1
TRANSCRIPT OF PRIME MINISTER'S INTERVIEW WITH MEMBERS OF
THE CHINESE PRESS IN HOKKIEN RECORDED AT TV SINGAPURA
STUDIOS ON 13TH SEPTEMBER, 1965.
(TRANSLATION)
Reporter: Mr. Lee, what is your opinion regarding recent developments
in the situation in Sabah and Sarawak?
Prime Minister: First, I must state clearly that this is not our problem, but the
problem of a foreign country. Government leaders of
Malaysia have always said that the people of Singapore
should not interfere with their affairs. So I can only make a
general analysis here, because the development of the
situation there will inevitably have an influence on our
position.
A few days ago, I had talks with a few leaders of Sabah and
Sarawak; they wanted to pay me a courtesy call when they
passed through Singapore. I could not refuse to meet them. It
would have been very rude to refuse, therefore, I met them.
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 2
I think they must have a "Malaysian Malaysia". If there is
not, the consequences will be very serious. Geographically,
Sabah and Sarawak are unlike the States of Kedah and
Kelantan. They are wide areas. The area of Sabah is almost
as large as that of the Malay Peninsula; so too, Sarawak. All
should live peacefully and tolerate each other. There should
be no such thing as "one race, one language. one culture" It
is unwise to say such things.
Reporter: Mr. Prime Minister, what do you think of the fate of the few
million "Malaysians"?
Prime Minister: This will depend on whether they were forced to leave
Malaysia. And what were the schemes and plots of certain
leaders? They thought that with Singapore out, they could
have enough forces and sufficient strength to control Malaysia.
As for Singapore, if there had been steel in only a few of the
leaders but not also in the people generally, we might have
been devoured. The few leaders would have been destroyed.
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 3
Let me cite an example; perhaps you will remember that
towards the end of July 1965, Tun Razak and Tan Siew Sin
visited Singapore for 4 or 5 days...
Reporters: Yes, we remember..
Prime Ministers: It was their most important final test after the Hong Lim by-
election. Their original intention was to make use of the
Hong Lim by-election to hit at the PAP. They themselves did
not have the capacity to hit at the PAP. So they worked hand
in glove with Ong Eng Guan. Ong Eng Guan conveniently
resigned in order to allow the Barisan Socialis to fight it out
with us.
They thought through Barisan they could repeat the setback
of 1961 when the PAP lost. They wanted to see us lose in the
Hong Lim by-election in July this year, to lower our prestige
internationally, and then they would have dealt with us
thoroughly and finished us off. These were the methods and
the calculations at that time.
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 4
Fortunately, the voters in the Hong Lim constitutuency had
more then enough political sophistication to understand what
is right and what is wrong, and they elected the PAP
candidate.
The two million people in Singapore owe a debt of gratitude
towards the Hong Lim electorate. Because of their political
consciousness, the scheme could not be brought about.
Instead our position strengthened because of the political
awareness of the voters of Hong Lim. Fortunately also several
leaders of the Australian Labour Party were also in Singapore
at that time, and they witnessed the political battle in Hong Lim.
Tun Razak then visited the Southern Islands off Singapore.
You know that the Malays form the majority of the
population in the southern Islands. He wanted to test whether
he could get the support of the Malays there. He knew he
could not. Our Malays in the Southern Islands are also
sufficiently educated in political affairs and they are
sophisticated. The receptions and the shaking of hands of
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 5
V.I.P's are but formalities. What is more important to them
is: Who can improve their living conditions? The Central
Government or the Singapore Government? Who has more
capacity and ability to get things done and done not
corruptly?
Tun Razak said on that occasion that he wanted to build
jetties for the Southern Islands, that he had worked out a
series of plans to help the Malays there, but that these had
been hindered by the Singapore Government. It was
embarrassing to hear these strange things being said. In a few
hours he had to admit that he had no plans at all. If he had
any plans, why should he have kept quiet when we asked him
about them? Then he said that development was the
responsibility of the Singapore Government. And I said "If it
is out responsibility, we will shoulder it..." Some of the jetties
that we have built cost $4,000 to $5,000, some only $1,000 to
$2,000 If they were to build them, the cost would be
doubled or trebled. Do you want to know the reason?
