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Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: a Systematic and Comparative Analysis
Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: A Systematic and Comparative Analysis JOSEPH YU-SHEK CHENG AND FRANKLIN WANKUN ZHANG During the past half-century, Chinas foreign relations strategies evolved in an uneven way. Undeniably, both Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping made significant impact on the evolution of Chinas foreign relations strategy and established their own models in their respective eras in effect dividing the history of Chinese foreign policy into two. In the shadow of the Cold War, Chinese foreign relations shifted between the United States and the Soviet Union as the future superpower struggled to safeguard national security, guarantee sovereignty and territorial integrity and enhance its international status under Mao. In the last two decades Chinese foreign relations strategies were less geared towards survival and security as Deng presided over the pursuit of the Four Modernizations and the establishment of a new international political and economic order in a framework of peace and non-alliance. As its impact on the shaping of world affairs grows, China's foreign relations strategies will continue to evolve in the next century when it becomes truly capable of an "overthrow of the planetary balance". The 20th century has witnessed Chinas rise from a weak, economically backward country to an important actor in the international system. From the founding of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). In 1949, Mao Zedong attempted to break the bipolar system and make China an independent and important strategic power. The reform and opening to the outside world policy program, also known as China's second revolution,1 initiated by Deng Xiaoping in late 1978, laid the foundation for Chinas spectacular economic growth and enabled it to become an effective actor in the international system. -
Absolutely Fabulous, 世均) Offer an Example of a Dreamy Celebrity Mar- Sodagreen (蘇打綠) Is That Rare Indie Band Riage Gone Sour
14 發光的城市 A R O U N D T O W N FRIDAY, JANUARY 1, 2010 • TAIPEI TIMES BY AndreW C.C. HuanG MUSIC STOP COMPILED BY HO YI Chen (陳泰銘) held last Saturday? Never hap- Absolutely pened? And anyway, Chen was still married last time local paparazzi checked. As for Hong Kong’s former diva Cherie Chung (鍾楚紅), the 49-year-old widow personally denied the speculation about fabulous her upcoming wedding with a certain wealthy Jolin Tsai, below, businessman from Singapore. is moving on While Hou has found her Mr Right, Jolin from pretty-faced Tsai (蔡依林) is getting cozy with fast-rising idol Eddie Peng model Godfrey Kao (高以翔), whose previous to model Godfrey claim to fame was his pair of delectable pinkish Kao, right. nipples, which he flagrantly exposed in his photo PHOTOS: TAIPEI TIMES book. It’s only a matter of time before intimate comparisons will be made between Kao and Tsai’s old flame Jay Chou (周杰倫). So what is the Mando-pop king, self-made film director and occasional actor doing with his love life? Not much. Unless you count the banter and teasing exchanges between him and supermodel-turned-actress Lin Chi-ling (林志玲) during the promotions for the fantasy adventure The Treasure Hunter (刺陵). The way Pop Stop sees it, the real-life flirting between the two is more convincing that the on-screen romance that they share in the movie, which was killed by the embarrassingly coy lines and dumb jokes that filled the clunky script. Finally, model-turned-housewife Hung Hsiao-lei (洪曉蕾) and her CEO-husband Wang Shih-chun (王 ndisputedly talented and absolutely fabulous, 世均) offer an example of a dreamy celebrity mar- Sodagreen (蘇打綠) is that rare indie band riage gone sour. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
3/2006 Data Supplement PR China Hong Kong SAR Macau SAR Taiwan CHINA aktuell Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Data Supplement People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax:(040)4107945 Contributors: Uwe Kotzel Dr. Liu Jen-Kai Christine Reinking Dr. Günter Schucher Dr. Margot Schüller Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 3 The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 22 Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership LIU JEN-KAI 27 PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries LIU JEN-KAI 30 PRC Laws and Regulations LIU JEN-KAI 34 Hong Kong SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 36 Macau SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 39 Taiwan Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 41 Bibliography of Articles on the PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, and on Taiwan UWE KOTZEL / LIU JEN-KAI / CHRISTINE REINKING / GÜNTER SCHUCHER 43 CHINA aktuell Data Supplement - 3 - 3/2006 Dep.Dir.: CHINESE COMMUNIST Li Jianhua 03/07 PARTY Li Zhiyong 05/07 The Main National Ouyang Song 05/08 Shen Yueyue (f) CCa 03/01 Leadership of the Sun Xiaoqun 00/08 Wang Dongming 02/10 CCP CC General Secretary Zhang Bolin (exec.) 98/03 PRC Hu Jintao 02/11 Zhao Hongzhu (exec.) 00/10 Zhao Zongnai 00/10 Liu Jen-Kai POLITBURO Sec.-Gen.: Li Zhiyong 01/03 Standing Committee Members Propaganda (Publicity) Department Hu Jintao 92/10 Dir.: Liu Yunshan PBm CCSm 02/10 Huang Ju 02/11 -
Insights for Intra-Party Tensions?
