Enfry Denied Aslan American History and Culture
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Chapter 5 Sinicization and Indigenization: the Emergence of the Yunnanese
Between Winds and Clouds Bin Yang Chapter 5 Sinicization and Indigenization: The Emergence of the Yunnanese Introduction As the state began sending soldiers and their families, predominantly Han Chinese, to Yunnan, 1 the Ming military presence there became part of a project of colonization. Soldiers were joined by land-hungry farmers, exiled officials, and profit-driven merchants so that, by the end of the Ming period, the Han Chinese had become the largest ethnic population in Yunnan. Dramatically changing local demography, and consequently economic and cultural patterns, this massive and diverse influx laid the foundations for the social makeup of contemporary Yunnan. The interaction of the large numbers of Han immigrants with the indigenous peoples created a 2 new hybrid society, some members of which began to identify themselves as Yunnanese (yunnanren) for the first time. Previously, there had been no such concept of unity, since the indigenous peoples differentiated themselves by ethnicity or clan and tribal affiliations. This chapter will explore the process that led to this new identity and its reciprocal impact on the concept of Chineseness. Using primary sources, I will first introduce the indigenous peoples and their social customs 3 during the Yuan and early Ming period before the massive influx of Chinese immigrants. Second, I will review the migration waves during the Ming Dynasty and examine interactions between Han Chinese and the indigenous population. The giant and far-reaching impact of Han migrations on local society, or the process of sinicization, that has drawn a lot of scholarly attention, will be further examined here; the influence of the indigenous culture on Chinese migrants—a process that has won little attention—will also be scrutinized. -
The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926
The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926 Hongkong Workers in an Anti-Imperialist Movement Robert JamesHorrocks Submitted in accordancewith the requirementsfor the degreeof PhD The University of Leeds Departmentof East Asian Studies October 1994 The candidateconfirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where referencehas been made to the work of others. 11 Abstract In this thesis, I study the Guangzhou-Hongkong strike of 1925-1926. My analysis differs from past studies' suggestions that the strike was a libertarian eruption of mass protest against British imperialism and the Hongkong Government, which, according to these studies, exploited and oppressed Chinese in Guangdong and Hongkong. I argue that a political party, the CCP, led, organised, and nurtured the strike. It centralised political power in its hands and tried to impose its revolutionary visions on those under its control. First, I describe how foreign trade enriched many people outside the state. I go on to describe how Chinese-run institutions governed Hongkong's increasingly settled non-elite Chinese population. I reject ideas that Hongkong's mixed-class unions exploited workers and suggest that revolutionaries failed to transform Hongkong society either before or during the strike. My thesis shows that the strike bureaucracy was an authoritarian power structure; the strike's unprecedented political demands reflected the CCP's revolutionary political platform, which was sometimes incompatible with the interests of Hongkong's unions. I suggestthat the revolutionary elite's goals were not identical to those of the unions it claimed to represent: Hongkong unions preserved their autonomy in the face of revolutionaries' attempts to control Hongkong workers. -
The Sinicization of Indo-Iranian Astrology in Medieval China
SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS Number 282 September, 2018 The Sinicization of Indo-Iranian Astrology in Medieval China by Jeffrey Kotyk Victor H. Mair, Editor Sino-Platonic Papers Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA [email protected] www.sino-platonic.org SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS FOUNDED 1986 Editor-in-Chief VICTOR H. MAIR Associate Editors PAULA ROBERTS MARK SWOFFORD ISSN 2157-9679 (print) 2157-9687 (online) SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS is an occasional series dedicated to making available to specialists and the interested public the results of research that, because of its unconventional or controversial nature, might otherwise go unpublished. The editor-in-chief actively encourages younger, not yet well established scholars and independent authors to submit manuscripts for consideration. Contributions in any of the major scholarly languages of the world, including romanized modern standard Mandarin and Japanese, are acceptable. In special circumstances, papers written in one of the Sinitic topolects (fangyan) may be considered for publication. Although the chief focus of Sino-Platonic Papers is on the intercultural relations of China with other peoples, challenging and creative studies on a wide variety of philological subjects will be entertained. This series is not the place for safe, sober, and stodgy presentations. Sino-Platonic Papers prefers lively work that, while taking reasonable risks to advance the field, capitalizes on brilliant new insights into the development of civilization. Submissions are regularly sent out for peer review, and extensive editorial suggestions for revision may be offered. Sino-Platonic Papers emphasizes substance over form. We do, however, strongly recommend that prospective authors consult our style guidelines at www.sino-platonic.org/stylesheet.doc. -