Everyone will want to have his cut all along the line.
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 6
It all boils down to this: that they are afraid that the Malays
will slowly and gradually be influenced by us.
I have to point this out: that they knew the State of Johore is
very close to us, and that it is very convenient to come
shopping in Singapore. So, they have Malaya now separated,
thinking thereby that our developments cannot now influence
Johore thinking now that we cannot directly help Malaysians.
I want to be frank. This is very serious. Malaysians must
depend on their own strength. If they have steel in them, if
they have the will to survive things will become very
different. Look at the people who they have nominated as
leaders for the Chinese and Indians. They are all political
eunuchs. Why?
Look at the attitude of those who are in authority; they regard
the kampongs as their Istana compound which is, politically,
out of bounds. The people in the kampongs they regard as
their harem and taboo to all political males. Multi-racialism
and ideas of an open society are considered as dangerous lky\1965\lky0913.doc 7
virile males. They are a threat to the owner of the Istana and
the harem he wants only for himself. That is why he must use
"political eunuchs". Otherwise, they might be impregnated by
these democratic socialist ideas. The result would be a
complete democratic socialist ideas. The result would be a
complete change of the spirit of all the kampongs, leading to
a different political outlook and a forward looking political
situation. This analogy perhaps most vividly explains why
some of their top political leaders, insisting on the old society,
allowed the Ultras to play on language, race and religion.
This analogy will explain exactly where the crux of the
problem lies in Malaysia. So it is that the leaders they have
chosen are all politically impotent. Not only can they not
organise the Malays; they also are unable to organise their own
community. They say Chinese should unite with Chinese,
Indians with Indians and then the leaders unite the Malay
leaders. But they choose people who cannot unite the
Chinese or the Indians and only they unite the Malays through
playing on language, race and religion.
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 8
But if the people all Malaysians are united, the fate of
Malaysians will never be bleak. It now depends on whether
Malaysians have vision and courage. If, when threatened
with race riots we got cold feet it would have been the end.
If Malaysians are like us -- not easily rattled -- then
eventually a transformation will take place. On the other
hand if they get scared easily then eventually, even the
language used for the names of schools will be changed and
all will be emasculated after 10 years or 20 years.
(To one of the reporters) I think in that event if you were to
go back to Kuala Lumpur, you would find that your family
would have been changed too.
But I believe that there are thousands of Malaysians who have
self-respect and the guts to stand by what is right. The most
important thing is that they must not make use of racial
feelings. Otherwise a great wrong will be done.
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 9
If you shout "Chinese unite" this will inevitably excite the
suspicions of all other races, and the Chinese will be isolated.
The Chinese now make up about 36 percent of Malaysia
(without Singapore) and the Malays 45 percent. But if you
say "Malaysians unite", this will mean 55 percent, at least 55
percent of the population have a future. Moreover, many of
the educated and thinking Malays are also striving for
progress and for a modern society and they will lead this
movement to a new and more just society. It all depends,
therefore, on whether Malaysian leaders have wisdom. If
they make long-term calculations, they must really do this and
not just think of the General Elections in 1969. This is not
the vital objective. It is just because some leaders were
calculating for the General Elections in 1969 that they forced
us to leave.
But we make our calculations on the basis of the next
generation and the generations to come on: what the future
will offer our progeny in a hundred years. Even Dato Dr. Ismail
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 10
has also said these himself in Australia recently that Malaya and
Singapore will be re-united some day. He is the Minister for
the interior. He understands that Singapore and Malaya are
inseparable geographically, historically, culturally and by ties
of kinship. There can be no real separation between
Singapore and Malaya. But the conditions for reunion will
have to be different: we must re-unite under practical terms.
Therefore I say: Don't seek personal escapism by running to
Singapore. This is unwise and we will be cornered in the
long run. This is not the real solution. We must think of the
long term future.
Reporter: Mr. Prime Minister, what are the prospects for co-operation
between Singapore and Malaysia? Will the future be bright?
Will the 2 sides come to a new economic agreement?
Prime Minister: Frankly, the trade relations between Malaya and Singapore
and the position of the Minister of Finance of Malaysia and
his attitude towards Singapore -- and especially towards
myself cannot be said to be friendly, don't you think so? But
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 11
we have to be patient. Eventually Malaysia will find that it is
in her own interest to co-operate with us.
