Why Did Beijing Decide to Apply the Security Law to Hong Kong Now? Roie Yellinek
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Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: a Systematic and Comparative Analysis
Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: A Systematic and Comparative Analysis JOSEPH YU-SHEK CHENG AND FRANKLIN WANKUN ZHANG During the past half-century, Chinas foreign relations strategies evolved in an uneven way. Undeniably, both Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping made significant impact on the evolution of Chinas foreign relations strategy and established their own models in their respective eras in effect dividing the history of Chinese foreign policy into two. In the shadow of the Cold War, Chinese foreign relations shifted between the United States and the Soviet Union as the future superpower struggled to safeguard national security, guarantee sovereignty and territorial integrity and enhance its international status under Mao. In the last two decades Chinese foreign relations strategies were less geared towards survival and security as Deng presided over the pursuit of the Four Modernizations and the establishment of a new international political and economic order in a framework of peace and non-alliance. As its impact on the shaping of world affairs grows, China's foreign relations strategies will continue to evolve in the next century when it becomes truly capable of an "overthrow of the planetary balance". The 20th century has witnessed Chinas rise from a weak, economically backward country to an important actor in the international system. From the founding of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). In 1949, Mao Zedong attempted to break the bipolar system and make China an independent and important strategic power. The reform and opening to the outside world policy program, also known as China's second revolution,1 initiated by Deng Xiaoping in late 1978, laid the foundation for Chinas spectacular economic growth and enabled it to become an effective actor in the international system. -
President for Life, and Then Some - Nytimes.Com Page 1 of 2
Letter from Africa - President for Life, and Then Some - NYTimes.com Page 1 of 2 • Reprints This copy is for your personal, noncommercial use only. You can order presentation-ready copies for distribution to your colleagues, clients or customers here or use the "Reprints" tool that appears next to any article. Visit www.nytreprints.com for samples and additional information. Order a reprint of this article now. May 11, 2010 President for Life, and Then Some By HOWARD W. FRENCH In the months before his death in 1993 at the age of 88 (or, as widely rumored, as old as 100) and after 33 years in power, the president of Ivory Coast, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, fondly repeated a formula he had once announced publicly to the nation. “A king of the Baoulé has no right to know the identity of his successor,” he is reported to have said. Mr. Houphouët-Boigny may have belonged to royal lineage, but critics said he seemed to be forgetting that the Baoulé were only one of Ivory Coast’s 50 or so ethnic groups, and that he was the president of a would-be modern country. Few were fooled about the old leader’s real intention to rule as president for life, come what may in his aftermath. And the aftermath in Ivory Coast has indeed been grim. West Africa’s most prosperous country has been ripped apart by a civil war whose roots trace directly back to the contested circumstances of his succession, and the old regime has been replaced by a predatory authoritarianism under new leaders determined to hang on at all costs. -
To Download Senator Rubio's Speech Transcript
