1

TRANSCRIPT OF PRIME MINISTER'S INTERVIEW WITH MEMBERS OF

THE CHINESE PRESS IN HOKKIEN RECORDED AT TV SINGAPURA

STUDIOS ON 13TH SEPTEMBER, 1965.

(TRANSLATION)

Reporter: Mr. Lee, what is your opinion regarding recent developments

in the situation in Sabah and Sarawak?

Prime Minister: First, I must state clearly that this is not our problem, but the

problem of a foreign country. Government leaders of

Malaysia have always said that the people of

should not interfere with their affairs. So I can only make a

general analysis here, because the development of the

situation there will inevitably have an influence on our

position.

A few days ago, I had talks with a few leaders of Sabah and

Sarawak; they wanted to pay me a courtesy call when they

passed through Singapore. I could not refuse to meet them. It

would have been very rude to refuse, therefore, I met them.

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 2

I think they must have a "Malaysian ". If there is

not, the consequences will be very serious. Geographically,

Sabah and Sarawak are unlike the States of Kedah and

Kelantan. They are wide areas. The area of Sabah is almost

as large as that of the Malay Peninsula; so too, Sarawak. All

should live peacefully and tolerate each other. There should

be no such thing as "one race, one language. one culture" It

is unwise to say such things.

Reporter: Mr. Prime Minister, what do you think of the fate of the few

million "Malaysians"?

Prime Minister: This will depend on whether they were forced to leave

Malaysia. And what were the schemes and plots of certain

leaders? They thought that with Singapore out, they could

have enough forces and sufficient strength to control Malaysia.

As for Singapore, if there had been steel in only a few of the

leaders but not also in the people generally, we might have

been devoured. The few leaders would have been destroyed.

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 3

Let me cite an example; perhaps you will remember that

towards the end of July 1965, Tun Razak and Tan Siew Sin

visited Singapore for 4 or 5 days...

Reporters: Yes, we remember..

Prime Ministers: It was their most important final test after the Hong Lim by-

election. Their original intention was to make use of the

Hong Lim by-election to hit at the PAP. They themselves did

not have the capacity to hit at the PAP. So they worked hand

in glove with Ong Eng Guan. Ong Eng Guan conveniently

resigned in order to allow the Barisan Socialis to fight it out

with us.

They thought through Barisan they could repeat the setback

of 1961 when the PAP lost. They wanted to see us lose in the

Hong Lim by-election in July this year, to lower our prestige

internationally, and then they would have dealt with us

thoroughly and finished us off. These were the methods and

the calculations at that time.

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 4

Fortunately, the voters in the Hong Lim constitutuency had

more then enough political sophistication to understand what

is right and what is wrong, and they elected the PAP

candidate.

The two million people in Singapore owe a debt of gratitude

towards the Hong Lim electorate. Because of their political

consciousness, the scheme could not be brought about.

Instead our position strengthened because of the political

awareness of the voters of Hong Lim. Fortunately also several

leaders of the Australian Labour Party were also in Singapore

at that time, and they witnessed the political battle in Hong Lim.

Tun Razak then visited the Southern Islands off Singapore.

You know that the Malays form the majority of the

population in the southern Islands. He wanted to test whether

he could get the support of the Malays there. He knew he

could not. Our Malays in the Southern Islands are also

sufficiently educated in political affairs and they are

sophisticated. The receptions and the shaking of hands of

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 5

V.I.P's are but formalities. What is more important to them

is: Who can improve their living conditions? The Central

Government or the Singapore Government? Who has more

capacity and ability to get things done and done not

corruptly?

Tun Razak said on that occasion that he wanted to build

jetties for the Southern Islands, that he had worked out a

series of plans to help the Malays there, but that these had

been hindered by the Singapore Government. It was

embarrassing to hear these strange things being said. In a few

hours he had to admit that he had no plans at all. If he had

any plans, why should he have kept quiet when we asked him

about them? Then he said that development was the

responsibility of the Singapore Government. And I said "If it

is out responsibility, we will shoulder it..." Some of the jetties

that we have built cost $4,000 to $5,000, some only $1,000 to

$2,000 If they were to build them, the cost would be

doubled or trebled. Do you want to know the reason?