Let us examine our respective purchasing power and our
respective positions, financially. More than 40 percent of the
economic strength of the whole of Malaysia was in
Singapore. In population, we comprise about 20 percent of
Malaysians. But our purchasing power is over 40 percent:
more than double the percentage in population.
The lowest salary scale of our workers is $4.55 a day. Look
at the workers at Petaling Jaya, some earn only $1.50 or even
$1.20 per day.
Let us take another example; the newspapers. Ask Nanyang
Siang Pau, Sin Chew Jit Poh and the other Chinese press: is
not the majority of the people of Singapore more literate and
educated and they buy and read newspapers?
Not only is our literacy rate higher. Every worker has more
money and can afford to buy newspapers and other amenities
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 12
of a modern civilisation. The coffee-shops in some of the
kampongs in Malaysia on the other hand, buy only one copy
of a newspaper. This sole copy is meant for the people of the
whole kampong. That is why I said our purchasing power is
over 40 percent.
If they do not want our more than 40 percent market, it is
their affair. We don't mind. We buy their soap. We are
buying Lux soap produced in Petaling Jaya. And 50 percent
of Lever Brothers products are sold in Singapore. You can
find Lux soap produced in Petaling Jaya in almost every hotel
in Singapore. This does not matter. They are, after all, our
own people, and we should help one another. But if our
products are barred from the market in Malaysia it would be
most unfair. Don't you think so?
The people of Singapore are not going to accept this. If that
happens, then Lever Brothers might as well start a soap
factory in Singapore and we would be buying our own soap
produced here in Singapore. Our trade with Malaysia is only
20 percent, with Sabah and Sarawak 5 percent. But we are lky\1965\lky0913.doc 13
looking further afield. We help Australia, New Zealand and
Britain. They must help us to maintain economic
development by buying some of our things.
If I were a rich man, I would open a factory in Singapore.
The prosperity and progress of Singapore are guaranteed by
our own hardworking people and our strategic location as the
centre of Southeast Asia. We want to do business with the
whole world, no matter whether the countries are non-
communist, anti-communist or Communist. We want to do
business with all of them. But we will not interfere with their
affairs, and they on their part will not allowed to interfere
with ours. Our Chambers of Commerce are sending a
delegation abroad. It has the Government's full support. Not
only will the delegation go the China; it will go to Russia,
India, Australia, New Zealand.
The most important thing is that the people must be
determined and hard-working. If you only think of receiving
aid, i.e. getting money for nothing then we have had it.
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 14
Reporter: Mr. Prime Minister, with regard to this: does our Government
have any concrete plans to encourage our businessmen to
trade with foreign countries?
Prime Minister: I think there are some specific problems to which it would be
better not to talk too much about prematurely. "Too many
words will bring harm" -- as the saying goes. There have
been nights during the last few weeks when we have slept for
less than 4 or 5 hours; nights we spent in that we cannot, and
will not, be led by, bullied and bludgeoned into submission
either in economics or in politics.
For example: the Seventh Fleet of the American Navy on its
way from the Indian Ocean to the Pacific Ocean has to pass,
en route, through Singapore. Isn't it so? When the Fleet calls
at Singapore, it needs to buy water and other stores. I have
told them frankly that it will be unwise to try to buy us.
Singapore is not a place where the leaders of the people can
be bought over with money. It would be better that they buy
our manufactured products like our textiles, for instance. We
therefore have reasons to be confident. We will do things
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 15
slowly. Firstly, there must be internal consolidation and no
racial strife. There are people who even now are trying to
arouse racial conflict. They are, of course, not Singapore
citizens ... Some Malaysian citizens want trouble, because if
there were trouble our prestige internationally, would be
undermined. Isn't it so?
Afro-Asian countries for instance, would say that Singapore
is being dominated by the Chinese and they are oppressing
the Malays. This is part of the scheme; that is why I say; the
first thing we need is internal peace.
Second, our international relations especially with Afro-Asian
countries, has to be consolidated.
Third, we have to see that our economy continues to expand
and develop.