Hong Kong as a proxy battlefield Insights for Intra-Party tensions? Zhang Xiaoming 张晓明, the director of the State Council Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office 国务 院港澳办, was replaced a few days ago, as vice-director of the small leading group of the same name, by the current Minister of Public Security, Zhao Kezhi 赵克志. That said, it seems Hong Kong’s issues run deeper than just a few personnel appointments. Is the special administrative zone becoming a proxy battleground for opposing political forces inside the Party? The timeline and people involved suggest that parts of the ongoing crisis might have been made by design by outgoing political networks amid the anti-corruption campaign. From the selection of Carrie Lam 林郑月娥, the underpinnings of the Hong Kong and Macau affairs system, to the bid for the London Stock Exchange, there is more than meets the eye. The “Manchurian” Candidate and the Jiangpai From the beginning, the opinion was that Madame Lam would be a short-live replacement for Liang Zhenying 梁振英. Carrie Lam, who actually joined the protest – even for a brief moment – for universal suffrage back in 2014, stayed close to the negotiation with Beijing, unlike some of her counterparts who were refused entry in Shenzhen back in 2015. She then became one of the favorite faces of the administration, especially in late 2016, when Liang Zhenying1 announced he would not be running for re-election. Liang, a representative of the “old regime” – associated with both Zeng Qinghong 曾庆红2 and Zhang Dejiang 张德江, was creating issues leading to the deterioration of the situation in Hong Kong (i.e. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement May 2007 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC .......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 44 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 45 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 52 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2007 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
An Ideological Analysis of the Birth of Chinese Indie Music
REPHRASING MAINSTREAM AND ALTERNATIVES: AN IDEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE BIRTH OF CHINESE INDIE MUSIC Menghan Liu A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS December 2012 Committee: Jeremy Wallach, Advisor Kristen Rudisill Esther Clinton © 2012 MENGHAN LIU All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Jeremy Wallach, Advisor This thesis project focuses on the birth and dissemination of Chinese indie music. Who produces indie? What is the ideology behind it? How can they realize their idealistic goals? Who participates in the indie community? What are the relationships among mainstream popular music, rock music and indie music? In this thesis, I study the production, circulation, and reception of Chinese indie music, with special attention paid to class, aesthetics, and the influence of the internet and globalization. Borrowing Stuart Hall’s theory of encoding/decoding, I propose that Chinese indie music production encodes ideologies into music. Pierre Bourdieu has noted that an individual’s preference, namely, tastes, corresponds to the individual’s profession, his/her highest educational degree, and his/her father’s profession. Whether indie audiences are able to decode the ideology correctly and how they decode it can be analyzed through Bourdieu’s taste and distinction theory, especially because Chinese indie music fans tend to come from a community of very distinctive, 20-to-30-year-old petite-bourgeois city dwellers. Overall, the thesis aims to illustrate how indie exists in between the incompatible poles of mainstream Chinese popular music and Chinese rock music, rephrasing mainstream and alternatives by mixing them in itself. -
Working Paper Series: No. 109
A Comparative Survey of DEMOCRACY, GOVERNANCE AND DEVELOPMENT Working Paper Series: No. 109 Jointly Published by How Are the Taiwanese Divided: National Identity or Generation Gap? Jih-Wen Lin Research Fellow, Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica Asian Barometer A Comparative Survey of Democracy, Governance and Development Working Paper Series Jointly Published by Globalbarometer The Asian Barometer (ABS) is an applied research program on public opinion on political values, democracy, and governance around the region. The regional network encompasses research teams from thirteen East Asian political systems (Japan, Mongolia, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, China, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia), and five South Asian countries (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal). Together, this regional survey network covers virtually all major political systems in the region, systems that have experienced different trajectories of regime evolution and are currently at different stages of political transition. The ABS Working Paper Series is intended to make research result within the ABS