Official Background Guide
Malaysian Parliament 1965
Model United Nations at Chapel Hill XVIII
February 22 – 25, 2018
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Table of Contents
Letter from the Crisis Director ………………………………………………………………… 3
Letter from the Chair ………………………………………………………………………… 4
Background Information ………………………………………………………………………… 5
Background: Singapore ……………………………………………………… 5
Background: Malaysia ……………………………………………………… 9
Identity Politics ………………………………………………………………………………… 12
Radical Political Parties ………………………………………………………………………… 14
Race Riots ……………………………………………………………………………………… 16
Positions List …………………………………………………………………………………… 18
Endnotes ……………………………………………………………………………………… 22
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Letter from the Crisis Director Dear Delegates,
Welcome to the Malaysian Parliament of 1965 Committee at the Model United Nations at Chapel Hill 2018 Conference! My name is Annah Bachman and I have the honor of serving as your Crisis Director. I am a third year Political Science and Philosophy double major here at UNC-Chapel Hill and have been involved with MUNCH since my freshman year. I’ve previously served as a staffer for the Democratic National Committee and as the Crisis Director for the Security Council for past MUNCH conferences.
This past fall semester I studied at the National University of Singapore where my idea of the Malaysian Parliament in 1965 was formed. Through my experience of living in Singapore for a semester and studying its foreign policy, it has been fascinating to see how the “traumatic” separation of Singapore has influenced its current policies and relations with its surrounding countries. Our committee is going back in time to just before Singapore’s separation from the Malaysian peninsula to see how ethnic and racial tensions, trade policies, and good old fashioned diplomacy will unfold. Delegates should keep in mind that there is a difference between Southeast Asian diplomacy and traditional Western diplomacy (hint: think “ASEAN way”). Southeast Asian diplomacy is much less direct, slightly passive-aggressive, and very sensitive compared to Western diplomacy. Think of your vulnerabilities as countries, threats from your regional neighbors, and the impact of Western regional presence, particularly Great Britain. This is your opportunity to rewrite history!
Please don’t hesitate to contact me with any questions! I am happy to answer your inquiries and supply help or hints for your positions.
See you in the spring, Annah Bachman [email protected]
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Letter from the Chair
Greetings Delegates,
My name is Ethan Gilbreath and I have the extraordinary pleasure of being your humble chair for the 2018 MUNCH Conference in the 1965 Malaysia Crisis.
I am a sophomore working on a Global Studies Major and an Arabic Minor at UNC focusing on the Middle East and have been loosely affiliated with the Carolina’s International Relations Association both of my years here. I was formerly the Co-President of the Model UN organization at First Flight High School and staffed the Security Council Crisis Committee at MUNCH last year.
I don’t have an abundance of experience in the history of Southeast Asia, but over the next few months, I look forward to learning more about the area and the history of the region. I will work hard to make the parliamentary procedure go as smoothly and enjoyable as possible, and facilitate the fun and fascinating process that is a Model UN crisis committee.
I hope everyone will come prepared and bring along amazing and fun ideas to the table to rewrite the course of history, and to get into character! As Annah previously mentioned, Malaysian political discourse is different. I do expect for everyone to look into that and behave accordingly to the norms of that discourse!
It will be a privilege to chair your Committee.
Sincerely, R. Ethan Gilbreath
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BACKGROUND: SINGAPORE
Singapore is located in one of the most strategic places in Southeast Asia. Right in the middle of the Strait of Malacca, a key trading route, the British claimed Singapore as a crown colony in 1867. Singapore was claimed by the British in 1819 as the British were interested in Singapore’s rubber and tin industry. Singapore and Malaysia shared a joint-government department: currency, railway, post, and broadcasting to name a few. In 1946, Singapore separated from Malaysia in anticipation of Malay objection to the inclusion of Singapore’s Chinese population. In 1959,
Singapore became a self-governing state, with Lee Kuan Yew as its Prime Minister, however, Britain was still in control of Singapore’s defense and foreign affairs.
Singapore’s experience with colonialism produced a unique country. Both Singapore and
Malaya experienced a demographic shift when cheap economic labor drove hordes of immigrants from the archipelago, China, and India. Under colonialism, British authorities turned the Chinese into the key capitalist class. The Chinese acquired wealth, but were politically stigmatized.
