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Transcript of Press Conference Given by the Ferderal 1 TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS CONFERENCE GIVEN BY THE FERDERAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE BY THE SINGAPORE PRIME MINISTER, MR. LEE KUAN YEW, AND OTHER LEADERS ON THE MALAYSIA SOLIDARITY CONVENTION ON THURSDAY, 3RD JUNE, 1965. The Prime Minister Gentlemen, I am sorry that we have to trouble you to attend this PRESS CONFERENCE. Set Back to Parlimentary Democracy You will recall that in the course of the debate, I was invited by two Ministers, Dato Dr. Ismail and Mr. Tan Siew Sin, to specify the instances of attempts at Malay domination. And the Speaker had agreed on Tuesday; he asked me to come to his room on Tuesday afternoon at six o'clock and asked me how long I was going to take under STANDING ORDER 34(4) in explanation and clarification which he knew was necessary. I said, "About 40 odd minutes" So he said, "I will give you 45 minutes, starting from 8.15 (Tuesday)". As you know, he himself whilst in the Chair-- and when I was going to be given a chance to make this explanation. The Ministers went on till about 9 o'clock by which lky\1965\lky0603.doc 2 time it was not possible for me to speak because the adjournment motion had been fixed and I was clearly made to understand that I was going to get 45 minutes. The question had not been put, the debate was still on the amendment, and you heard what happened this morning. As part of the constitutional process, we have to obey the rulings of the speaker and so we waited with profound regret for I think that was a setback, not just for the Oppostion because the Opposition can get its views across anyway. I do not require the privilege or parliament to say the things I have to say, because I am just going to quote what they say. There is no libel. There is no slander in anything that I am going to say now. I am prepared to say what I was going to say, but I would like to express my profound regret that this thing should have happened and I think whatever our differences of views have been with Dr. Tan Chee Khoon, he feels very strongly about this and that is the reason why he has asked to be associated with this programme. Am I right? Mr. Tan Chee Khoon: I come to express, to make a clarification if I may, Mr. Lee. Mr. Tan Siew Sin's letters lky\1965\lky0603.doc 3 The Prime Minister: All right. First of all, it may be useful if I produce the evidence I was going to produce in Parliament today. I was asked, where is this evidence of communalism and we were going to start fairly early. Dr. Lim Chong Eu knows them longer, for many years he was once an ALLIANCE WHIP and he left the ALLIANCE only in 1960. And Dr. Lim Chong Eu wanted me to read out a letter from Mr. Tan Siew Sin to him in September 1956. But he is already here. So I will first ask him to read this because I would like to take it in chronological order and I will take it from there. Dr. Lim Chong Eu: I have the original here. So you can keep the copy. In the course of my speech, I indicated that communalism within the ALLIANCE and within Malaysia had reared its head long ago. And in the course of my speech also, I indicated that the ALLIANCE method of resolving this problem apparently had not produce any tangible results because after nearly lky\1965\lky0603.doc 4 ten years, the same things are being said by the same people. And I made a quotation. I read from my letters to indicate the question of feelings and the kind of sentiments that were actually in the background. We wanted to show clearly that the communalist concept of racialism did not emanate from us and certainly did not emanate from the MALAYSIA SOLIDARITY CONVENTION and that in actual fact it probably came from the other side. And I will read this in full, because here is an instance of an opinion which I myself opposed, and I take this opportunity again to repeat that the ALLIANCE Ministers including the Deputy Prime Minister himself persistently twisted historical facts to try and label me and my Party as communal. The actual events and the record of the events which led to the crisis and my leaving the MCA are all contained in the press. May I just quote now the relevant parts of the ... The Prime Minister: I think you should read the whole letter just to make sure. lky\1965\lky0603.doc 5 Dr. Lim Chong Eu: In that case, there were two letters. The letter from Mr. Tan Siew Sin to me dated 8th September, 1956 reads: "My Dear Chong Eu, 'I thank you for your letter dated 5th September, 1956 received today. I am afraid I do not think that the points at issue are so minor that we can give in the UMNO for the sake of sending in one memorandum. (This is with regard to the REID CONSTITUTION). Although we must think of the feelings of our own followers I agree that we should also do what is right. If, for example, I myself were personally convinced that the UMNO amendments are fair in themselves I would be prepared to agree to them even if it meant risking their or our rank and file. Unfortunately, I do not feel that the amendments proposed by UMNO are fair in themselves. This means that we have to give in to them because they happen to be stronger and I do not think this is a ship. In other words, we have to yield because we are weaker, even though we are in the right. We have to yield to expediency in issue which concerns not only us but may well effect the future of our children and our grandchildren. Anyway we can discuss this matter more fully when I see you next week." lky\1965\lky0603.doc 6 Yours sincerely, Tan Siew Sin. Dr. Lim Chong Eu quotes again from the second letter dated 27th September, 1956. " Briefly my views can be summarised thus:- In the present stage of the country's development we must face the fact that communalism exists in a big way. Even the Malays, with their overwhelming voting strength want their "Special rights" written into the CONSTITUTION. Some of them are not satisfied with their present plums, some i.e. the majority of posts, and the best of them too, in the public service. They want to extend this highly discriminatory form of legislation into industy and commerce. "WARTA NEGARA" talks about the necessity for making the Malays the "Master Race" of Malaya. This presumbly means that non-Malays are to be reduced to the status of hewers of wood and drawers of water. Shades of Hitler ! Others want Malaya to join up with Indonesia. I myself have heard this from the lips of one or two UMNO officials. It is unnecesary for me to tell you what this idea, seriously pursued, will lead to! It is lky\1965\lky0603.doc 7 difficult to assess the strength of these various forms of racial fanaticism but, at the same time, one cannot blame the Chinese and other non-Malays for being slightly nervous, to say the least! The non-Malays, therefore, have to be communal merely to ensure their survival. A Malayan nation does not exist at the moment and may never will, the way things are going. Such being the case, to my mind, the MCA must uphold Chinese interests, first, last and all the time. In theory, the ALLIANCE is a political party representing the three main racial groups in this country, as represented by their acknowledged and respective political orgnisations, which between them make up more than 95% of the population. In practice, as everyone know, we cannot even agree on first principles and fundamental issues and hence have to bring in the REID CONSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION to solve basic problems which we are unable to solve ourselves! In short there is no such thing as a Malayan nation either now or in the making; worse still, there is ever-growing suspicion and resentment between the various communities as the promised date of independence draws near. The ALLIANCE may break up if put to a real test, and the lky\1965\lky0603.doc 8 only thing left is for the MCA to unite the Chinese so completely and so thoroughly that they will be able to face all the trials and difficulties which inevitably lie ahead with equanimity and with confidence. I am sorry to sound so pessimistic, but I must admit, if I want to be honest to you and to myself, that I am pessimistic about the future of Sino- Malay relationships. There is, however, one silver lining and that is the reasonable and sensible attitude so far adopted by the top UMNO leaders. The question which inevitably arises, however, is, "How long will they last?" I must also confess that my pessimism worsened as a result of the Carcosa incident. It was undoubtedly a small matter but it was a revealing symptom of an intensely narrow-minded, racialistic and fantical attitude on the part of the whole of UMNO , apart from a handful of the top leaders. In such circumstances, I think one can be forgiven if one doubts their ability to survive very much longer unless they are prepared to fall in with the wishes of the jingoistic majority, and this forms the overwhelming majority of their following.
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