Everyone will want to have his cut all along the line.

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 6

It all boils down to this: that they are afraid that the Malays

will slowly and gradually be influenced by us.

I have to point this out: that they knew the State of Johore is

very close to us, and that it is very convenient to come

shopping in Singapore. So, they have Malaya now separated,

thinking thereby that our developments cannot now influence

Johore thinking now that we cannot directly help Malaysians.

I want to be frank. This is very serious. Malaysians must

depend on their own strength. If they have steel in them, if

they have the will to survive things will become very

different. Look at the people who they have nominated as

leaders for the Chinese and Indians. They are all political

eunuchs. Why?

Look at the attitude of those who are in authority; they regard

the kampongs as their Istana compound which is, politically,

out of bounds. The people in the kampongs they regard as

their harem and taboo to all political males. Multi-racialism

and ideas of an open society are considered as dangerous lky\1965\lky0913.doc 7

virile males. They are a threat to the owner of the Istana and

the harem he wants only for himself. That is why he must use

"political eunuchs". Otherwise, they might be impregnated by

these democratic socialist ideas. The result would be a

complete democratic socialist ideas. The result would be a

complete change of the spirit of all the kampongs, leading to

a different political outlook and a forward looking political

situation. This analogy perhaps most vividly explains why

some of their top political leaders, insisting on the old society,

allowed the Ultras to play on language, race and religion.

This analogy will explain exactly where the crux of the

problem lies in Malaysia. So it is that the leaders they have

chosen are all politically impotent. Not only can they not

organise the Malays; they also are unable to organise their own

community. They say Chinese should unite with Chinese,

Indians with Indians and then the leaders unite the Malay

leaders. But they choose people who cannot unite the

Chinese or the Indians and only they unite the Malays through

playing on language, race and religion.

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 8

But if the people all Malaysians are united, the fate of

Malaysians will never be bleak. It now depends on whether

Malaysians have vision and courage. If, when threatened

with race riots we got cold feet it would have been the end.

If Malaysians are like us -- not easily rattled -- then

eventually a transformation will take place. On the other

hand if they get scared easily then eventually, even the

language used for the names of schools will be changed and

all will be emasculated after 10 years or 20 years.

(To one of the reporters) I think in that event if you were to

go back to , you would find that your family

would have been changed too.

But I believe that there are thousands of Malaysians who have

self-respect and the guts to stand by what is right. The most

important thing is that they must not make use of racial

feelings. Otherwise a great wrong will be done.

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 9

If you shout "Chinese unite" this will inevitably excite the

suspicions of all other races, and the Chinese will be isolated.

The Chinese now make up about 36 percent of Malaysia

(without Singapore) and the Malays 45 percent. But if you

say "Malaysians unite", this will mean 55 percent, at least 55

percent of the population have a future. Moreover, many of

the educated and thinking Malays are also striving for

progress and for a modern society and they will lead this

movement to a new and more just society. It all depends,

therefore, on whether Malaysian leaders have wisdom. If

they make long-term calculations, they must really do this and

not just think of the General Elections in 1969. This is not

the vital objective. It is just because some leaders were

calculating for the General Elections in 1969 that they forced

us to leave.

But we make our calculations on the basis of the next

generation and the generations to come on: what the future

will offer our progeny in a hundred years. Even Dato Dr. Ismail

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 10

has also said these himself in Australia recently that Malaya and

Singapore will be re-united some day. He is the Minister for

the interior. He understands that Singapore and Malaya are

inseparable geographically, historically, culturally and by ties

of kinship. There can be no real separation between

Singapore and Malaya. But the conditions for reunion will

have to be different: we must re-unite under practical terms.

Therefore I say: Don't seek personal escapism by running to

Singapore. This is unwise and we will be cornered in the

long run. This is not the real solution. We must think of the

long term future.

Reporter: Mr. Prime Minister, what are the prospects for co-operation

between Singapore and Malaysia? Will the future be bright?

Will the 2 sides come to a new economic agreement?

Prime Minister: Frankly, the trade relations between Malaya and Singapore

and the position of the Minister of Finance of Malaysia and

his attitude towards Singapore -- and especially towards

myself cannot be said to be friendly, don't you think so? But

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 11

we have to be patient. Eventually Malaysia will find that it is

in her own interest to co-operate with us.