Guangdong-Guangxi War & Sun Yat-Sen's Return to Canton
Sun Yat-sen's Return To Canton After Expelling Gui-xi by Ah Xiang Excerpts from “Tragedy of Chinese Revolution” at http://www.republicanchina.org/revolution.html For updates and related articles, check http://www.republicanchina.org/RepublicanChina-pdf.htm In Southern Chinese Province of Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen and Chen Jiongming would be entangled in the power struggles. (Liu Xiaobo mistakenly eulogized Chen Jiongming's support for so-called "allying multiple provinces for self-determination" as heralding China's forerunner federationist movement.) Yue-jun (i.e., Guangdong native army), headed by Chen Jiongming, was organized on basis of Zhu Qinglan's police/guard battalions in Dec of 1917. To make Chen Jiongming into a real military support, Sun Yat-sen originally dispatched Hu Hanmin and Wang Zhaoming to Governor Zhu Qinglan for making Chen Jiongming into the so-called "commander of governor's bodyguard column". Governor Zhu Qinglan was forced into resignation by Governor-general Chen Bingkun of Gui-xi faction (i.e., Guangxi Province native army that stationed in Guangdong after the republic restoration war). Sun Yat-sen asked Cheng Biguang negotiate with Lu Rongding for relocation of Chen Bingkun and assignment of twenty battalions of Zhu Qinglan's police/guard army into 'marines' under the command of Cheng Biguang's navy. On Dec 2nd of 1917, Chen Jiongming was conferred the post of "commander of Guangdong army for aiding Fujian Province" and was ordered to lead 4000-5000 'marine' army towards neighboring Fujian Province where he expanded his army and developed it into his private warlord or militarist forces. -
Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy CHEN ZHIMIN*
Journal of Contemporary China (2005), 14(42), February, 35–53 Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy CHEN ZHIMIN* This article examines the role of nationalism in shaping Chinese foreign policy in the history of contemporary China over the last 100 years. Nationalism is used here as an analytical term, rather than in the usual popular pejorative sense. By tracing the various expressions of contemporary Chinese nationalism, this article argues that nationalism is one of the key enduring driving forces which have shaped Chinese foreign policy over the period; as China increasingly integrates herself into this globalized and interdependent world and Chinese confidence grows, the current expression of Chinese nationalism is taking a more positive form, which incorporates an expanding component of internationalism. In recent years, nationalism has been one of the key focuses in the study of China’s foreign policy. In the 1990s, several Chinese writers started to invoke the concept of nationalism, both in their study of Chinese foreign policy and in their prescriptions for the Chinese foreign policy. Likewise, in English-language scholarship the study of Chinese nationalism largely sets the parameters of the debate about the future of Chinese foreign policy and the world’s response to a rising China. An overarching theme of this Western discourse is a gloomy concern with the worrisome nature of recent expressions of Chinese nationalism. Samuel P. Huntington was famously concerned about China’s intention ‘to bring to an end the -
Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School March 2019 Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927 Ryan C. Ferro University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Scholar Commons Citation Ferro, Ryan C., "Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927" (2019). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7785 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist-Guomindang Split of 1927 by Ryan C. Ferro A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Co-MaJor Professor: Golfo Alexopoulos, Ph.D. Co-MaJor Professor: Kees Boterbloem, Ph.D. Iwa Nawrocki, Ph.D. Date of Approval: March 8, 2019 Keywords: United Front, Modern China, Revolution, Mao, Jiang Copyright © 2019, Ryan C. Ferro i Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………….…...ii Chapter One: Introduction…..…………...………………………………………………...……...1 1920s China-Historiographical Overview………………………………………...………5 China’s Long -
The Changing Status of Women in Taiwan: 1945-2010
