Big Data Would Not Lie: Prediction of the 2016 Taiwan Election Via Online Heterogeneous Information Zheng Xie1, Guannan Liu2*, Junjie Wu2,3 Andyongtan4
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Here Are to Subscribe, Visit Several Factors That Militate Against This Move
Global Taiwan Brief Vol. 5, Issue 5 Global Taiwan Brief Vol 5. Issue1 5 KMT Elects New Chairman in Attempt to Regain Youth Votes By: Russell Hsiao and Ingrid Bodeen Implications of Coronavirus Outbreak on Taiwan’s Campaign for the World Health Organization By: I-wei Jennifer Chang Reinvigorating Taiwan’s Role as Asia’s NGO Hub By: J. Michael Cole An American Perspective on Australia’s Approach to the Taiwan Strait By: Michael Mazza Potential Downsides to US-China Trade Tensions on Taiwan’s Economy By: Ali Wyne KMT Elects New Chairman in Attempt to Regain Youth Votes The Global Taiwan Brief is a bi-week- ly publication released every other By: Russell Hsiao and Ingrid Bodeen Wednesday and provides insight into Russell Hsiao is the executive director of the Global Taiwan Institute and the editor-in-chief the latest news on Taiwan. of the Global Taiwan Brief. Ingrid Bodeen is currently a student at George Washington Editor-in-Chief University and an intern at the Global Taiwan Institute. Russell Hsiao In the first significant temperature taken of the political climate within Taiwan after the Staff Editor Katherine Schultz January 2020 presidential and legislative elections, the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang Copy Editor or KMT) held a special by-election on March 7 to elect the Party’s new chairman. Eligi- Marshall Reid ble party members had to choose between two candidates: former Taipei mayor Hau Lung-bin (郝龍斌, b. 1952) and legislator Johnny Chiang (江啟臣, b. 1972). The elec- The views and opinions expressed tion—scheduled after the former chairman and members of the Party’s Central Standing in these articles are those of the Committee (CSC) resigned—saw Chiang emerge as the clear victor. -
View / Download 7.3 Mb
Between Shanghai and Mecca: Diaspora and Diplomacy of Chinese Muslims in the Twentieth Century by Janice Hyeju Jeong Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Engseng Ho, Advisor ___________________________ Prasenjit Duara, Advisor ___________________________ Nicole Barnes ___________________________ Adam Mestyan ___________________________ Cemil Aydin Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 ABSTRACT Between Shanghai and Mecca: Diaspora and Diplomacy of Chinese Muslims in the Twentieth Century by Janice Hyeju Jeong Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Engseng Ho, Advisor ___________________________ Prasenjit Duara, Advisor ___________________________ Nicole Barnes ___________________________ Adam Mestyan ___________________________ Cemil Aydin An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 Copyright by Janice Hyeju Jeong 2019 Abstract While China’s recent Belt and the Road Initiative and its expansion across Eurasia is garnering public and scholarly attention, this dissertation recasts the space of Eurasia as one connected through historic Islamic networks between Mecca and China. Specifically, I show that eruptions of -
Issue 1 2015
ISSUE 1 · 2015 《中国人大》对外版 NPC National People’s Congress of China THE NATIONAL PEOPLE’S CONGRESS ADVANCES RULE OF LAW Ethnic minority deputies wave farewell on March 15 when the Third Session of the 12th National People’s Congress (NPC) comes to an end at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. Chen Wen The National People’s Congress 6 advances rule of law Contents Special Report 15 Streamlining administration is 25 ‘Internet Plus’ to fuel innova- government’s self-reform tion, development 6 The National People’s Congress 16 China sanguine on economy advances rule of law under new normal Diplomacy and Defense Report on the work of the Stand- 8 18 Pooling strength on ing Committee of the National Peo- 26 China eyes bigger global role ‘Belt and Road’ strategy ple’s Congress (excerpts) with Chinese solutions Free trade zone strategy in Zhang Dejiang stresses imple- 22 28 Defense budget 2015 lowest 13 speedy implementation mentation of ‘Four Comprehensives’ growth in 5 years 23 Prudent monetary policy still Judicial Reform in place Reform and Development China vows harsher punish- 23 Fertile soil provided for foreign 29 ment for corruption, terrorism investment 14 Slower growth target, tough- er environmental protection benefit Self-reproach is the right atti- Yuan’s full convertibility to 31 China and the world 24 tude to advance judicial reform advance 16 China sanguine on economy under new normal 8 Report on the work of the 18 Standing Committee of the Pooling strength on National People’s Congress (excerpts) ‘Belt and Road’ strategy ISSUE -
Enfry Denied Aslan American History and Culture