Let us examine our respective purchasing power and our

respective positions, financially. More than 40 percent of the

economic strength of the whole of Malaysia was in

Singapore. In population, we comprise about 20 percent of

Malaysians. But our purchasing power is over 40 percent:

more than double the percentage in population.

The lowest salary scale of our workers is $4.55 a day. Look

at the workers at Petaling Jaya, some earn only $1.50 or even

$1.20 per day.

Let us take another example; the newspapers. Ask Nanyang

Siang Pau, Sin Chew Jit Poh and the other Chinese press: is

not the majority of the people of Singapore more literate and

educated and they buy and read newspapers?

Not only is our literacy rate higher. Every worker has more

money and can afford to buy newspapers and other amenities

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 12

of a modern civilisation. The coffee-shops in some of the

kampongs in Malaysia on the other hand, buy only one copy

of a newspaper. This sole copy is meant for the people of the

whole kampong. That is why I said our purchasing power is

over 40 percent.

If they do not want our more than 40 percent market, it is

their affair. We don't mind. We buy their soap. We are

buying Lux soap produced in Petaling Jaya. And 50 percent

of Lever Brothers products are sold in Singapore. You can

find Lux soap produced in Petaling Jaya in almost every hotel

in Singapore. This does not matter. They are, after all, our

own people, and we should help one another. But if our

products are barred from the market in Malaysia it would be

most unfair. Don't you think so?

The people of Singapore are not going to accept this. If that

happens, then Lever Brothers might as well start a soap

factory in Singapore and we would be buying our own soap

produced here in Singapore. Our trade with Malaysia is only

20 percent, with Sabah and Sarawak 5 percent. But we are lky\1965\lky0913.doc 13

looking further afield. We help Australia, New Zealand and

Britain. They must help us to maintain economic

development by buying some of our things.

If I were a rich man, I would open a factory in Singapore.

The prosperity and progress of Singapore are guaranteed by

our own hardworking people and our strategic location as the

centre of Southeast Asia. We want to do business with the

whole world, no matter whether the countries are non-

communist, anti-communist or Communist. We want to do

business with all of them. But we will not interfere with their

affairs, and they on their part will not allowed to interfere

with ours. Our Chambers of Commerce are sending a

delegation abroad. It has the Government's full support. Not

only will the delegation go the China; it will go to Russia,

India, Australia, New Zealand.

The most important thing is that the people must be

determined and hard-working. If you only think of receiving

aid, i.e. getting money for nothing then we have had it.

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 14

Reporter: Mr. Prime Minister, with regard to this: does our Government

have any concrete plans to encourage our businessmen to

trade with foreign countries?

Prime Minister: I think there are some specific problems to which it would be

better not to talk too much about prematurely. "Too many

words will bring harm" -- as the saying goes. There have

been nights during the last few weeks when we have slept for

less than 4 or 5 hours; nights we spent in that we cannot, and

will not, be led by, bullied and bludgeoned into submission

either in economics or in politics.

For example: the Seventh Fleet of the American Navy on its

way from the Indian Ocean to the Pacific Ocean has to pass,

en route, through Singapore. Isn't it so? When the Fleet calls

at Singapore, it needs to buy water and other stores. I have

told them frankly that it will be unwise to try to buy us.

Singapore is not a place where the leaders of the people can

be bought over with money. It would be better that they buy

our manufactured products like our textiles, for instance. We

therefore have reasons to be confident. We will do things

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 15

slowly. Firstly, there must be internal consolidation and no

racial strife. There are people who even now are trying to

arouse racial conflict. They are, of course, not Singapore

citizens ... Some Malaysian citizens want trouble, because if

there were trouble our prestige internationally, would be

undermined. Isn't it so?

Afro-Asian countries for instance, would say that Singapore

is being dominated by the Chinese and they are oppressing

the Malays. This is part of the scheme; that is why I say; the

first thing we need is internal peace.

Second, our international relations especially with Afro-Asian

countries, has to be consolidated.

Third, we have to see that our economy continues to expand

and develop.

Our businessman, if they listen to me, will understand what I

mean. In other words, we have resources not just the old

resources but new resources. A changed situation calls for a

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 16

fresh appraisal and more effective means to solve the

economic problems of our society.