Our businessman, if they listen to me, will understand what I
mean. In other words, we have resources not just the old
resources but new resources. A changed situation calls for a
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 16
fresh appraisal and more effective means to solve the
economic problems of our society.
Reporter: Mr. Lee, the British Government recently stated that they
wanted to discuss with the Singapore Government the
problem of the military bases. What has developed so far, on
this matter?
Prime Minister: I think this issue has to wait. We are very busy at the
moment because our internal problems should be solved first
and the relationship with other countries, particularly with
Afro-Asian countries, has to be consolidated. We might start
the talks at the end of the year after we have consolidated
Singapore's position internally and externally.
The British Government understands our position clearly.
The military base in Singapore will not be used to attack or
invade Indonesia. It will not be used by any power for the
purpose of invading other countries in South-East Asia. The
base here is meant to protect our lives and those of our fellow
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 17
countrymen in Malaysia. It is also to safeguard our friends,
like Australia and New Zealand.
I believe that things will turn out well. Britain has the
experience of 400 years of imperial rule. They ruled over
many countries. We do not have to say much. They
understand. They are not like the Americans who are crude
and brash. Their reporters have asked me about the bases
and I have told them: " If you want to continue to run the base
here, you have to do it according to our mutual interest. The
point is: who is the owner here? The bases here are not the
Guatanamo in Cuba. They are American bases in Cuba. The
Naval base in Cuba belongs to America. But our bases are
different. The land here belongs to us.
Nevertheless, we must face realities, we must act cautiously.
If you tell them one day, "Get out of here." and they get out,
tomorrow or the day after, Indonesian armies might perhaps
march into Singapore. I think this would be troublesome too.
But in 10 years, 15 years, we must have our own strength.
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 18
Then there might perhaps be a re-union between Singapore
and Malaya and all citizens will be equal.
We can help the Malays: it will be good for us to do so. Let
me cite an example: if we in Singapore had oppressed the
Malays and refused to help them, the Central Government
would have been very glad about, and they would not have
forced Singapore to leave Malaysia. Because then the
Malays would not elect non-Malays into the Government.
Isn't it so?
But now they see the new buildings at Geylang Serai, the
flats, markets, community centers, creches. After 10 years, it
will be like Queenstown. You will not find attap huts. Then
you cannot hoodwink the kampong people and say that ours
is a government which discriminated against the Malays.
We can help them to stand on their feet. We will help them
to be educated, not just give money to them. We will enable
them to earn their own living, to work, to be trained: this is
the only way.
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 19
Reporter: Mr. Lee, you told us a moment ago that Geylang Serai will be
another Queenstown in 10 years time. Does this mean that
the Government has now in hand a scheme to improve
Geyland Serai?
Prime Minister: Of course, when Tun Razak visited Singapore, I spoke to him
frankly: "let us compete for the happiness and prosperity of
our people (including the Malays)". Mind you, I did not say
fight. He had said he wanted to help the Malays; we also
want to help the Malays. Let us, I said, see whose planning,
whose administration is better, more realistic and positive.
Let us see how our respective plans help the Malays to raise
their standard of living, their level of education, but he said,
"no, no, no; don't compete; let us co-operate."
But what is his idea of co-operation? It is this: we show
them our plans. They approve and sign their names and say,
"Good; good. you go and do it." then when some project is
completed by us and the date for the opening ceremony is set,
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 20
they are to be invited to perform the opening ceremony. This
is their idea of co-operation.
In 1963, when Malaysia was newly established, I agreed to
co-operate with him. Later I discovered that their way of
doing things did not involve any willingness to co-operate.
Instead, they wanted to"eat" us up. But we Singaporeans
have bones: our bones are hard, and we cannot easily be
eaten up. In fact, no one can eat us up.
I think it is better for Malaysians to do more exercise so their
bones will become harder. Otherwise, if all their bones are
soft, things are going to be very difficult. If our bones were
soft, they would certainly think that we can be easily eaten
up; and they will eat us up without any hesitation.
For example; If we were Central Government and had to
choose between Sabah and Singapore, we would have
preferred Singapore to remain in Malaysia as it is more
profitable for Singapore to stay in Malaysia rather than to
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 21
keep Sabah. In technology, personnel and in all aspects of
development, we were willing and able to help.
