The Myth of Sovijus and Its Relation to Lithuanian Cultural Memory

Baltų kultūr a The Myth of Sovijus and its Relation to Lithuanian Cultural Memory

Rūta Valaitytė Churchill College, University of Cambridge [email protected]

Abstract: The article overviews the literature about a medieval, presumably Baltic, myth of Sovijus. The relation of the myth of Sovijus with Lithuanian cultural memory is analysed according to the ideas expressed in the secondary literature. The sum of literature is divided into several phases of research according to their treatment and contextualization of the myth. The phases of revival, integration and reinterpretation of the myth are distinguished. The active research of the myth started in the second part of the 20th century with the works of an exile Lithuanian Greimas and a Russian scholar Toporov, their work constitutes the phase of revival. Starting with late 1980s with the works of Vėlius, Beresnevičius and others myth was being integrated into the larger narrative of medieval Lithuanian history. Over the last decade a tendency of reinterpretation is evident, the Baltic origins of the myth are questioned; more detailed analysis of the original sources has appeared. This case study of the myth of Sovijus illustrates the changing situation of a cultural form in relation to the cultural memory of a nation.

Keywords: cultural memory, Lithuania, Baltic mythology, chronographia of Ioanness Malalas, medieval Slavonic literature, myth of Sovijus, cremation.

Introduction Cultural memory, according to Assman, is “a collective concept for all knowledge that Cultural memory, according to Assman, directs behaviour and experience in the together with communicative memory forms interactive framework of society and one the collective memory of a group.1 Focus on that obtains through generations in repeated such phenomena as cultural memory and societal practice and initiation.”2 For Assman their construction might offer one of multi- this cultural memory is separate from what ple paths to understanding national identity. he calls communicative memory which relates to everyday communications. Cultural 1 assman, J. Collective Memory and Cultural Identity.

New German Critique, 65, p. 129. 2 ibid, p. 126. 2351-471X ISSN

14 Tarpdalykiniai kultūros tyrimai · 2013 · T. 1 · Nr. 1 Baltų kultūra memory, in contrast, is formed from fateful, tific, cultural, artistic achievements had to historically important events in the past. be absorbed unnaturally rapidly. Such late The memory of these events is objectivised adoption of European culture led to quick and mediated through texts, rites, monu- Polonisation of elite Lithuanian culture. ments etc.3 This type of cultural memory Lithuanian language remained the language works through the formative and normative of peasants, since mainly religious textbooks impulses that it evokes shapes the common were printed in it. This led to the division of identity of a group. “The concept of cultural a nation, not only socially and politically, but memory comprises that body of reusable linguistically as well. Aleksandravičius and texts, images, and rituals specific to each Kulakauskas have demonstrated how this society in each epoch, whose “cultivation” linguistic division led to the rejection of a serves to stabilize and convey that society’s large part of cultural and historical heritage, self-image. Upon such collective knowledge, since national identity of the modern Lithu- for the most part (but not exclusively) of the anian nation was based on linguistic criteria. past, each group bases its awareness of unity The nobility that used Polish as their ver- and particularity.”4 Rubavičius suggests look- nacular, but identified themselves with the ing at the collective and cultural memory and political body of Lithuanian Grand Duchy the way it contributes to the construction of were excluded from the modern nation.7 national consciousness and identity.5 These cultural peculiarities only reflect The history of a particular nation is sup- the specific evolution of Lithuanian state- posed to form the basis of its shared cultural hood. Having created a large political unit in memory. Lithuanian history that relates to the beginning of 15th century, the sovereignty national identity could be regarded as com- of Lithuania became rather ambiguous after plicated because of several reasons. A promi- the Union with Poland in 1569. The complete nent Lithuanian historian E. Gudavičius loss of statehood and sovereignty under sees Lithuania as the last political unit to Russian empire 1795–1914 and as part of the join the Western European civilization6. Soviet Union up to 1990, also contributed The delayed incorporation into European to the complicated national identity and civilization meant that the European scien- concern over preserving it. The problem- atic stemming from the Soviet occupation 3 ibid, p. 129. was clearly expressed by Kuzmickas, who 4 ibid, p. 132. argues that the loss of statehood is trau- 5 Rubavičius, V. Neišgyvendinamo sovietmečio patirtis: matizing for the citizens, because they fall socialinė atmintis ir tapatumo politika. Lietuvių tautos tapatybė: tarp realybės ir utopijos. Ed. S. Juknevičius, into an ambiguous state of an inadequate 8 R. Repšienė, V. Rubavičius. Vilnius: Kultūros, filosofi- or insufficient nationhood. jos ir meno institutas, 2007, p. 12–40. 6 Gudavičius, E. Lietuvos kraitis stojant į Europos 7 aleksandravičius, E., Kulakauskas, A. Carų valdžioje: Sąjungą. Ed. A. Andrijauskas, V. Rubavičius, Na- XIX a. Lietuva. Vilnius: Baltos lankos, 1996, p. 359. cionalinio tapatumo tęstinumas ir savikūra euroin- 8 Kuzmickas, B. Lietuviškasis tapatumas: kultūra ir tegracijos sąlygomis. Vilnius: Kultūros, filosofijos ir valstybė. Nacionalinio tapatumo tęstinumas ir savikūra meno institutas, 2008, p. 16–25. eurointegracijos sąlygomis. Ed. A. Andrijauskas,