Indigenous groups became politically and economically disempowered. The British continued to legitimize their colonial control through pseudo-scientific racism in an attempt to internalize racial classifications amongst the different racial populations. Although a strong colonial authority is no longer exacerbating racial tensions, the effects still remain.
In 1961, there was an attempt at a territorial merger between Singapore and the Malaysian peninsula, which the PAP (People’s Action Party of Singapore) favored for a variety of reasons.
Singapore lacks natural resources and the territorial merger assured imports and exports from the
Malaysia peninsula, including water. The merger would also ensure political stability and terminate fear of competition. On May 27, 1961, the Prime Minister of Malaya, Tunku Abdul Rahman, proposed the formation of the Federation of Malaysia which would include Singapore, Malaya,
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North Borneo, and Sarawak. The Malays viewed this merger as a British scheme for “orderly decolonization”. At this time, the PAP was comprised of two factions: the English speaking, which sought a mass base in marginalized Chinese educated youth, and Chinese speaking, which sought legitimacy from colonial authorities. In 1961, the left English speaking faction split to form what the
PAP is now under Lee Kuan Yew. In 1961, Singapore, Malaya, and North Borneo become
Malaysia. Three factors propelled the merger with Malaya:
1) Singapore held a belief that the island’s destiny was tied to the peninsula;
2) Malay was concerned about the radical left wing taking power in Singapore;
3) and Prime Minister Tunku, the PAP, and the British view that the merger was a solution to deal with the radical left.
Indonesia and the Philippines opposed the creation of Malaysia. Indonesia’s President
Sukarno saw Malaysia as a neo-colonial plot to sustain British influence in the region. The country launched an armed attack known as Konfrontasi, a guerilla war in Borneo with some bombings in
Singapore, against numerous countries in the region. From 1963 to 1965, there were tensions all over the place. There were personal rivalries between LKY (Lee Kuan Yew) and Tunku, LKY and
Tan Siew Sin, and the PAP and UMNO. There was also political mistrust. Tunku supported the
UMNO candidates in the 1963 Singapore elections, however, when the PAP challenged the MCA
(Malaysian Chinese Association) in Malayan elections in 1964, Tunku saw this as a challenge to the
UMNO. In July and September of 1964, violent race riots broke out across the peninsula.
There are a number of things to keep in mind for Singapore in regards to this important decision parliament will discuss. At the heart of the difference between Malaya and Singapore is a difference in identity and interests. The PAP champions “Malaysia for Malaysians” with equal political and economic rights to all. The Alliance government champions Malay supremacy and affirmative action to address class inequalities due to concern regarding the Chinese economic and
Parliament of Malaysia 1965 Page 6 political dominance. The PAP strongly believes Singapore has a number of vulnerabilities geographically, demographically, and environmentally. Singapore is an absolutely miniscule region, less than 300 square miles large. It has an absence of a natural hinterland, relies on food and water from the peninsula, and is constricted by sea and airspace. Demographically, it is a majority ethnic-
Chinese population. Majority ethnic-Chinese identity are registered as an “alien identity” in the
Malay maritime region. In this region, ethnic Chinese minorities are viewed with resentment and suspicion because of cultural identity and economic prominence. Regionally, Singapore is wedged between two large neighbors in which Singapore has never been at ease due to colonialism. An
Anglo-Dutch rivalry is also present in maritime Southeast Asia due to Singapore and Malaya’s colonization by the British and Indonesia’s colonization by the Dutch.
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BACKGROUND: MALAYSIA
Malaysia is a federal constitutional monarchy located in Southeast Asia. It consists of thirteen states and three federal territories and has a total landmass of 330,803 square kilometers
(127,720 sq. mi) separated by the South China Sea into two similarly sized regions, Peninsular
Malaysia and East Malaysia (Malaysian Borneo). Peninsular Malaysia shares a land and maritime border with Thailand in the north, maritime borders with Singapore in the south, Vietnam at the northeast, and Indonesia in the west. East Malaysia shares land and maritime borders with Brunei and Indonesia and a maritime border with the Philippines and Vietnam. The capital city is Kuala
Lumpur. Putrajaya is the seat of the federal government. With a population of over 30 million,
Malaysia is the 44th most populous country. The southernmost point of continental Eurasia,
Tanjung Piai, is in Malaysia. Located in the tropics, Malaysia is one of 17 megadiverse countries on earth, with large numbers of endemic species. 1
Malaysia has been home to prehistoric indigenous peoples, with Chinese settlers and travelers being observed around the turn of the 2nd century BCE, with possible trade and communication beginning around the turn of the millennium. Chinese and Indian correspondence brought Hinduism and Buddhism, which eventually became the dominant religions of the region.