But why did they discard Singapore and ask Sabah and
Sarawak to stay? Because there are some soft-boned and
obedient leaders in Sabah and Sarawak. If the Central
Government does not like the Chief Minister there, it can
replace him by some other Chief Minister it likes. It is
because of this that they say Sabah is a good place. Some of
the political figures there can be traded like commodities.
They cannot do anything like this in Singapore. Only such
people like Tun Lim Yew Hook can be bartered about.
Reporter: What is your opinion of the recent ban on the Malaysian PAP
by the Malaysian Government?
Prime Minister: This is none of our business, don't you think so?
Reporter: But the Malaysian PAP was first established by the Singapore
PAP...
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 22
Prime Minister: This is all part of the whole plan; they force Singapore to
secede from Malaysia, and then they ban and close down
Malaysian PAP.
But do you think this can solve matters?
Do you think the language issue, the multi-racial, multi-
cultural problems and many other issues will be solved if you
ban a political party? Will the problems of a multi-religious
society disappear by the banning of the Malaysian PAP?
We still allow their UMNO to remain in Singapore, and
continue its activities. A few days ago, UMNO Singapore
issued a statement saying that they wanted to contact the new
Secretary-General of UMNO Malaya. The new Secretary.
General is Musa Hitam, the former one was Syed Ja'afar
Albar. They said that they were not familiar with the new
Secretary-General, and that they therefore, want to invite him
here.
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 23
We do not object to his coming here. Let him come. Never
mind. But if they come here and arouse racial tension or
another riot takes place, this is unwise and against the law.
We don't mind if they talk politics or analyse matters. But if
they exploit racial, religious and language sentiments and try
to arouse emotions leading to another clash amongst the
people of Singapore, they will have to face the judgement of
the court, and not the Public Security Ordinance. We do not
need to use the Preservation of Public Security Ordinance
against such people. They can engage any famous lawyer to
defend them. We do things in accordance with the
democratic constitution. I think Devan Nair will also do
things likewise. But will the Government allow him to do so?
This is beyond my knowledge.
Reporter: Mr. Lee, a short while ago, you told us that the future in
regard to Singapore's economy is hopeful. What about the
future of Singapore's industries? Can you give us your
views?
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 24
Prime Minister: I think, within five years, industries in Singapore will be
developed and be prosperous.
On 9th of August, when Singapore was forced to leave
Malaysia, I grieved, not for Singapore, but for the millions of
Malaysians in the Peninsula, Sabah and Sarawak who up to
then, were relying on our strength to fight for progress and a
more rational status. They are now without us. We can no
longer help them. We are unable to speak for them.
But for Singapore: the efficiency of the administration in
Singapore has, in fact, improved since the State left Malaysia.
For instance, at present, the telephone and telegraph services
are more efficient than before. When the Minister himself is
not efficient enough, what can you expect from his
administrative officer? When officers notice Ministers
looking for pleasure, they too, will certainly make the best of
their time enjoying life. If the senior administrative officer's
main concern is to enjoy life, the clerks under him will be
open to corruption. If the clerks get to this stage, what do
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 25
you think will happen with the more junior officers? The
messengers, for example, will start stealing stamps from the
office. Don't you think it will be the end when this happens?
Our police force in Singapore is, generally speaking, kind and
carries itself well. If you commit an offence, the policeman
writes down your name and identity card number, and then
grants you a hearing in open court. In some countries, this is
not the case. If you violate the traffic law, you need only
hand out $2 and everything is settled. This is known to any
man in the street. For small offences. $2 is sufficient. For
more serious offences, $20 will do. But if you were passing
though the customs office at Johore Bahru, sometimes a few
thousand dollars are necessary. This is their version of co-
operation: it is for the benefit of the individual. Our idea of
co-operation is between nations and between peoples. This is
the difference in our philosophy of life.
Reporter: Mr. Prime Minister, according to a report in a periodical, the
U.S. State Department has finally decided to send a medical
specialist to treat your wife's illness. What is your comment
on this?