In &a r*tm Enfry Denied Aslan American History and Culture edited by Sucheng Chan Exclusion and the Chinese Communify in America, r88z-ry43 Edited by Sucheng Chan Also in the series: Gary Y. Okihiro, Cane Fires: The Anti-lapanese Moaement Temple University press in Hawaii, t855-ry45 Philadelphia Chapter 6 The Kuomintang in Chinese American Kuomintang in Chinese American Communities 477 E Communities before World War II the party in the Chinese American communities as they reflected events and changes in the party's ideology in China. The Chinese during the Exclusion Era The Chinese became victims of American racism after they arrived in Him Lai Mark California in large numbers during the mid nineteenth century. Even while their labor was exploited for developing the resources of the West, they were targets of discriminatory legislation, physical attacks, and mob violence. Assigned the role of scapegoats, they were blamed for society's multitude of social and economic ills. A populist anti-Chinese movement ultimately pressured the U.S. Congress to pass the first Chinese exclusion act in 1882. Racial discrimination, however, was not limited to incoming immi- grants. The established Chinese community itself came under attack as The Chinese settled in California in the mid nineteenth white America showed by words and deeds that it considered the Chinese century and quickly became an important component in the pariahs. Attacked by demagogues and opportunistic politicians at will, state's economy. However, they also encountered anti- Chinese were victimizedby criminal elements as well. They were even- Chinese sentiments, which culminated in the enactment of tually squeezed out of practically all but the most menial occupations in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. -
The Australasian Kuo Min Tang 1911–2013
百年回顧:中國國民黨駐 澳洲總支部歷史文物彙編 Unlocking the History of The Australasian Kuo Min Tang 1911–2013 Mei-fen Kuo left her native Taiwan in 2003 to undertake a PhD thesis at La Trobe University, which she was awarded in 2008. From 2010 to 2013 she was an Australian Post-doctoral Fellow in the School of Social Science at La Trobe University and is currently a Research Fellow in the Asia-Pacific Centre for Social Investment and Philanthropy at Swinburne University. She is the author of Making Chinese Australia: Urban Elites, Newspapers and the Formation of Chinese-Australian Identity, 1892–1912 (Monash University Publishing 2013). Her polished bilingual research skills have made a significant contribution to our understanding the Chinese-Australian urban elite in a transnational setting. Judith Brett is an Emeritus Professor at La Trobe University. She has written extensively on the history of non-labour politics in Australia, including on the history of the Liberal Party and on ideas of citizenship. Her books include Robert Menzies’ Forgotten People (Macmillan 1992) and Australian Liberals and the Moral Middle Class: From Alfred Deakin to John Howard (Cambridge 2003). She has written three Quarterly Essays and is currently working on a new biography of Alfred Deakin. 百年回顧:中國國民黨駐 澳洲總支部歷史文物彙編 Unlocking the History of The Australasian Kuo Min Tang 1911–2013 Mei-Fen Kuo & Judith Brett AUSTRALIAN SCHOLARLY Contents Foreword vii Preface ix 中文序言與前言 xiii 1 A Rising Wind of Civil Democracy 1 the Early Days of Chinese Australian Nationalists from 1900 2 Building the Chinese Nationalist 16 Party in Australasia 1917–1921 3 Competition and Challenges 40 1923–1928 4 Semi-official Leadership through 61 the Years of the Great Depression 1929–1933 5 New Spirit of Nationalism and 95 Turning Australia to Face Asia 1934–1939 6 Overcoming the Time of Hardships 107 Publication assisted by Australian Research Council, Chinese Nationalist Party of Australasia and La Trobe University. -
Scoring One for the Other Team
FIVE TURTLES IN A FLASK: FOR TAIWAN’S OUTER ISLANDS, AN UNCERTAIN FUTURE HOLDS A CERTAIN FATE A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN ASIAN STUDIES MAY 2018 By Edward W. Green, Jr. Thesis Committee: Eric Harwit, Chairperson Shana J. Brown Cathryn H. Clayton Keywords: Taiwan independence, offshore islands, strait crisis, military intervention TABLE OF CONTENTS Page List of Tables ................................................................................................................ ii List of Figures ............................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ............................................................................................................... 1 II. Scope and Organization ........................................................................................... 6 III. Dramatis Personae: The Five Islands ...................................................................... 9 III.1. Itu Aba ..................................................................................................... 11 III.2. Matsu ........................................................................................................ 14 III.3. The Pescadores ......................................................................................... 16 III.4. Pratas ....................................................................................................... -
Cross-Strait Relations After the 2016 Taiwan Presidential Election: the Impact of Changing Taiwanese Identity
