Role of Min Bao in Creating Public Opinion for the Revolution of 1911
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The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926
The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926 Hongkong Workers in an Anti-Imperialist Movement Robert JamesHorrocks Submitted in accordancewith the requirementsfor the degreeof PhD The University of Leeds Departmentof East Asian Studies October 1994 The candidateconfirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where referencehas been made to the work of others. 11 Abstract In this thesis, I study the Guangzhou-Hongkong strike of 1925-1926. My analysis differs from past studies' suggestions that the strike was a libertarian eruption of mass protest against British imperialism and the Hongkong Government, which, according to these studies, exploited and oppressed Chinese in Guangdong and Hongkong. I argue that a political party, the CCP, led, organised, and nurtured the strike. It centralised political power in its hands and tried to impose its revolutionary visions on those under its control. First, I describe how foreign trade enriched many people outside the state. I go on to describe how Chinese-run institutions governed Hongkong's increasingly settled non-elite Chinese population. I reject ideas that Hongkong's mixed-class unions exploited workers and suggest that revolutionaries failed to transform Hongkong society either before or during the strike. My thesis shows that the strike bureaucracy was an authoritarian power structure; the strike's unprecedented political demands reflected the CCP's revolutionary political platform, which was sometimes incompatible with the interests of Hongkong's unions. I suggestthat the revolutionary elite's goals were not identical to those of the unions it claimed to represent: Hongkong unions preserved their autonomy in the face of revolutionaries' attempts to control Hongkong workers. -
Beyond Life and Death Images of Exceptional Women and Chinese Modernity Wei Hu University of South Carolina
University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Theses and Dissertations 2017 Beyond Life And Death Images Of Exceptional Women And Chinese Modernity Wei Hu University of South Carolina Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd Part of the Comparative Literature Commons Recommended Citation Hu, W.(2017). Beyond Life And Death Images Of Exceptional Women And Chinese Modernity. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/4370 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you by Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BEYOND LIFE AND DEATH IMAGES OF EXCEPTIONAL WOMEN AND CHINESE MODERNITY by Wei Hu Bachelor of Arts Beijing Language and Culture University, 2002 Master of Laws Beijing Language and Culture University, 2005 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature College of Arts and Sciences University of South Carolina 2017 Accepted by: Michael Gibbs Hill, Major Professor Alexander Jamieson Beecroft, Committee Member Krista Jane Van Fleit, Committee Member Amanda S. Wangwright, Committee Member Cheryl L. Addy, Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School © Copyright by Wei Hu, 2017 All Rights Reserved. ii DEDICATION To My parents, Hu Quanlin and Liu Meilian iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS During my graduate studies at the University of South Carolina and the preparation of my dissertation, I have received enormous help from many people. The list below is far from being complete. First of all, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my academic advisor, Dr. -
China's 1911 Revolution
www.hoddereducation.co.uk/historyreview Volume 23, Number 1, September 2020 Revision China’s 1911 Revolution Nicholas Fellows Test your knowledge of the 1911 Revolution in China and the events preceding it with these multiple-choice questions. Answers on the final page Questions 1 When did the First Opium War start? 1837 1838 1839 1840 2 What term was used to describe the agreements China was forced to sign with the West following its defeat? Unfair Treaties Unequal Treaties Concession Treaties Compromise Treaties 3 Which dynasty ruled china at the time of the Opium Wars? Ming Qing Yuan Song 4 When did the Second Opium War start? 1856 1857 1858 1859 5 What event started the war? Macartney incident Beijing affair Dagu Fort clash Arrow Incident 6 Which country destroyed a Chinese fleet in Fuzhou in 1884? Britain Germany France Spain 7 Which country took Korea from China in 1894? France Japan Britain Russia 8 Which country occupied much of Manchuria? Russia Japan Britain France 9 Which country took the port of Weihaiwei? Russia Japan Britain France 10 When did the Boxer rising start? 1899 1900 1901 1902 11 What provoked the start of the Boxer Rising? Loss of land Increase in the opium trade Western missionaries Development of railways Hodder & Stoughton © 2019 www.hoddereducation.co.uk/historyreview www.hoddereducation.co.uk/historyreview 12 Whose ambassador was shot at the start of the rising? German French British Russian 13 Who wrote 'The Revolutionary Army' in 1903 Sun Yat-sen Zou Rong Li Hongzhang Lu Xun 14 Who organised the Revolutionary -
Enfry Denied Aslan American History and Culture