Remarks as Delivered to the Ronald Reagan Institute on April 30, 2019 By Senator Marco Rubio Thank you very much. Thank you, Fred, for inviting me, for introducing me, that’s very kind. I want to thank John Heubusch, Roger Zakheim, Rachel Hoff, and your colleagues at the Institute for giving me this opportunity and for organizing this event to mark the 35th anniversary of that speech, which you just saw a snippet of a moment ago. I wanted to spend today with you doing 3 things. The first, I wanted to talk about the historic significance of that speech, not just to U.S.- China relations, but to the cause of freedom and liberty around the world. Then I wanted to turn to the complex and challenging relationship today between China in the 21st century and our country. And third, some of the difficult choices we face with regards to that relationship. Let’s talk first about the speech. Some of you here today probably don’t remember that speech very well in 1984. I would have been in 8th grade. Actually, April 1984, I would have been in 7th grade. I remember that year only because it was Dan Marino’s second year and the Dolphins were a football team. But we’re coming back. Many people who work for me weren’t even born in 1984. But it was a part, as you said, of that historic six-day visit, and it was directed at the Chinese people. And the speech was typical Reagan. It overflowed with hope and optimism. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
3/2006 Data Supplement PR China Hong Kong SAR Macau SAR Taiwan CHINA aktuell Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Data Supplement People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax:(040)4107945 Contributors: Uwe Kotzel Dr. Liu Jen-Kai Christine Reinking Dr. Günter Schucher Dr. Margot Schüller Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 3 The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 22 Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership LIU JEN-KAI 27 PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries LIU JEN-KAI 30 PRC Laws and Regulations LIU JEN-KAI 34 Hong Kong SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 36 Macau SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 39 Taiwan Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 41 Bibliography of Articles on the PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, and on Taiwan UWE KOTZEL / LIU JEN-KAI / CHRISTINE REINKING / GÜNTER SCHUCHER 43 CHINA aktuell Data Supplement - 3 - 3/2006 Dep.Dir.: CHINESE COMMUNIST Li Jianhua 03/07 PARTY Li Zhiyong 05/07 The Main National Ouyang Song 05/08 Shen Yueyue (f) CCa 03/01 Leadership of the Sun Xiaoqun 00/08 Wang Dongming 02/10 CCP CC General Secretary Zhang Bolin (exec.) 98/03 PRC Hu Jintao 02/11 Zhao Hongzhu (exec.) 00/10 Zhao Zongnai 00/10 Liu Jen-Kai POLITBURO Sec.-Gen.: Li Zhiyong 01/03 Standing Committee Members Propaganda (Publicity) Department Hu Jintao 92/10 Dir.: Liu Yunshan PBm CCSm 02/10 Huang Ju 02/11 -
Insights for Intra-Party Tensions?
Hong Kong as a proxy battlefield Insights for Intra-Party tensions? Zhang Xiaoming 张晓明, the director of the State Council Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office 国务 院港澳办, was replaced a few days ago, as vice-director of the small leading group of the same name, by the current Minister of Public Security, Zhao Kezhi 赵克志. That said, it seems Hong Kong’s issues run deeper than just a few personnel appointments. Is the special administrative zone becoming a proxy battleground for opposing political forces inside the Party? The timeline and people involved suggest that parts of the ongoing crisis might have been made by design by outgoing political networks amid the anti-corruption campaign. From the selection of Carrie Lam 林郑月娥, the underpinnings of the Hong Kong and Macau affairs system, to the bid for the London Stock Exchange, there is more than meets the eye. The “Manchurian” Candidate and the Jiangpai From the beginning, the opinion was that Madame Lam would be a short-live replacement for Liang Zhenying 梁振英. Carrie Lam, who actually joined the protest – even for a brief moment – for universal suffrage back in 2014, stayed close to the negotiation with Beijing, unlike some of her counterparts who were refused entry in Shenzhen back in 2015. She then became one of the favorite faces of the administration, especially in late 2016, when Liang Zhenying1 announced he would not be running for re-election. Liang, a representative of the “old regime” – associated with both Zeng Qinghong 曾庆红2 and Zhang Dejiang 张德江, was creating issues leading to the deterioration of the situation in Hong Kong (i.e. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement May 2007 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC .......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 44 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 45 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 52 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2007 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
Will Xi Jinping Succeed?
