernization" are no less vexed." There are those who argue that such must be the case, either because of the intrinsic character of the language of social science or because porosity allows for cognitive development.'2 Whatever the case, the open texture of such conceptual terms makes understanding difficult. These kinds of problems become particularly urgent when research on a given historical period is in a relatively primitive state. For present purposes, it is of particular relevance that research on the Republican period in China remains in such a state.Even scholarly writers ' Ibid., p. 160. 8 Ibid., p. 162. 9 Ibid. See Eugen Weber, "Revolution? Counterrevolution? What Revolution?" Journal of ContemporaryHistory 9,, no. 2 (1974): 3-47. See, for example, the exchange on ''Fascism and the Counter-modernization of Con sciousness,'' in Comparative Political Studies 10, no. 2 (July 1977): 230-265. ^2 See Michael Scriven, "Truisms as the Grounds for Historical Explanation," in Patrick Gardiner, ed.. Theories ofHistory (New York: Free Press, 1959), pp. 443-475; and Abraham Kaplan, The Conductive of Inquiry: Methodology for Behavioral Sciences (Scranton, Penn.: Chandler, 1964), chap. 2, pp. 68-71, 77-78. Lloyd E. Eastman, The Abortive Revolution: China Under Nationalist Rule, 1927-1937 The Problem ^ frequently deal with the period as though it were a parenthesis in the millennial history of China, a brief way station on the road to the Maoist succession of 1949.Why this should be so is not difficult to appreciate. The historical data for the Republican period are more often than not fragmentary. As a consequence, there is sometimes a tendency to apply some familiar conceptual category to this entire sequence in an effort to impart meaning to a period that would otherwise remain impenetrable. And if the entire history of Republican China before the accession of the Communists to power in 1949 remains obscure and controversial, that of the Blue Shirt Society (Lan-i she), reputed to be one of "the most influential and feared political movements"'^ of the time, is still more obscure and consequently more controversial. The Blue Shirt Society The information we have on the Blue Shirts is sketchy and fragmentary. Founded on March 1, 1932,'^ in Nanking, the Blue Shirts was a secret organization operating within the then ruling party of China, the Chung-hua Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party).*'' Founders. The original founders were a group of about twenty men**—such men as T'eng Chieh, Ho Chung-han, K'ang Che, Feng T'i, Teng Wen-i, Cheng, Chiai-min, Ch'iu K'ai-chi, Kan Kuo-hsiin—of vary ing class and provincial backgrounds. Class origins ranged from landlord, to middle peasant, to poor tenant farmer.
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