In &a r*tm Enfry Denied Aslan American History and Culture edited by Sucheng Chan Exclusion and the Chinese Communify in America, r88z-ry43 Edited by Sucheng Chan Also in the series: Gary Y. Okihiro, Cane Fires: The Anti-lapanese Moaement Temple University press in Hawaii, t855-ry45 Philadelphia Chapter 6 The Kuomintang in Chinese American Kuomintang in Chinese American Communities 477 E Communities before World War II the party in the Chinese American communities as they reflected events and changes in the party's ideology in China. The Chinese during the Exclusion Era The Chinese became victims of American racism after they arrived in Him Lai Mark California in large numbers during the mid nineteenth century. Even while their labor was exploited for developing the resources of the West, they were targets of discriminatory legislation, physical attacks, and mob violence. Assigned the role of scapegoats, they were blamed for society's multitude of social and economic ills. A populist anti-Chinese movement ultimately pressured the U.S. Congress to pass the first Chinese exclusion act in 1882. Racial discrimination, however, was not limited to incoming immi- grants. The established Chinese community itself came under attack as The Chinese settled in California in the mid nineteenth white America showed by words and deeds that it considered the Chinese century and quickly became an important component in the pariahs. Attacked by demagogues and opportunistic politicians at will, state's economy. However, they also encountered anti- Chinese were victimizedby criminal elements as well. They were even- Chinese sentiments, which culminated in the enactment of tually squeezed out of practically all but the most menial occupations in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. -
Hu Shih and Education Reform
Syracuse University SURFACE Theses - ALL June 2020 Moderacy and Modernity: Hu Shih and Education Reform Travis M. Ulrich Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/thesis Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Ulrich, Travis M., "Moderacy and Modernity: Hu Shih and Education Reform" (2020). Theses - ALL. 464. https://surface.syr.edu/thesis/464 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abstract This paper focuses on the use of the term “moderate” “moderacy” as a term applied to categorize some Chinese intellectuals and categorize their political positions throughout the 1920’s and 30’s. In the early decades of the twentieth century, the label of “moderate” (温和 or 温和派)became associated with an inability to align with a political or intellectual faction, thus preventing progress for either side or in some cases, advocating against certain forms of progress. Hu Shih, however, who was one of the most influential intellectuals in modern Chinese history, proudly advocated for pragmatic moderation, as suggested by his slogan: “Boldness is suggesting hypotheses coupled with a most solicitous regard for control and verification.” His advocacy of moderation—which for him became closely associated with pragmatism—brought criticism from those on the left and right. This paper seeks to address these analytical assessments of Hu Shih by questioning not just the labeling of Hu Shih as a moderate, but also questioning the negative connotations attached to moderacy as a political and intellectual label itself. -
Download File
Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France Diana King Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2017 © 2017 Diana King All rights reserved ABSTRACT Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France Diana King In “Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France,” I examine how the two countries translated each other’s revolutions during critical moments of political and cultural crisis (the 1911 Revolution, the May Fourth Movement (1919), the Cultural Revolution (1966-76), and May 1968 in France), and subsequently (or simultaneously), how that knowledge was mobilized in practice and shaped the historical contexts in which it was produced. Drawing upon a broad range of discourses including political journals, travel narratives, films and novels in French, English and Chinese, I argue that translation served as a key site of knowledge production, shaping the formulation of various political and cultural projects from constructing a Chinese national identity to articulating women’s rights to thinking about radical emancipation in an era of decolonization. While there have been isolated studies on the influence of the French Revolution in early twentieth-century China, and the impact of the Chinese Cultural Revolution on the development of French Maoism and French theory in the sixties, there have been few studies that examine the circulation of revolutionary ideas and practices across multiple historical moments and cultural contexts. In addition, the tendency of much current scholarship to focus exclusively on the texts of prominent French or Chinese intellectuals overlooks the vital role played by translation, and by non-elite thinkers, writers, students and migrant workers in the cross-fertilization of revolutionary discourses and practices. -
'Criticism of the Book "China's Destiny"'