1 Will Xi Jinping Succeed? William H. Overholt I want to offer you a way of understanding China and a very different way of viewing its current leadership. China is the latecomer of a group of Asian miracle economies. It faces a turning point shared by all the Asian miracles, a crisis of success. These crises of success are caused by complexity. Economic success creates a highly differentiated society. The extraordinary complexity of a modern economy can’t be managed from the offices of the top leaders. Likewise, the social complexity requires different political management. The crisis of success A crisis of success is a moment in development of a successful business or a country where continued success requires organizational transformation. Think of an entrepreneur who invents a cool widget and the business takes off, managed as the entourage of that one successful inventor. Soon the point comes where a simple business becomes complicated. It needs to list 1 2 on the stock exchange. It needs professional accounting and professional human resources management. It needs a board of directors and a public rule book. It requires an organizational transformation, and its future success or failure depends on successful transformation. Call it an Elon Musk moment. Xi Jinping’s job is to manage China’s Elon Musk moment. These crises of success share certain characteristics. Like South Korea and Taiwan in the 1980s China finds itself overleveraged, threatened by debt, bubbles, inflation and bankruptcies. The big companies find themselves indebted and unprofitable. Politics also grows more complex, with rising demonstrations and powerful interest groups demanding control over policies. -
Everyday Life
Everyday Life The North Korean people live under a strict communist regime. They have no say in how their country is managed. The central government controls nearly every aspect of life in the country. Most jobs don’t have salaries. Food and clothing are mostly provided by the government. People who do have a job with a paycheck earn around $1,500 per year. The majority of North Korean people are very poor. They don’t have things like washing machines, fridges, or even bicycles. Practicing a religion is not allowed as the state sees it as a threat. Instead, children are raised to worship Kim Il Sung, “the President for life”. There are over 34,000 statues of Kim Il Sung in North Korea, and all wedding ceremonies must take place in front of one. Portraits of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il can be found pretty much everywhere. All citizens must hang these portraits, which are provided by the government. Once a month, the police come over and check whether the portraits are still hanging and properly taken care of. Electricity is very unreliable in the country; most homes only have electricity a few hours per day. When buildings on one side of the street are blacked out, the other side gets electricity. When this situation occurs, there is a mad rush of children who run to their friends’ apartments on the other side. Internet is only available to the elite in North Korea. Even cellphones are extremely rare. Only people who are trusted by the government can buy a cell phone, but they must pay a registration fee of $825. -
Xi Jinping: Personality and Policies Prasanna Aditya a Intern, Chennai Centre for China Studies June 12 2020
Image Courtesy: New York Times Issue Brief III Xi Jinping: Personality and Policies Prasanna Aditya A Intern, Chennai Centre For China Studies June 12 2020 Introduction Disappointed with the rise of „bourgeois elements‟ in society, Chairman Mao Zedong unleashed what he called the „Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution‟ in 1966 which went on to be seared in Chinese collective memory as a period of unspeakable horror. He exhorted the masses to root out the capitalist sympathisers and preserve the revolution. Mao was a towering figure in Chinese politics since the People‟s Republic of China was founded in 1949. Even before the PRC became a sovereign country, the clout that Mao commanded in its territory was enormous. He built his base across the Chinese countryside and was genuinely viewed by his supporters and the masses as a revolutionary figure. The civil war between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), led by Mao and the nationalist Kuomintang was long and exhausting. The Japanese occupation of China in 1937 gave the fighters a cause to shed their differences and unite in defence of a common cause. Once the Japanese were expelled from their land with the end of the Second World War, the Chinese continued their infighting. After a protracted period of struggle, the CCP came out on top and founded the People‟s Republic of China and banished the Kuomintang to an island 140 miles off the coast now known as Taiwan. Since the genesis of the state, its history was intertwined and indistinguishable from that of the Communist Party. Mao, with his undisputed leadership of the party, was its face and his authority over the affairs of the state was supreme and unquestionable. -
WSI China Security Vol.5 No.3 2009: the Big Parade