The Malaysian Peninsula was ruled by various factions, most notably the Javanese in the 14th century, and various Indian Kingdoms were established to the west throughout its history, contributing to considerable Indian Heritage amongst the Malayan population. Around the 15th century, the famed port city of Malacca was founded and began trading with primarily Muslim merchants. This brought about the sweeping conversion of the local population to Islam persisting to this day. Beginning in 1511, the Malaccan Sultanate was conquered by the Portuguese, which began a series of captures, treaties, and liberations through the 16th and 17th century by various
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European powers seeking colonial domination, but with the Dutch being primarily in control of the country during the colonial period. 2
The British captured Malacca from the Malay-Dutch alliance in 1786, beginning the colonial control that persisted in the region until the Japanese conquered the Siamese peninsula during
WWII. 1930 Malaysia established the Union of Young Malays under the new Malaysian communist party. This group, along with a considerable amount of communist Chinese forces and a small amount of Chinese Nationalist forces fought together against the Japanese, were supplied by Britain, and were resolute in establishing postwar Malaysia as a communist state. 3
After the war, Malaysia was still a colony of the United Kingdom. Britain established the
Federation of Malaya in 1948, and suppressed communist uprisings during the troubled post-WWII time. In 1956, Malaysian and British leaders agreed to make Malaysia a sovereign nation by the end
Parliament of Malaysia 1965 Page 10 of August 1957. The official Federation of Malaysia was established in 1963, incorporating the nearby Sultanates of Sarawak, Borneo, and Singapore in the Malaysia nearby Sultanates of Sarawak,
Borneo, and Singapore in the Malaysia Agreement. 4
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IDENTITY POLITICS
Key Word: Bumiputera – “Son of the Land”. A term that refers to indigenous Malay people in
Malaysia. This term is significant because it emphasizes the indigeneity of Malay people.
Identity politics is the association with particular political positions or opinions based on membership to a demographic group. Modern manifestations of identity politics include the Black
Civil Rights movement, in which people mobilized for political action based on a shared racial identity. In contrast, some people identify as part of a white nation that desires political protection for the white identity and culture. Identity is, of course, based on more than just race. In the United
States, for example, many people identify as a part of the middle class, which shapes how political rhetoric appeals to many people based on their identities.
An important point to keep in mind when considering identity politics is that it can come in many different forms. It may inspire movements for equality, it may inspire genocide, it may be a medium through which people seek personal gain, it may be a political frame. For this reason, it is difficult to characterize identity politics as inherently good or bad. When considering your identity in politics in the context of Malaysia, try to consider its possible motivations.
There is a significant ethnic Chinese population in Malaysia and Singapore, many of whom immigrated during the 19th and early 20th centuries for economic opportunities. The Chinese are the second largest ethnic group in Malaysia, and the largest in Singapore. Singapore has a Malay minority. As a legacy of colonialism, Malaysia and Singapore used English as a public language.
However, the languages spoken at home differed by ethnic groups, which means that there were significant differences between how people identified to a group through their race and their use of language.
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Racial divides were coupled with religious divides. The ethnically Chinese populations predominantly practice the traditional Chinese religions of Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism.
The Malay populations are mostly Islamic. Islam is the official religion of modern Malaysia.
Singapore has no official religion, but the largest group is Buddhist. For many, religion is an important part of how they define themselves and their identity, and it may have a significant influence on their political philosophies.
The United Malays National Organization argued that historical British rule in Malaysia had favored the ethnic Chinese people. They campaigned on Malay nationalism and supported policies that advantaged Malays. In 1971, the UNMO passed the New Economic Policy that gave special preference to the Bumiputera in civil service employment and education.
Keep in mind, 1971 is beyond the scope of this committee. However, this policy does exemplify how conceptualizations of ethnic identity in Malaysia were used as a part of politics and affected how people perceived themselves within the Federation. Undoubtedly, the UNMO held ideas about preferencing Bumiputera during 1965, which would have had some influence over their decisions in the Malaysian parliament.
In summary, Malaysia is more ethnically Malay, Singapore is more ethnically Chinese. Both have significant Malay and Chinese populations as well as representation of other ethnic groups.