Reporter: Mr. Lee, the British Government recently stated that they

wanted to discuss with the Singapore Government the

problem of the military bases. What has developed so far, on

this matter?

Prime Minister: I think this issue has to wait. We are very busy at the

moment because our internal problems should be solved first

and the relationship with other countries, particularly with

Afro-Asian countries, has to be consolidated. We might start

the talks at the end of the year after we have consolidated

Singapore's position internally and externally.

The British Government understands our position clearly.

The military base in Singapore will not be used to attack or

invade Indonesia. It will not be used by any power for the

purpose of invading other countries in South-East Asia. The

base here is meant to protect our lives and those of our fellow

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 17

countrymen in Malaysia. It is also to safeguard our friends,

like Australia and New Zealand.

I believe that things will turn out well. Britain has the

experience of 400 years of imperial rule. They ruled over

many countries. We do not have to say much. They

understand. They are not like the Americans who are crude

and brash. Their reporters have asked me about the bases

and I have told them: " If you want to continue to run the base

here, you have to do it according to our mutual interest. The

point is: who is the owner here? The bases here are not the

Guatanamo in Cuba. They are American bases in Cuba. The

Naval base in Cuba belongs to America. But our bases are

different. The land here belongs to us.

Nevertheless, we must face realities, we must act cautiously.

If you tell them one day, "Get out of here." and they get out,

tomorrow or the day after, Indonesian armies might perhaps

march into Singapore. I think this would be troublesome too.

But in 10 years, 15 years, we must have our own strength.

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 18

Then there might perhaps be a re-union between Singapore

and Malaya and all citizens will be equal.

We can help the Malays: it will be good for us to do so. Let

me cite an example: if we in Singapore had oppressed the

Malays and refused to help them, the Central Government

would have been very glad about, and they would not have

forced Singapore to leave Malaysia. Because then the

Malays would not elect non-Malays into the Government.

Isn't it so?

But now they see the new buildings at Geylang Serai, the

flats, markets, community centers, creches. After 10 years, it

will be like Queenstown. You will not find attap huts. Then

you cannot hoodwink the kampong people and say that ours

is a government which discriminated against the Malays.

We can help them to stand on their feet. We will help them

to be educated, not just give money to them. We will enable

them to earn their own living, to work, to be trained: this is

the only way.

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 19

Reporter: Mr. Lee, you told us a moment ago that Geylang Serai will be

another Queenstown in 10 years time. Does this mean that

the Government has now in hand a scheme to improve

Geyland Serai?

Prime Minister: Of course, when Tun Razak visited Singapore, I spoke to him

frankly: "let us compete for the happiness and prosperity of

our people (including the Malays)". Mind you, I did not say

fight. He had said he wanted to help the Malays; we also

want to help the Malays. Let us, I said, see whose planning,

whose administration is better, more realistic and positive.

Let us see how our respective plans help the Malays to raise

their standard of living, their level of education, but he said,

"no, no, no; don't compete; let us co-operate."

But what is his idea of co-operation? It is this: we show

them our plans. They approve and sign their names and say,

"Good; good. you go and do it." then when some project is

completed by us and the date for the opening ceremony is set,

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 20

they are to be invited to perform the opening ceremony. This

is their idea of co-operation.

In 1963, when Malaysia was newly established, I agreed to

co-operate with him. Later I discovered that their way of

doing things did not involve any willingness to co-operate.

Instead, they wanted to"eat" us up. But we Singaporeans

have bones: our bones are hard, and we cannot easily be

eaten up. In fact, no one can eat us up.

I think it is better for Malaysians to do more exercise so their

bones will become harder. Otherwise, if all their bones are

soft, things are going to be very difficult. If our bones were

soft, they would certainly think that we can be easily eaten

up; and they will eat us up without any hesitation.

For example; If we were Central Government and had to

choose between Sabah and Singapore, we would have

preferred Singapore to remain in Malaysia as it is more

profitable for Singapore to stay in Malaysia rather than to

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 21

keep Sabah. In technology, personnel and in all aspects of

development, we were willing and able to help.