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 26
Prime Minister : I think, perhaps, it is because America has a comparatively
short history of only a few hundred years; she is a recently
established country. In 1961, we arrested one of their CIA
agent. We had in our possession enough evidence to convict
him in court and get him sentenced to 12 years'
imprisonment. They wanted to give me or the PAP ten
million dollars to silence me on the matter. I said: "This
cannot be done; if you want, you can give Singapore one
hundred million dollars for its economic development." But
this was of small consideration, Therefore, for other reasons,
we decided to let him go without taking a cent from them. I
made a big mistake this time. Our medical expert said that
there was such and such a specialist in America and
consultation could be held with him. It was most unexpected
that they would seize the opportunity to commit the
Singapore Government with the United States.
They wanted me to send my wife to New York. And I said:
"Sorry, all this is a big mistake; let's drop the matter." Then
they said, "If you do not like this arrangement, you can send
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 27
your wife to a neutral country, like Geneva, Switzerland."
And I said: "It is not necessary, thank you." Finally, they said
that they would send the specialist to Singapore. I told them I
was sorry, that I thought perhaps they did not understand the
thinking and feeling of Malaysians or the overseas Chinese.
They could save their troubles of bothering their professor.
They may never understand us, that we would rather die than
be politically bludgeoned in this way.
Not having a long history as a Chinese saying goes: "See
profit, forget righteousness." On the contrary, we "See
righteneousness, forget profit."
They are used to all sorts of preposterous transactions; for
example, they buy and sell political leaders in South Korea
and South Vietnam. Leaders and presidents over there can be
bought or sold. They think that Singapore is a small country,
and that her people can be bought and sold.
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 28
This is unwise. It will be better that they don't interfere in our
affairs, and in the affairs of Malaysia. If some day, there
should be language problems in Malaysia or problems should
arise regarding the defence agreement with Britain (the
British might be sympathetic on this point and make
concessions), but if the American Government interferes and
thinks that all Chinese are Communist elements, and the
American Government helps a reactionary feudal group to
suppress the whole population... If this were to happen, we
will all be involved. I think it's best they stay out of our
affairs.
What about Britain? They are not here specifically to protect
us. They are doing all this because it has something to do
with their own interests. But this, after all, is their own affair.
We want to protect the interests of our own people, and not
only the interests of the two million people in Singapore. We
must also take into consideration the interests of the few
million people in the Peninsula, Sabah and Sarawak. If we
are concerned only with the interests of the people in
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 29
Singapore, it is a short-sighted policy and a gross
miscalculation at that.
We must continue to strive for them. And not all the non-
Malays can squeeze into Singapore. Anyway, this is not a
practical solution. Our future is not bleak. On the contrary,
in the long run, it is full of hope. But we have to be patient
and tolerant for another ten years, fifteen years or twenty
years. However, once you give in on any major principle, all
will be lost.
If we in Singapore had given in, if we had got frightened
when the two racial disturbances broke out in 1964, and
conceded to them and asked them for mercy, the nation
would no longer have belonged to Malaysians. It would have
belonged to a single race.
It does not mean that we want to build up a Chinese nation.
This will be unwise: this is Southeast Asia. We have to
consider everything carefully. And if we consider all things
carefully, we will inevitably come to the conclusion that a
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 30
multi-racial country is the only way and that only multi-racial
unity can bring success.
Twenty-three years have passed since the Malayan
Communists began their struggles with the Japanese
occupation of Malaya in 1942. Their struggles have ended in
failure. And the reason for this? They had sufficient courage,
they did not fear death-- and we are also not afraid to die. If
the Communists do not fear death, we non-Communists, for
the sake of our nations interests, must be willing to face death
also ... It is not so much because the Malayan Communists
had insufficient weapons as because their policy was based
on wrong analysis. If you say "Chinese unite as one", then
the non-Chinese -- who include Malays, Indians, Ceylonese
and Eurasians -- must unite as one to oppose you. Then you
are bound to fail. The MCA also say "Chinese unite". But
the leaders they select do not speak Chinese.
We have had two years of experience in dealing with them.
This made us understand more deeply and clearly their
lky\1965\lky0913.doc 31
concept of Malaysia, their philosophy of life, their tactics and
their objectives.
The inevitable development of history will, I believe -- and
many others also believe -- result in the coming into being,
one day, of a multi-racial society which will comprise the
Malay Peninsula, Singapore and perhaps also Sabah and
Sarawak.
13th September, 1965
lky\1965\lky0913.doc