These ethnic divides also carry religious and language divides. Therefore, there were distinctly different cultural groups or identities in 1965. Although there being differences between people does not necessarily mean conflict is inevitable, ideas of how identity advantaged or disadvantaged people during colonialism affected how people perceived their relationships to each other in Malaysia and how political groups acted.
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Radical Political Parties
After the end of colonial occupation of Malaysia and Singapore, the dominant political parties in the countries were the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and the People’s
Action Party (PAP) respectively. The UMNO had a strong foothold in Malaysia during the pre- independence era, and the PAP in Singapore allied with them, building a strong relationship that culminated in the 1963 merger. The parties initially worked with communist nationalist parties like the Malaysian Communist Party (MCP) and the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) but after achieving independence both the UMNO and PAP were quick to expel communists from their ranks prior to independence. The Malay parties and Prime Minister Tunku’s fears over the rise of communism in Singapore was a contributing factor to the original merger, supported by European powers, primarily Britain. (UMNO logo pictured right)
During the time between the beginning of the merger and the subsequent de facto expulsion of Singapore, relationships between these parties quickly deteriorated. The UMNO and PAP were radically at odds with each other. The UMNO called for the bumiputera policy, supported Malays as the original settlers of Malaya. The UMNO believed this policy to be important affirmative action for a mostly impoverished people, but the
PAP and other groups representing Chinese and Indian ethnics viewed
the policy as racist and subversive to the Singaporeans that were
mostly Chinese. The PAP called for Malaysia to have “Malaysian
Malaysia” to support all Malaysian citizens as opposed to all Malaysian
ethnics. This resulted politically in a diametric opposition of Singapore
Parliament of Malaysia 1965 Page 14 from Malaysia, and resulted socially in the creation of race riots. (PAP Logo pictured left)
Both parties blamed each other and the MCP for the beginning of race riots. Both sides called each other un-Islamic, racists, and other defamatory things. Eventually, the PAP decided to run for elections in the central government of Malaysia and threaten the UMNO which had a stranglehold over the federal government at that point. The PAP won one seat in Parliament, but the UMNO was irate over the challenge. Malaysians were afraid that the economic domination of
Singapore would threaten the strength of the government in Kuala Lumpur. Singapore also refused to have an open market trading system with the rest of Malaysia. In turn, Singapore faced far heavier taxes. The breakdown continued, and finally, in 1965, the Prime Minister of Malaysia advised
Parliament to expel Singapore from the country, and that is where you come in.
Trade disputes, racialism, communism, and the desire for power all plagued the conflict of the UMNO and the PAP. The UMNO and PAP both view the other as radicalists opposed to their very race and way of life. The job of the delegation at the Malaysian Parliament is to either make a last ditch effort to patch together a relationship that had been fracturing for two years, or to follow through and give up on each other.
The European and foreign delegates at the Malaysian Parliament represent the interests of the other countries from both the West and closer areas. Anti-Communist rhetoric is at an all-time high from delegates tied to NATO countries, during Lyndon B. Johnson’s escalation of the Vietnam
War and the recent Cuban Missile Crisis still looming in the minds of America and its allies. At least rhetorically, delegates from countries outside of Malaysia or Singapore should pursue a course of action that aligns with whatever faction they correspond with, either Communist (i.e. Ho Chi Minh,
Sukarno) or Capitalist (i.e. Menzies, Wilson).
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RACE RIOTS
The PAP government in Singapore and the UMNO-led Alliance government in Malaysia have had strong political tensions due to electoral competition. Singapore’s political branches have participated in four of the island’s general elections, but have been unable to win any seats. The general election in April 1964 brought a “cold peace” between the PAP and the Alliance Party with
Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman and Lee Kuan Yew each agreeing their respective parties would not get involved in each other’s local politics.
The PAP and UMNO have a number of strong ideological differences, however, the topic of greatest divide has been an issue of affirmative action. The PAP’s core value is equality and unity.
Their interpretation of equality is that all races are equal and should be treated as such, therefore, affirmative action is not necessary. For the PAP, treating races as equal means societal equality, but it’s important to keep in mind that this does not necessarily mean equity. In contrast, the UMNO consistently seeks to uphold specifically Malay nationalism. The UMNO frequently cites the term
Ketuanan Melayu meaning “Malay dominance”. They seek to progress the lives of ethnic Malays, firmly promoting affirmative action for Malays.