network available to the academic community and other interested readers in preliminary form to encourage discussion and suggestions for revision before final publication. Scholars in the ABS network also devote their work to the Series with the hope that a timely dissemination of the findings of their surveys to the general public as well as the policy makers would help illuminate the public discourse on democratic reform and good governance. The topics covered in the Series range from country-specific assessment of values change and democratic development, region-wide comparative analysis of citizen participation, popular orientation toward democracy and evaluation of quality of governance, and discussion of survey methodology and data analysis strategies. -
WSI China Security Vol.5 No.3 2009: the Big Parade
ChinaSecurity Bruce G. Blair Publisher Eric Hagt Editor Chen Yali, Liu Yong, Matthew Durnin Associate Editors Assistant Editors Jackson Nichols & Jennifer Duncan Assistant Editor/Translator Anton Wishik II Cover Art He Duojun, Sichuan People’s Publishing House,1982 Cover Design Ameer S. Mashkour Editorial Board Richard K. Betts Columbia University Thomas J. Christensen Princeton University Philip Coyle World Security Institute Lowell Dittmer University of California, Berkeley Bates Gill Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Theresa Hitchens World Security Institute Joan Johnson-Freese Naval War College Albert Keidel Atlantic Council Nicholas R. Lardy Institute for International Economics Li Bin Tsinghua University John J. Mearsheimer University of Chicago Mike M. Mochizuki George Washington University Michael E. O’Hanlon Brookings Institution Jonathan D. Pollack Naval War College Shen Dingli Fudan University Shi Yinhong Renmin University of China Teng Jianqun China Arms Control & Disarmament Association Frank von Hippel Princeton University Alan M. Wachman Tufts University Xue Lan Tsinghua University Yuan Peng China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations Zha Daojiong Peking University This issue was made possible through the generous support of the Ford Foundation, Secure World Foundation and the Robert and Ardis James Foundation Contents Times Change, the Parade Stays the Same 3 Matt Durnin 7 A More Powerful China on Parade Zhang Xiaoming Border Burdens: 13 China’s Response to the Myanmar Refugee Crisis Drew Thompson Climate Change, Water and China’s National Interest 25 Scott Moore 41 The Rio Tinto Case and China’s Drive to Guard Secrets Jiang Ruqin 47 Secrets, Spies and Steel: The Rio Tinto Case Peter Yuan Cai 53 Superficial, Arrogant Nationalism Xiao Gongqin Defensive Realism in the Indian Ocean: 59 Oil, Sea Lanes and the Security Dilemma Jason J. -
China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau) 2016 Human Rights Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2016 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the paramount authority. CCP members hold almost all top government and security apparatus positions. Ultimate authority rests with the CCP Central Committee’s 25-member Political Bureau (Politburo) and its seven-member Standing Committee. Xi Jinping continued to hold the three most powerful positions as CCP general secretary, state president, and chairman of the Central Military Commission. Civilian authorities maintained control of the military and internal security forces. Repression and coercion of organizations and individuals involved in civil and political rights advocacy as well as in public interest and ethnic minority issues remained severe. As in previous years, citizens did not have the right to choose their government and elections were restricted to the lowest local levels of governance. Authorities prevented independent candidates from running in those elections, such as delegates to local people’s congresses. Citizens had limited forms of redress against official abuse. Other serious human rights abuses included arbitrary or unlawful deprivation of life, executions without due process, illegal detentions at unofficial holding facilities known as “black jails,” torture and coerced confessions of prisoners, and detention and harassment of journalists, lawyers, writers, bloggers, dissidents, petitioners, and others whose actions the authorities deemed unacceptable. There was also a lack of due process in judicial proceedings, political control of courts and judges, closed trials, the use of administrative detention, failure to protect refugees and asylum seekers, extrajudicial disappearances of citizens, restrictions on nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), discrimination against women, minorities, and persons with disabilities. -
A Rocker Finds Freedom in Quieter Simplicity