Cross-Strait Relations after the 2016 Taiwan Presidential Election: The Impact of Changing Taiwanese Identity Yitan Li, Ph.D. Associate Professor Political Science Seattle University [email protected] Enyu Zhang, Ph.D. Associate Professor International Studies Seattle University [email protected] Although cross-strait relations have been the most stable in the last eight years under the pro-mainland KMT government, the pro-independence DPP scored a major victory in the 2016 presidential and parliamentary elections. This paper examines ways identity changes in Taiwan have influenced how Taiwanese view and deal with cross-strait relations and reactions from the mainland after the January elections. Using constructivism as the theoretical framework and survey data, we argue that Taiwan’s continued democratization has created a different social and political experience. This experience has solidified over time and created a unique Taiwanese identity. As time passes, the KMT which has a stronger historical and social lineage with the mainland is being weakened by Taiwan’s changing experience and identity. Nevertheless, peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait are not only essential for people on both sides of the strait, they are essential for the region and the world. Both the new DPP government and the mainland government must rethink their strategies and policies in order to construct a new framework to ensure continued peace and stability in the region. *This is a preliminary draft. Please do not cite without authors’ permission. Introduction On January 16th, 2016, Taiwanese voters went to the polls to elect their next president and legislative members. Although it was no surprise that the incumbent Nationalist (KMT) Party led by Eric Chu Li-luan had been in trouble, the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) led by Tsai Ing-wen won a landslide victory in both the presidential and parliamentary elections. -
Voting Shift in the November 2014 Local Elections in Taiwan
Current affairs China perspectives Voting Shift in the November 2014 Local Elections in Taiwan Strong rebuke to Ma Ying-jeou's government and policies and landslide victory for the DPP. FRANK MUYARD n 29 November 2014, Taiwan held the largest series of local elections policies, including its trumpeted cross-strait economic and political rap - in its history, in a nine-in-one format combining polls for 11,130 po - prochement, left the KMT candidates with few national or local policy Ositions, ranging from mayors of municipalities and cities achievements to run with. In many cases, Ma was seen as so politically toxic (zhixiashi/shizhang 直轄市 /市長 ), county magistrates ( xianzhang 縣長 ), city that candidates declined to stand with him on a public stage. In a desperate and county councillors ( shi/xian yihuiyuan 市/縣議會員 ), township chiefs attempt, Lien Sheng-wen and the KMT tried to nationalise and polarise the (zhenzhang 鎮長 , xiangzhang 鄉長 ), and village and borough chiefs ( cunzhang campaign into a classic Blue-Green battle around cross-strait relations and 村長 , lizhang 里長 ), to indigenous district chiefs and councillors ( zhixiashi identity, pushing the “save the Republic of China (ROC)” card to rally deep- shandi yuanzhumin quzhang , qumin daibiao 直轄市山地原住民區長,區民 Blue voters and prop up their campaign. It had the mostly opposite result 代表 ). All were elected for four-year terms. Two-and-a-half years into the sec - of showing even more clearly the disconnect between today’s mainstream ond presidential term of Ma Ying-jeou, the nation-wide elections were seen national Taiwanese identity and the KMT mainlander old guard such as for - as a mid-term test for his administration and a prelude to the next legislative mer premiers Hau Pei-tsun 郝柏村 and Lien Chan, aggravated by repeated and presidential elections in early 2016. -
One China One Taiwan.Pdf (PDF, 118.82KB)
One China, One Taiwan Little Chance of a Red Future for Taipei Originally published at: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/taiwan/2016-01-12/one-china-one- taiwan January 12, 2016 Salvatore Babones On January 16, the people of Taiwan will go to the polls to elect a new president and new legislative representatives. Like the United States, Taiwan has a two-term limit on the presidency, which means that the incumbent president, Ma Ying-jeou, must step down. And like the 2016 U.S. elections, the 2016 Taiwan elections are wide open. Ma’s governing Kuomintang (KMT) party enters these elections in complete disarray. Its spring 2015 presidential primaries resulted in the nomination of a senior legislator named Hung Hsiu-chu, its first-ever female candidate for president. But then in an unprecedented move, she was displaced by party chairman Eric Chu at a special party convention held on October 17. Chu went on to claim Hung’s former place at the top of the ticket. Chu is widely viewed as a placeholder candidate with a mandate not so much to win January's election as to prevent serious losses for the KMT, especially in the legislature. Tellingly, he has not resigned his position as mayor of New Taipei City, Taiwan's largest local government area. He has instead taken three months’ leave while an acting mayor watches over his suburban Taipei power base. Opposing the KMT is the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and its candidate, Tsai Ing-wen. A veteran campaigner who lost to the KMT’s Ma Ying-jeou in 2012, Tsai is widely expected to emerge from the polls as Taiwan’s first female president. -