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 07, 1945 Chen Boda, 'Criticism of the Book "China's Destiny"' Citation: “Chen Boda, 'Criticism of the Book "China's Destiny"',” April 07, 1945, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, RGASPI f. 17, op. 128, d. 823, l. 70-78. Translated by Gary Goldberg. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/121815 Summary: Excerpts from the Russian translations of Chen Boda's published criticism of Jiang Jieshi's "China's Destiny." Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document CRITICISM OF THE BOOK "CHINA’S DESTINY". Chen Boda [Chen Pei-ta] [handwritten below the title: "To the file. For storage. [illegible signature], 7 April 1945"] CRITICISM OF THE BOOK "CHINA’S DESTINY" Chen Boda From the moment of the publication of Jiang Jieshi's [Chiang Kai-shek’s] book, "China’s Destiny" many people in Chongqing have begun to suspect that the actual author of the book is Tao Xisheng. It was not clear for many why the leader of the Guomindang [Kuomintang], Jiang Jieshi, permitted a person so widely known for ties with the Manchu traitors, for a defense of fascism, for hostility to the United Nations, and for his ideological ties to Wang Jingwei, which still continue to exist, to write this work. These people are at a loss at to whether the Guomindang is really so barren of educated people that it was impossible to find someone else for this work. Several days after the publication of "China’s Destiny" Tao Xisheng wrote a laudatory article for this book which was published by the Central Daily on the first page as an editorial. -
{DOWNLOAD} Sun Yat-Sen Ebook Free Download
SUN YAT-SEN PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Marie-Claire Bergere, Janet Lloyd | 492 pages | 01 Jan 2000 | Stanford University Press | 9780804740111 | English | Palo Alto, United States Sun Yat-sen | Marie-Claire Bergère Translated by Janet Lloyd However, as soon as he established his government in Guangzhou, Sun Yat-sen came into conflict with entrenched local power. His militarist government was not based on the Provisional Constitution of , which the anti-Beiyang forces vowed to defend in the Constitutional Protection War. In addition, he was elected president by a parliament that did not meet the rules for a quorum following its move from Beijing. Thus, many politicians and warlords alike challenged the legitimacy of his militarist government. Sun Yat-sen's use of heavy taxes to fund the Northern Expedition to militarily unify China was at odds with the ideas of reformers such as Chen Jiongming, who advocated establishing Guangdong as a "model province" before launching a costly military campaign. In sum, the military government was opposed by the internationally recognized Beiyang government in the north, Chen's Guangdong provincial government in the south, and other provincial powers that shifted alliances according to their own benefit. In , in order to hasten the conquest of China, he began a policy of active cooperation with the Chinese Communists. By this time, he was convinced that the only hope for a unified China lay in a military conquest from his base in the south, followed by a period of political tutelage that would culminate in the transition to democracy. He then prepared for the later Northern Expedition, with help from foreign powers, until his death. -
Engaging with Socialism in China: the Political Thought and Activities of Chen Gongbo and Tan Pingshan, 1917-1928
Engaging with Socialism in China: The Political Thought and Activities of Chen Gongbo and Tan Pingshan, 1917-1928 Xuduo Zhao PhD University of York History May 2019 1 Abstract This thesis investigates Chen Gongbo (1892-1946) and Tan Pingshan (1886-1956), two significant Cantonese Marxists who helped found the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1921. I use Chen and Tan as a lens to re-examine the dissemination of Marxism in May Fourth China and the underlying tensions in 1920s Chinese revolution. My study demonstrates that it was in the changing educational system in the early 20th century that Chen and Tan gradually improved their positions in the cultural field and participated in the intellectual ferment during the May Fourth period. At Peking University they became familiarised with Marxism. Their understanding of Marxism, however, was deeply influenced by European social democracy, as opposed to many other early communist leaders who believed in Bolshevism. This divergence finally led to the open conflict within the CCP between Guangzhou and Shanghai in the summer of 1922, which also embodied the different social identities among early Chinese Marxists. After the quarrel, Chen quit while Tan remained within the party. During the Nationalist Revolution, both Tan and Chen became senior leaders in the Kuomintang, but they had to face yet another identity crisis of whether to be a revolutionary or a politician. Meanwhile, they had to rethink the relationship between socialism and nationalism in their political propositions. This study of Chen and Tan’s political thought and activities in the late 1910s and 1920s offers a different picture of Chinese radicalism and revolution in the early Republican period. -
Scanned Using Book Scancenter 5033