ChinaSecurity Bruce G. Blair Publisher Eric Hagt Editor Chen Yali, Liu Yong, Matthew Durnin Associate Editors Assistant Editors Jackson Nichols & Jennifer Duncan Assistant Editor/Translator Anton Wishik II Cover Art He Duojun, Sichuan People’s Publishing House,1982 Cover Design Ameer S. Mashkour Editorial Board Richard K. Betts Columbia University Thomas J. Christensen Princeton University Philip Coyle World Security Institute Lowell Dittmer University of California, Berkeley Bates Gill Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Theresa Hitchens World Security Institute Joan Johnson-Freese Naval War College Albert Keidel Atlantic Council Nicholas R. Lardy Institute for International Economics Li Bin Tsinghua University John J. Mearsheimer University of Chicago Mike M. Mochizuki George Washington University Michael E. O’Hanlon Brookings Institution Jonathan D. Pollack Naval War College Shen Dingli Fudan University Shi Yinhong Renmin University of China Teng Jianqun China Arms Control & Disarmament Association Frank von Hippel Princeton University Alan M. Wachman Tufts University Xue Lan Tsinghua University Yuan Peng China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations Zha Daojiong Peking University This issue was made possible through the generous support of the Ford Foundation, Secure World Foundation and the Robert and Ardis James Foundation Contents Times Change, the Parade Stays the Same 3 Matt Durnin 7 A More Powerful China on Parade Zhang Xiaoming Border Burdens: 13 China’s Response to the Myanmar Refugee Crisis Drew Thompson Climate Change, Water and China’s National Interest 25 Scott Moore 41 The Rio Tinto Case and China’s Drive to Guard Secrets Jiang Ruqin 47 Secrets, Spies and Steel: The Rio Tinto Case Peter Yuan Cai 53 Superficial, Arrogant Nationalism Xiao Gongqin Defensive Realism in the Indian Ocean: 59 Oil, Sea Lanes and the Security Dilemma Jason J. -
Do Executive Term Limits Work
ON THE EVASION OF EXECUTIVE TERM LIMITS TOM GINSBURG ,* JAMES MELTON ** & ZACHARY ELKINS *** ABSTRACT Executive term limits are precommitments through which the polity restricts its ability to retain a popular executive down the road. But in recent years, many presidents around the world have chosen to remain in office even after their initial maximum term in office has expired. They have largely done so by amending the constitution, sometimes by replacing it entirely. The practice of revising higher law for the sake of a particular incumbent raises intriguing issues that touch ultimately on the normative justification for term limits in the first place. This Article reviews the normative debate over term limits and identifies the key claims of proponents and opponents. It introduces the idea of characterizing term limits as a type of default rule executives may overcome if sufficient political support is apparent. It then turns to historical evidence to assess the probability of attempts, both successful and unsuccessful, to evade term limits. It finds that, notwithstanding some high-profile cases, executives observe term limits with remarkable frequency in consolidated democracies. The final Part considers alternative institutional designs that may accomplish some of the goals of term limits, but * Professor of Law, University of Chicago. This Article is an outgrowth of the Wythe Lecture delivered at William & Mary Law School on April 8, 2010. We thank Jose Cheibub, Henry Dietz, Rosalind Dixon, Lee Ann Fennell, David Fontana, Jennifer Gandhi, Guadalupe Gonzalez, Donald Horowitz, Wendy Hunter, Aziz Huq, Brian Kalt, Brian Leiter, Raul Madrid, Anup Malani, Eric Posner, Adam Przeworski, Adam Samaha, Alexei Trochev, Adrian Vermeule, and Kurt Weyland for their comments and suggestions. -
China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau) 2016 Human Rights Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2016 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the paramount authority. CCP members hold almost all top government and security apparatus positions. Ultimate authority rests with the CCP Central Committee’s 25-member Political Bureau (Politburo) and its seven-member Standing Committee. Xi Jinping continued to hold the three most powerful positions as CCP general secretary, state president, and chairman of the Central Military Commission. Civilian authorities maintained control of the military and internal security forces. Repression and coercion of organizations and individuals involved in civil and political rights advocacy as well as in public interest and ethnic minority issues remained severe. As in previous years, citizens did not have the right to choose their government and elections were restricted to the lowest local levels of governance. Authorities prevented independent candidates from running in those elections, such as delegates to local people’s congresses. Citizens had limited forms of redress against official abuse. Other serious human rights abuses included arbitrary or unlawful deprivation of life, executions without due process, illegal detentions at unofficial holding facilities known as “black jails,” torture and coerced confessions of prisoners, and detention and harassment of journalists, lawyers, writers, bloggers, dissidents, petitioners, and others whose actions the authorities deemed unacceptable. There was also a lack of due process in judicial proceedings, political control of courts and judges, closed trials, the use of administrative detention, failure to protect refugees and asylum seekers, extrajudicial disappearances of citizens, restrictions on nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), discrimination against women, minorities, and persons with disabilities.