Japan-Republic of China Relations Under US Hegemony: a Genealogy of ‘Returning Virtue for Malice’
Japan-Republic of China Relations under US Hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Joji Kijima Department of Politics and International Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2005 ProQuest Number: 10673194 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673194 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Japan-Republic of China relations under US hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Much of Chiang Kai-shek’s ‘returning virtue for malice’ (yide baoyuan ) postwar Japan policy remains to be examined. This thesis mainly shows how the discourse of ‘returning virtue for malice’ facilitated Japan’s diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan during the Cold War era. More conceptually, this study re- conceptualizes foreign policy as discourse—that of moral reciprocity—as it sheds light on the question of recognition as well as the consensual aspect of hegemony. By adopting a genealogical approach, this discourse analysis thus traces the descent and emergence of the ‘returning virtue for malice’ trope while it examines its discursive effect on Tokyo’s recognition of Taipei under American hegemony. -
Breaking Authoritarian Bonds: the Political Origins of the Taiwan Administrative Procedure Act
Journal of East Asian Studies 5 (2005), 365–399 Breaking Authoritarian Bonds: The Political Origins of the Taiwan Administrative Procedure Act Jeeyang Rhee Baum Taiwan recently adopted a series of administrative reform laws designed to make the bureaucracy more transparent and allow public participation in regu- latory policies. Because administrative reform limits the executive’s power, it is clear why legislatures would favor strict administrative procedures. But it is less clear why presidents would support them. The passage of these laws begs the question why presidents support administrative procedural reforms designed to restrict their abilities to act freely. I argue that in Taiwan, President Lee Teng- hui’s control of his party deteriorated as factional disputes within his own party increased over time. Lee ultimately concluded that the Kuomintang’s political survival depended on major reforms. Consequently, the status quo–oriented bureaucracy—hitherto an important source of support for Lee and his key con- stituencies—became an impediment. Lee supported Taiwan’s Administrative Procedure Act in order to reduce the bureaucracy’s capacity to impede reform. More generally, I argue that administrative procedures designed to open up the bureaucracy to the public, including previously excluded groups, can serve politicians’ goal of redirecting the bureaucracy. Archival data, secondary sources, and interviews with key presidential advisers, senior career bureaucrats, and politicians support my argument. KEYWORDS: administrative procedures, black-gold politics, bureaucratic trans- parency, corruption, KMT factions, public participation, Taiwanese politics Now under the administrative reform by the KMT, there is a second track for appeals. They [citizens] can start at the Executive Yuan [branch]. -
Taiwan Opposition Party Wins Presidency and Legislative Majority
January 28, 2016 Taiwan Opposition Party Wins Presidency and Legislative Majority in Historic Elections Sean O’Connor, Research Fellow, Economics and Trade Ethan Meick, Policy Analyst, Security and Foreign Affairs Election Results On January 16, 2016, Taiwan held presidential and parliamentary elections to select its 14th president and vice president and to fill all 113 seats of the 9th Legislative Yuan (LY), Taiwan’s parliamentary body. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) presidential candidate Tsai Ing-wen and her running mate Chen Chien-jen won the election with 56.1 percent of the vote, while the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, or KMT) presidential candidate Eric Chu finished with just 31.1 percent (see Table 1). This marks the second time in Taiwan’s history that a candidate from the DPP, Taiwan’s traditionally pro-independence party, will hold the presidency. The DPP also won an outright majority of seats in the LY for the first time, taking 68 seats compared to 35 for the KMT and 10 for other parties.1 Table 1: January 2016 Taiwan Presidential Election Results Candidate Party President Vice President Votes Percentage Democratic Progressive Party Tsai Ing-wen Chen Chien-jen 6,894,744 56.1% Kuomintang Eric Chu Jennifer Wang 3,813,365 31.1% People First Party James Soong Hsu Hsin-ying 1,576,861 12.8% Total: 12,284,970 100% Source: Taiwan’s Central Election Commission, Presidential and Vice Presidential Election, January 16, 2016. http://vote2016.cec.gov.tw/en/IDX/indexP1.html. Dr. Tsai won in 18 of Taiwan’s 22 counties and cities (see Appendix, “Taiwan 2016 Presidential Election Results by Voting District”).