The Changing Status of Women in Taiwan: 1945-2010 by Mei-Lien Lu A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Auburn University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Auburn, Alabama May 7, 2012 Key words: women, status, Taiwan, culture, development, democratization Copyright 2012 by Mei-Lien Lu Approved by Cal Clark, Chair, Alumni Professor of Political Science, Director of the MPA Program Cynthia J. Bowling, Associate Professor of Political Science and Ph.D. Program Director Linda F. Dennard, Professor of Political Science at Auburn University-Montgomery Murray Jardine, Jane Dickerson Lanier Professor of Political Science Abstract This dissertation analyzes the economic, social, and political status of women in Taiwan from 1945 to 2010. This research was guided by a theoretical model of how the status of women worldwide is influenced by the extent of patriarchal culture, the level of economic development, and the degree of democratization. Hypotheses drawn from the theoretical model were tested by using data collected from 174 developing and developed nations. Overall, the statistical analysis found that patriarchal culture, economic development, and democratization exert fairly strong influences over some dimensions of women’s status but have little association with others. This implies that the nature of women’s status is complex and complicated because each nation has its own circumstances that are shaped by its historical background, traditional culture, geographic location, and so on. Therefore case studies of individual countries should provide valuable insights into the dynamics of women’s changing status in the contemporary world. This dissertation presents such a case study that analyzes the status of Taiwanese women in terms of social conditions, human and social capital, economic activities, and political participation and power. -
Issue 1 2015
ISSUE 1 · 2015 《中国人大》对外版 NPC National People’s Congress of China THE NATIONAL PEOPLE’S CONGRESS ADVANCES RULE OF LAW Ethnic minority deputies wave farewell on March 15 when the Third Session of the 12th National People’s Congress (NPC) comes to an end at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. Chen Wen The National People’s Congress 6 advances rule of law Contents Special Report 15 Streamlining administration is 25 ‘Internet Plus’ to fuel innova- government’s self-reform tion, development 6 The National People’s Congress 16 China sanguine on economy advances rule of law under new normal Diplomacy and Defense Report on the work of the Stand- 8 18 Pooling strength on ing Committee of the National Peo- 26 China eyes bigger global role ‘Belt and Road’ strategy ple’s Congress (excerpts) with Chinese solutions Free trade zone strategy in Zhang Dejiang stresses imple- 22 28 Defense budget 2015 lowest 13 speedy implementation mentation of ‘Four Comprehensives’ growth in 5 years 23 Prudent monetary policy still Judicial Reform in place Reform and Development China vows harsher punish- 23 Fertile soil provided for foreign 29 ment for corruption, terrorism investment 14 Slower growth target, tough- er environmental protection benefit Self-reproach is the right atti- Yuan’s full convertibility to 31 China and the world 24 tude to advance judicial reform advance 16 China sanguine on economy under new normal 8 Report on the work of the 18 Standing Committee of the Pooling strength on National People’s Congress (excerpts) ‘Belt and Road’ strategy ISSUE -
The Comintern in China
The Comintern in China Chair: Taylor Gosk Co-Chair: Vinayak Grover Crisis Director: Hannah Olmstead Co-Crisis Director: Payton Tysinger University of North Carolina Model United Nations Conference November 2 - 4, 2018 University of North Carolina 2 Table of Contents Letter from the Crisis Director 3 Introduction 5 Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang 7 The Mission of the Comintern 10 Relations between the Soviets and the Kuomintang 11 Positions 16 3 Letter from the Crisis Director Dear Delegates, Welcome to UNCMUNC X! My name is Hannah Olmstead, and I am a sophomore at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. I am double majoring in Public Policy and Economics, with a minor in Arabic Studies. I was born in the United States but was raised in China, where I graduated from high school in Chengdu. In addition to being a student, I am the Director-General of UNC’s high school Model UN conference, MUNCH. I also work as a Resident Advisor at UNC and am involved in Refugee Community Partnership here in Chapel Hill. Since I’ll be in the Crisis room with my good friend and co-director Payton Tysinger, you’ll be interacting primarily with Chair Taylor Gosk and co-chair Vinayak Grover. Taylor is a sophomore as well, and she is majoring in Public Policy and Environmental Studies. I have her to thank for teaching me that Starbucks will, in fact, fill up my thermos with their delightfully bitter coffee. When she’s not saving the environment one plastic cup at a time, you can find her working as the Secretary General of MUNCH or refereeing a whole range of athletic events here at UNC. -
Role of Min Bao in Creating Public Opinion for the Revolution of 1911