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 5 , 2 0 0 8 PAGE 1 3 FESTIVAL NOTES: (簡單生活節) WHAT: 2008 Urban Simple Life WHEN: Tomorrow and Sunday from noon to 10pm (華山文化園區), 1, Bade Rd Sec 1, Taipei City WHERE: Huashan Culture Park 號). Call 0800-612-168 for more information Sky Stage (天空舞台) (台北市八德路一段1 TICKETS: NT$1,500 a two-day pass or NT$900 for a one-day pass when Day 1 (Saturday) purchased in advance online at tickets.books.com.tw or at 7-Eleven stores; 2:20pm 1976 NT$1,200 for one-day passes purchased the day of the show 3:50pm Crowd Lu (盧廣仲) simplelife.tw.streetvoice.com 5:20pm Khalil Fong (方大同) ON THE NET: 7:00pm Jarvis Cocker with special guest Faith Yang (楊乃文) 8:50pm Cheer Chen (陳綺貞) ritpop icons Jarvis Cocker and Brett Anderson headline the 2008 Day 2 (Sunday) Crowd Lu, left, and 1976 perform at the 2008 Urban Simple Life festival. PHOTOS: TAIPEI TIMES Urban Simple Life (簡單生活節) festival, a combination outdoor 2:20pm Tizzy Bac concert/street fair that takes place this weekend at Taipei’s 3:50pm Tanya Chua (蔡健雅) Huashan Culture Park (華山文化園區). 5:20pm Atari Kousuke (中孝介) On the musical side, Simple Life features popular local acts 7:00pm Brett Anderson Bincluding 1976, Sodagreen (蘇打綠), Chang Chen-yue (張震嶽) and Free 9, Tizzy 8:50pm Sodagreen (蘇打綠) Bac, and Lin Sheng-xiang (林生祥), as well as guitar-playing and composition competitions. Street fair-style attractions include a “street market” for vendors 微風舞台 selling original designs and handicrafts, a T-shirt market and a market for Breeze Stage ( ) organic products. -
Why Did Beijing Decide to Apply the Security Law to Hong Kong Now? Roie Yellinek
COMMENTARY Why Did Beijing Decide to Apply the Security Law to Hong Kong Now? ROIE YELLINEK Abstract In 1997, after a century in which Britain ruled the Hong Kong, the United King- dom transferred responsibility over the colony into China’s hands. Twenty- three years later, in early July 2020, Beijing passed a security law that expanded China’s powers over Hong Kong, at a dramatic time when China is also involved in bor- der struggles and the global sphere deals with the coronavirus. What led China to make this dramatic move? Chinese leaders have done so because they are capable of doing so and can do so and want to continue to expand China’s sphere of influ- ence. Judging by the words of Zhang Xiaoming, former director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, who said, “The era when the Chinese cared what others thought and looked up to others is in the past, never to return,” events in Hong Kong seem to be indicative of Beijing’s plans for the future development of things. (Photo by Iris Tong, Voice of America Cantonese Service) Figure 1. Hong Kong protests. On 1 July 2020, the first day of the implementation of the Hong Kong version of the National Security Law, tens of thousands of protestors gathered on the streets in Causeway Bay to march. WILD BLUE YONDER 20 JULY 2020 43 Yellinek Introduction In 1997, after a century in which Britain ruled the Hong Kong, the United Kingdom transferred responsibility over the colony into China’s hands. Twenty- three years later, in early July 2020, Beijing passed a security law that expanded China’s powers over Hong Kong citizens and the city’s highly developed econo- my.1 This was in contradiction with agreed upon terms between China and the United Kingdom regarding Hong Kong’s status—an agreement made when China was not yet at its peak like it is these days. -
Shenzhen-Hong Kong Borderland
FORUM Transformation of Shen Kong Borderlands Edited by Mary Ann O’DONNELL Jonathan BACH Denise Y. HO Hong Kong view from Ma Tso Lung. PC: Johnsl. Transformation of Shen Kong Borderlands Mary Ann O’DONNELL Jonathan BACH Denise Y. HO n August 1980, the Shenzhen Special and transform everyday life. In political Economic Zone (SEZ) was formally documents, newspaper articles, and the Iestablished, along with SEZs in Zhuhai, names of businesses, Shenzhen–Hong Kong is Shantou, and Xiamen. China’s fifth SEZ, Hainan shortened to ‘Shen Kong’ (深港), suturing the Island, was designated in 1988. Yet, in 2020, cities together as specific, yet diverse, socio- the only SEZ to receive national attention on technical formations built on complex legacies its fortieth anniversary was Shenzhen. Indeed, of colonial occupation and Cold War flare-ups, General Secretary Xi Jinping attended the checkpoints and boundaries, quasi-legal business celebration, reminding the city, the country, opportunities, and cross-border peregrinations. and the world not only of Shenzhen’s pioneering The following essays show how, set against its contributions to building Socialism with Chinese changing cultural meanings and sifting of social Characteristics, but also that the ‘construction orders, the border is continuously redeployed of the Guangdong–Hong Kong–Macau Greater and exported as a mobile imaginary while it is Bay Area is a major national development experienced as an everyday materiality. Taken strategy, and Shenzhen is an important engine together, the articles compel us to consider how for the construction of the Greater Bay Area’ (Xi borders and border protocols have been critical 2020). Against this larger background, many to Shenzhen’s success over the past four decades.