Some UMNO Malay activists did not agree with Rahman and Lee’s political agreement, wishing to regain Malay support in Singapore. Using Malay newspapers and provocative speech, they accused Lee and the PAP of mistreating and oppressing the Malay population in Singapore. July 12,
1964, the Singapore branch of the UMNO discussed the problems facing Malays in Singapore at a convention held in Pasir Panjang. The PAP government had organized a meeting to be held July
19th for the Malay community since the articles had been published. At the convention, the UMNO
Secretary-General called for a Malay boycott of the meeting. Despite this call to action, roughly 900
Malays attended to hear Lee make clear the PAP would not grant Malays special privileges such as
Parliament of Malaysia 1965 Page 16 quotas for jobs. Much of the Malay community took this as an insult and two days later, a series of clashes broke out between Malays attending a procession to celebrate Prophet Muhammad’s birthday and Chinese bystanders. As the procession approached the Geylang area, somebody threw a bottle at the participants. At a later point in the march, a federal police officer requested marchers stay on a particular route only to be attacked. The riot escalated quickly until four were killed and
178 others injured. To curtail riots, curfews were imposed throughout the entire country from dawn to dusk. Armed troops were stationed throughout public places to diffuse any potential violence.5
Communal riots would persist from July to September. There were numerous cases of arson and beatings and thousands lost income from fear of going to work. Food shortages also became an issue because of people making one-time stock-ups in their fear to leave the house. July saw twenty- three deaths, 458 injuries, and 3,568 people arrested as well as extensive public and private property damage. In September, thirteen were left dead and 106 injured as well as 1,439 arrested. 6
Causes for any violent ethnic riots are always difficult to pinpoint. Both Malay and
Singapore-Chinese blame each other. The UMNO and PAP each blame each other. The Malay blame the Chinese for beginning the riots during the Prophet Muhammad procession. Many believe it was a Chinese citizen who threw the bottle and began the violence that day. Others believe that the media propaganda circulated by the Malay against the PAP sparked hatred among the Malays, encouraging violence from their side. The UMNO definitely played a role in provoking tensions by urging Malays to resist the PAP government in Singapore due to their unequal and unfair treatment.
The leader of the UMNO, Syed Jaafar Albar, also accused PAP Malay men of being un-Islamic, anti-
Islam, anti-Malay, and overall traitors to their own community. 7 Tun Razak and other Alliance leaders propose the possibility of Indonesian intervention to encourage the riots. As for the
September riots, both Malaysian and Singapore governments believe the riots were a part of
Indonesia’s Confrontation (Konfrontasi) aimed at weakening Malaysia.
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Positions List:
Singapore:
• Lee Kuan Yew – The father of modern day Singapore and its first Prime Minister. He
cofounded the People’s Action Party (PAP), Singapore’s leading party. Lee campaigned for
the British to relinquish its colonial rule, attaining a national referendum to form the
peninsula of Malaya.
• Goh Keng Swee – Began work full time for the PAP in 1958 becoming a key member and
vice-chairman of its Central Executive Committee. In 1959 he became the Minister of
Finance.
• Lim Kim San – First Chairman of the Housing Development Board and led the successful
public housing program during the 1960s in Singapore, easing the housing shortage problem.
• Toh Chin Chye – Was one of the founding members of the PAP and the party’s chairman
from 1954-1981. He played a key role in the formation of Singapore.
• Sinnathamby Rajaratnam – Co-founder of the PAP. Was extremely popular among his
supports for following the “mood of the people” and envisioned Singapore as a “global city”
• Edmund Barker – Originally a lawyer, was persuaded to enter politics by LKY. Was an
elected member of the Singapore Legislative Assembly in 1963. During this time, he served
as a Speaker of the Legislative Assembly from 1963-64. In 1964 he was appointed Minister
for Law, where he drafted the Proclamation of Singapore.
• Othman Wok – Joined the PAP with an ideology of a multi-racialism policy. He produced
the party’s publications and was then elected Minister of Social Affairs in 1963.
• Hon Sui Sen – Served as the first Chairman of the Economic Development Board, playing
a key role in the implementation of Singapore’s industrialization strategy.