But why did they discard Singapore and ask Sabah and

Sarawak to stay? Because there are some soft-boned and

obedient leaders in Sabah and Sarawak. If the Central

Government does not like the Chief Minister there, it can

replace him by some other Chief Minister it likes. It is

because of this that they say Sabah is a good place. Some of

the political figures there can be traded like commodities.

They cannot do anything like this in Singapore. Only such

people like Tun Lim Yew Hook can be bartered about.

Reporter: What is your opinion of the recent ban on the Malaysian PAP

by the Malaysian Government?

Prime Minister: This is none of our business, don't you think so?

Reporter: But the Malaysian PAP was first established by the Singapore

PAP...

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 22

Prime Minister: This is all part of the whole plan; they force Singapore to

secede from Malaysia, and then they ban and close down

Malaysian PAP.

But do you think this can solve matters?

Do you think the language issue, the multi-racial, multi-

cultural problems and many other issues will be solved if you

ban a political party? Will the problems of a multi-religious

society disappear by the banning of the Malaysian PAP?

We still allow their UMNO to remain in Singapore, and

continue its activities. A few days ago, UMNO Singapore

issued a statement saying that they wanted to contact the new

Secretary-General of UMNO Malaya. The new Secretary.

General is , the former one was Syed Ja'afar

Albar. They said that they were not familiar with the new

Secretary-General, and that they therefore, want to invite him

here.

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 23

We do not object to his coming here. Let him come. Never

mind. But if they come here and arouse racial tension or

another riot takes place, this is unwise and against the law.

We don't mind if they talk politics or analyse matters. But if

they exploit racial, religious and language sentiments and try

to arouse emotions leading to another clash amongst the

people of Singapore, they will have to face the judgement of

the court, and not the Public Security Ordinance. We do not

need to use the Preservation of Public Security Ordinance

against such people. They can engage any famous lawyer to

defend them. We do things in accordance with the

democratic constitution. I think Devan Nair will also do

things likewise. But will the Government allow him to do so?

This is beyond my knowledge.

Reporter: Mr. Lee, a short while ago, you told us that the future in

regard to Singapore's economy is hopeful. What about the

future of Singapore's industries? Can you give us your

views?

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 24

Prime Minister: I think, within five years, industries in Singapore will be

developed and be prosperous.

On 9th of August, when Singapore was forced to leave

Malaysia, I grieved, not for Singapore, but for the millions of

Malaysians in the Peninsula, Sabah and Sarawak who up to

then, were relying on our strength to fight for progress and a

more rational status. They are now without us. We can no

longer help them. We are unable to speak for them.

But for Singapore: the efficiency of the administration in

Singapore has, in fact, improved since the State left Malaysia.

For instance, at present, the telephone and telegraph services

are more efficient than before. When the Minister himself is

not efficient enough, what can you expect from his

administrative officer? When officers notice Ministers

looking for pleasure, they too, will certainly make the best of

their time enjoying life. If the senior administrative officer's

main concern is to enjoy life, the clerks under him will be

open to corruption. If the clerks get to this stage, what do

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 25

you think will happen with the more junior officers? The

messengers, for example, will start stealing stamps from the

office. Don't you think it will be the end when this happens?

Our police force in Singapore is, generally speaking, kind and

carries itself well. If you commit an offence, the policeman

writes down your name and identity card number, and then

grants you a hearing in open court. In some countries, this is

not the case. If you violate the traffic law, you need only

hand out $2 and everything is settled. This is known to any

man in the street. For small offences. $2 is sufficient. For

more serious offences, $20 will do. But if you were passing

though the customs office at Johore Bahru, sometimes a few

thousand dollars are necessary. This is their version of co-

operation: it is for the benefit of the individual. Our idea of

co-operation is between nations and between peoples. This is

the difference in our philosophy of life.

Reporter: Mr. Prime Minister, according to a report in a periodical, the

U.S. State Department has finally decided to send a medical

specialist to treat your wife's illness. What is your comment

on this?