VII THE PERIOD OF THE MONGOLIAN POLITICAL COUNCIL APRIL 1934 - JANUARY 1936 Founding of the Council The approved Eight Articles on Mongolian Local Autonomy became the legal foundation for Mongolian self-rule that Mongolian leaders had desired for years. In ac cordance with these principles, both the Temporary Outline of the Organization of the Mongolian Local Autonomous Political Affairs Council and its main personnel were all announced. The hearts of both traditional and more modem-minded Mongol leaders were gladdened, and they also perceived this as an unprecedented event in the history of the Republic of China. Still, the Eight Articles also occasioned a counterattack from the frontier provinces. Fu Zuoyi and his clique tried hard to destroy this great accomplish ment. Because of this. Prince De and other leaders ofthe autonomy movement had no choice but to concentrate their attention and energy on dealing with the pressure from without. But they were unable to make progress solving internal problems and satisfying the desires of the Mongol people because of Japanese westward expansion and changes in China ’s domestic political scene. After the Mongolian delegates returned to Beile-yin sume and submitted their report, both Prince Yon and Prince De took up their positions on April 3, 1934 and then telegraphed the Chinese government that they would go ahead with ceremonies to mark the establishment of the Mongolian Political Council and the inauguration of its mem bers. Princes Yon and De invited General He Yingqin, the Superintendent of Mongolian Local Autonomy, to come and “supervise” the ceremony. On April 23, 1934 the Mongolian Political Council was founded and its mem bers were sworn in. -
The 1911 Revolution and the Korean Independence Movement: the Road to Democratic Republicanism
The 1911 Revolution and the Korean Independence Movement: The Road to Democratic Republicanism KIM Bong-jin 1. Foreword The Xing Zhonghui 興中会 (Revive China Society) started by Sun Yat-sen( 1866-1925) and Wang Zhaoming 汪兆銘( Wang Jingwei, 1883-1944) merged with the Hua Xinghui 華興会 established by Song Jiaoren 宋教仁 (1882-1913) and Huang Xing 黄興( 1874-1916) on August 20, 1905 in Tokyo to become the Zhongguo Tongmenghui 同盟会 (Chinese Revolutionary Alliance). Sun Yat-sen was selected to head the organization, and Huang Xing to run general affairs. Various documents were adopted, including the “mili- tary government proclamation,” “general articles of the Tongmenghui,” and “revolutionary strategy.” The Tongmenghui issued as their organizational publication the Minbao 民報, which adopted the general principles advocated by Sun of “expel the Manchus and restore China, establish a republic, and equalize land rights.” Subsequently, they fomented uprisings all over China, but all ended in failure. The Wuchang New Army successfully revolted against the Qing govern- ment on October 10, 1911. Other provinces followed suit by declaring inde- pendence from the central government. On January 1, 1912 the Provisional Government of the Republic of China was established in Nanjing, with Sun Yat-sen as provisional president. On February 12, however, Yuan Shikai (1859-1916) compelled the child emperor Puyi( 1906-1967) to abdicate. The next day Sun Yat-sen turned in his resignation as president and recommended to the provisional National Assembly that Yuan take the position. On February 15 the provisional National Assembly agreed on Yuan’s appointment and to designate Nanjing as the capital. -
Stony Brook University
SSStttooonnnyyy BBBrrrooooookkk UUUnnniiivvveeerrrsssiiitttyyy The official electronic file of this thesis or dissertation is maintained by the University Libraries on behalf of The Graduate School at Stony Brook University. ©©© AAAllllll RRRiiiggghhhtttsss RRReeessseeerrrvvveeeddd bbbyyy AAAuuuttthhhooorrr... The Making of National Women: Gender, Nationalism and Social Mobilization in China’s Anti-Japanese War of Resistance, 1937-45 A Dissertation Presented by Dewen Zhang to The Graduate School in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Stony Brook University December 2013 Copyright by Dewen Zhang 2013 Stony Brook University The Graduate School Dewen Zhang We, the dissertation committee for the above candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree, hereby recommend acceptance of this dissertation. Iona Man-Cheong – Dissertation Advisor Associate Professor, Department of History Nancy Tomes - Chairperson of Defense Professor, Department of History Victoria Hesford Assistant Professor, Department of Cultural Analysis and Theory Danke Li Professor, Department of History Fairfield University This dissertation is accepted by the Graduate School Charles Taber Dean of the Graduate School ii Abstract of the Dissertation The Making of National Women: Gender, Nationalism and Social Mobilization in China’s Anti-Japanese War of Resistance, 1937-45 by Dewen Zhang Doctor of Philosophy in History Stony Brook University 2013 Drawing on materials from the Second Historical Archive of China, the Rockefeller Archive Center, the Special Collection of American Bureau for Medical Aid to China, as well as other published and unpublished materials gathered in mainland China, Taiwan and the U.S., this dissertation discusses a broad spectrum of women of various social and political affiliations performed a wide range of work to mobilize collective resistance against Japanese aggression.