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• Lee Siew Choh and Lim Chin Song (Pair) – LCS cofounded PAP and mobilized many
trade unions in support of the PAP. Was labelled as a communist and arrested. Has
controversies with the Hock Lee Bus Company riots and Chinese middle school riots. Was
forced to step down from PAP CEC in 1956, however, remained part of the PAP
delegation. Was not against the merger, but wanted Singapore to be seen as equals. LSC
served in Singapore’s Legislative Assembly as a representative of the PAP and in 1960 served
as the Parliamentary Secretary for Home Affairs. In 1961 he and 13 others broke away to
form the Socialist Front. Very pro-leftist stance.
• Ong Pang Boon – Began his life in politics as a polling agent for LKY. Was elected into the
Legislative Assembly and appointed as Minister for Home Affairs, playing a key role to
eradicating “yellow culture” and crime. He was instrumental in laying the foundation for the
bilingual policy by increasing the teaching of English in schools.
• Ong Eng Guan – PAP member who suddenly and unexpectedly vacated his seat in the
Legislative assembly, ostensibly egged on by MCA elements in Malaysia, leading to the by-
election between PAP and Barisan in ’64.
• Lee Khoon Choy – Born in Malaysia and a journalist before leaving to work in Singapore.
He served as Minister of State for Culture and Foreign Affairs.
• Ong Chang Sam – (Barisan candidate during by-election) By-election was significant
because the victory of the PAP in it convinced the Tunku that the threat from the
communist left (vis-a-vis the left leaning Barisan) was neutralized, and there was no longer
any political justification for merger
• Stanley Stewart – Secretary for Home Affairs. Was a part of the working group to London
which negotiated the Malaya merger.
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Malaysia:
• Tunku Abdul Rahman – Malaysia’s founding father and Chief Minister of the Federation
of Malaya. Dominated Malayan politics, leading the Alliance to landslide wins. Also served as
Malaya’s foreign minister.
• Tan Siew Sin – Malaysia’s finance minister before taking over as president of the MCA. He
was appointed to Deputy Chairman of the Alliance in 1964.
• Ismail Abdul Rahman – Entered Malay politics in 1951 as the vice president of the
UNMO. Was instrumental in gaining a greater amount of autonomy for the local
government. Later, was part of the Malayan government delegation sent to London to
negotiate terms for independence. After Malayan independence, was the first ambassador to
the USA and the UN. Strongly supports ASEAN. Critic of LKY and his efforts to de-
emphasize race.
• Tun Razak – Was the Education Minister in 1955, instrumental in forming the basis of
Malayan education. Was also sent to London to seek independence.
• Tuan Syed Jaafar Albar – Frequently in verbal duels with LKY. Strongly opposed to the
idea of allowing Singapore to secede. A part of the UMNNO, he had radical views on Malay
supremacy and sovereignty.
• Kadir Yusof – Malaysia’s Minister of Law. A member of UMNO. Good friends with Tun
Razak.
• V.T. Sambanthan – One of the founding fathers of Malaysia. He played a prominent role
in the independence movement in Malaya. Close personal relationship to Tunku Rahman.
• Mahathir Mohamad – Active in the UMNO. Strained relationship with Abdul Rahman.
Strong attacker of the PAP and LKY.
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Great Britain:
• Harold Wilson – Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. Singapore was formerly a British
colony until 1963 when the Malaya was granted independence. However, British forces still
remained in the region for stability.
Australia:
• Robert Menzies – Prime Minister of Australia. Australia has a key interest in the region due
to the nearness in proximity. The possibility of conflict in the region could impact Australia
whether they like it or not.
India:
• Lal Bahadur Shastri – Prime Minister of India. Official diplomatic relations first
established in 1957 after the independence of Malaya. There is significant Indian ancestry in
the populations of Malaysia.
New Zealand:
• Keith Holyoake – Prime Minister of New Zealand. Official diplomatic relations first
established in 1957 after the independence of Malaya. Has a strong military partnership with
Malaysia.
Indonesia:
• Sukarno – Indonesia’s President. Indonesia is strongly opposed to the formation of
Malaysia. Konfrontasi led to the termination of diplomatic relations in 1963.
Vietnam:
• Ho Chi Minh – President of Vietnam. Strong ties with the communists in Malaya. South
Vietnam has ties with Singapore.
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Endnotes:
1. Wikipedia
2. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/spotlight/malaysiaelections/2013/04/20134288283697
0501.html
3. https://www.britannica.com/topic/Malayan-Peoples-Anti-Japanese-Army#ref252622
4. http://thecommonwealth.org/our-member-countries/malaysia/history
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