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 26

Prime Minister : I think, perhaps, it is because America has a comparatively

short history of only a few hundred years; she is a recently

established country. In 1961, we arrested one of their CIA

agent. We had in our possession enough evidence to convict

him in court and get him sentenced to 12 years'

imprisonment. They wanted to give me or the PAP ten

million dollars to silence me on the matter. I said: "This

cannot be done; if you want, you can give Singapore one

hundred million dollars for its economic development." But

this was of small consideration, Therefore, for other reasons,

we decided to let him go without taking a cent from them. I

made a big mistake this time. Our medical expert said that

there was such and such a specialist in America and

consultation could be held with him. It was most unexpected

that they would seize the opportunity to commit the

Singapore Government with the United States.

They wanted me to send my wife to New York. And I said:

"Sorry, all this is a big mistake; let's drop the matter." Then

they said, "If you do not like this arrangement, you can send

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 27

your wife to a neutral country, like Geneva, Switzerland."

And I said: "It is not necessary, thank you." Finally, they said

that they would send the specialist to Singapore. I told them I

was sorry, that I thought perhaps they did not understand the

thinking and feeling of Malaysians or the overseas Chinese.

They could save their troubles of bothering their professor.

They may never understand us, that we would rather die than

be politically bludgeoned in this way.

Not having a long history as a Chinese saying goes: "See

profit, forget righteousness." On the contrary, we "See

righteneousness, forget profit."

They are used to all sorts of preposterous transactions; for

example, they buy and sell political leaders in South Korea

and South Vietnam. Leaders and presidents over there can be

bought or sold. They think that Singapore is a small country,

and that her people can be bought and sold.

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 28

This is unwise. It will be better that they don't interfere in our

affairs, and in the affairs of Malaysia. If some day, there

should be language problems in Malaysia or problems should

arise regarding the defence agreement with Britain (the

British might be sympathetic on this point and make

concessions), but if the American Government interferes and

thinks that all Chinese are Communist elements, and the

American Government helps a reactionary feudal group to

suppress the whole population... If this were to happen, we

will all be involved. I think it's best they stay out of our

affairs.

What about Britain? They are not here specifically to protect

us. They are doing all this because it has something to do

with their own interests. But this, after all, is their own affair.

We want to protect the interests of our own people, and not

only the interests of the two million people in Singapore. We

must also take into consideration the interests of the few

million people in the Peninsula, Sabah and Sarawak. If we

are concerned only with the interests of the people in

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 29

Singapore, it is a short-sighted policy and a gross

miscalculation at that.

We must continue to strive for them. And not all the non-

Malays can squeeze into Singapore. Anyway, this is not a

practical solution. Our future is not bleak. On the contrary,

in the long run, it is full of hope. But we have to be patient

and tolerant for another ten years, fifteen years or twenty

years. However, once you give in on any major principle, all

will be lost.

If we in Singapore had given in, if we had got frightened

when the two racial disturbances broke out in 1964, and

conceded to them and asked them for mercy, the nation

would no longer have belonged to Malaysians. It would have

belonged to a single race.

It does not mean that we want to build up a Chinese nation.

This will be unwise: this is Southeast Asia. We have to

consider everything carefully. And if we consider all things

carefully, we will inevitably come to the conclusion that a

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 30

multi-racial country is the only way and that only multi-racial

unity can bring success.

Twenty-three years have passed since the Malayan

Communists began their struggles with the Japanese

occupation of Malaya in 1942. Their struggles have ended in

failure. And the reason for this? They had sufficient courage,

they did not fear death-- and we are also not afraid to die. If

the Communists do not fear death, we non-Communists, for

the sake of our nations interests, must be willing to face death

also ... It is not so much because the Malayan Communists

had insufficient weapons as because their policy was based

on wrong analysis. If you say "Chinese unite as one", then

the non-Chinese -- who include Malays, Indians, Ceylonese

and Eurasians -- must unite as one to oppose you. Then you

are bound to fail. The MCA also say "Chinese unite". But

the leaders they select do not speak Chinese.

We have had two years of experience in dealing with them.

This made us understand more deeply and clearly their

lky\1965\lky0913.doc 31

concept of Malaysia, their philosophy of life, their tactics and

their objectives.

The inevitable development of history will, I believe -- and

many others also believe -- result in the coming into being,

one day, of a multi-racial society which will comprise the

Malay Peninsula, Singapore and perhaps also Sabah and

Sarawak.

13th September, 1965

lky\1965\lky0913.doc