2018 3rd International Social Sciences and Education Conference (ISSEC 2018) Role of Min Bao in Creating Public Opinion for the Revolution of 1911 Zhang Yongxia School of Arts and Law, Wuhan University of Technology, Wuhan, China, 430070 Keywords: Min Bao; The Revolution of 1911; creation of public opinion Abstract: As an official organ of Tongmenghui, Min Bao played an important role in creating public opinion for the revolution of 1911. This paper expounds the historical background at that time and how Min Bao created public opinion, and then clarifies why this magazine has had such a wide influence. Through introducing revolution situations and social ideological trends in foreign countries and infusing revolutionary thoughts into the readers, Min Bao inspired revolutionaries to fight for the revolutionary ambitions with the spirit of sacrifice and striving, thus helping them to shape their life value outlooks, form their revolutionary convictions and develop their revolutionary behavior patterns. 1. Introduction The Revolution of 1911 was a milestone in China's history. In reviewing the course of the Revolution of 1911, Sun Yat-sen spoke highly of the role of bourgeois revolutionary newspapers and magazines in promoting the revolutionary cause [1]. The bourgeois revolutionist Feng Ziyou once said, "The foundation of Republic of China should be attributed to the military actions and the propaganda by the Chinese Revolutionary Party, between which the propaganda was more powerful and widely-influenced." Among various bourgeois revolutionary newspapers and magazines, Min Bao played a great role in promoting the dissemination of bourgeois democratic revolutionary thoughts, eliminating the reformers' pernicious influence, of the reformists, facilitating the formation of the revolutionary spirit, and improving the revolutionary situation. -
The Australasian Kuo Min Tang 1911–2013
百年回顧:中國國民黨駐 澳洲總支部歷史文物彙編 Unlocking the History of The Australasian Kuo Min Tang 1911–2013 Mei-fen Kuo left her native Taiwan in 2003 to undertake a PhD thesis at La Trobe University, which she was awarded in 2008. From 2010 to 2013 she was an Australian Post-doctoral Fellow in the School of Social Science at La Trobe University and is currently a Research Fellow in the Asia-Pacific Centre for Social Investment and Philanthropy at Swinburne University. She is the author of Making Chinese Australia: Urban Elites, Newspapers and the Formation of Chinese-Australian Identity, 1892–1912 (Monash University Publishing 2013). Her polished bilingual research skills have made a significant contribution to our understanding the Chinese-Australian urban elite in a transnational setting. Judith Brett is an Emeritus Professor at La Trobe University. She has written extensively on the history of non-labour politics in Australia, including on the history of the Liberal Party and on ideas of citizenship. Her books include Robert Menzies’ Forgotten People (Macmillan 1992) and Australian Liberals and the Moral Middle Class: From Alfred Deakin to John Howard (Cambridge 2003). She has written three Quarterly Essays and is currently working on a new biography of Alfred Deakin. 百年回顧:中國國民黨駐 澳洲總支部歷史文物彙編 Unlocking the History of The Australasian Kuo Min Tang 1911–2013 Mei-Fen Kuo & Judith Brett AUSTRALIAN SCHOLARLY Contents Foreword vii Preface ix 中文序言與前言 xiii 1 A Rising Wind of Civil Democracy 1 the Early Days of Chinese Australian Nationalists from 1900 2 Building the Chinese Nationalist 16 Party in Australasia 1917–1921 3 Competition and Challenges 40 1923–1928 4 Semi-official Leadership through 61 the Years of the Great Depression 1929–1933 5 New Spirit of Nationalism and 95 Turning Australia to Face Asia 1934–1939 6 Overcoming the Time of Hardships 107 Publication assisted by Australian Research Council, Chinese Nationalist Party of Australasia and La Trobe University. -
Sample Chapter
010 Yeh Ch01 (12-28) 2/27/08 3:23 PM Page 12 one Transnational Celebrations in Changing Political Climates in 1951 san francisco’s chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (CCBA) staged a Chinese New Year celebration to “support the anticom- munism policy of the U.S. government.” The parade departed from the CCBA headquarters on Stockton Street, taking Sutter Street to Grant Avenue, the main tourist thoroughfare, and then returned to the CCBA. With the police leading the procession, six hundred Chinese American school children and several hundred adults marched with placards stating “Down With Communism” and “Preserve Your Heritage of Freedom.” The march ended with a meeting hosted by the Anti-Communist League pledging a Chinese American anticommunist stance and unfailing patriot- ism to the United States.1 The parade’s celebratory spirit was dampened not only by a firecracker ban, but also by a holiday goods shortage, the result of an embargo against the People’s Republic of China (PRC) that went into effect after it entered the Korean War in 1950. The embargo had affected Chinatown’s tourist business, which depended on the ability of various curio shops to sell Chi- nese goods.2 Political oppression and economic recession were major concerns in many Chinese American communities in the early 1950s. As a result, eth- nic leaders transformed the Chinese New Year from a private celebration into a public demonstration of their U.S. patriotism and anticommunist 12 Copyrighted Material 010 Yeh Ch01 (12-28) 2/27/08 3:23 PM Page 13 conviction in the early 1950s.