The Myth of Sovijus and its Relation to 15 Lithuanian Cultural Memory This brief outline of several peculiari- myths exists. Juknevičius discussed the ties of historical development illustrate that role of scientific, social, philosophical, and the cultural and historical sources, which religious myths in modern societies. These potentially could have been introduced as well as other types of myths have an orien- and incorporated into Lithuanian cultural tational function – they guide the behaviour memory, have been consciously avoided of social actors. If identity is concerned, the or unconsciously forgotten. Therefore cur- integrational role of myths is more impor- rently in Lithuania, as a relatively recently tant. They provide common imagery, goals reconstructed country, new symbols, nar- and ideas for a group, and stimulate social ratives and images are being constantly integration.11 It is obvious that myths taken included into the large body of shared from medieval historical sources hardly cultural memory, and by this they are play any active role of social regulation. employed in shaping the collective con- Nevertheless, they can be integrated into a sciousness and national identity of a nation. collective memory of a group, and provide Myths are one of these cultural forms. symbolism and imagery that contribute to Most of the myths analysed in anthro- the formation of collective identity. pological literature are the still “living” The present article aims at analysing the myths that have actual ties with the social myth of Sovijus, known from 13th century world. In such context a statement that historical sources, as a cultural form that myths have the power to regulate actual life can potentially be included into the Lithu- has become almost axiomatic. According anian cultural memory. The author hopes to to Lèvi-Strauss myth “explains the present provide an example of how a cultural form is and the past as well as the future”9. Mircea brought back to “life” and what procedures it Eliade similarly states that in traditional undergoes in such a situation. The historical societies a “living” myth “supplies models complexities mentioned above and the recent for human behaviour and, by that very Soviet occupation makes Lithuanian culture fact gives meaning and value to life.”10 So a particularly vital and open for such inclu- myth is a narrative that has actual power of sions. The changes in the analysis of the myth regulating and controlling the social world, throughout the discussed period indicate the by providing mythical ancestral behaviour relevance of the myth and the extent to which as an example. Naturally, this is the role of this myth was accepted at the time of analy- myth in more traditional societies where sis. This article focuses on such changes that myths are still “living”. In modern socie- indicate a threshold in the general approach ties various other, not necessarily religious, to the myth. Despite some efforts to promote the myth of Sovijus, such as its inclusion in V. Rubavičius. Vilnius: Kultūros, filosofijos ir meno institutas, 2008, p. 174. 11 Juknevičius, S. Mitų reikšmė formuojant tapatumus: 9 lèvi-Strauss, C. The Structural Study of Myth, in The istorinės patirtys ir dabarties iššūkiai. Lietuvių tautos Journal of Americal Folklore, 1955. vol. 68, no. 270, p. 430 tapatybė: tarp realybės ir utopijos. Ed. S. Juknevičius, 10 Eliade, M. Myth and Reality. New York: Harper and R. Repšienė, V. Rubavičius. Vilnius: Kultūros,

Row, 1975, p. 2. filosofijos ir meno institutas, 2007, p. 176. 2351-471X ISSN

16 Tarpdalykiniai kultūros tyrimai · 2013 · T. 1 · Nr. 1 Baltų kultūra the electronic textbook “Įdomioji Lietuvos angry with his children. He tried to descend Istorija”12, it still remains relatively unknown to Hell. He did not succeed passing through to the broader Lithuanian society. Because of eight gates and only managed to reach the this reason comparative method is applied hell through the ninth ones, with the help only to the academic literature. In order of his son. When the brothers got angry to clarify the development of the approach with him, he resolved to find the father, and to the myth several phases, more or less ventured to Hell. After the father had din- correlating to chronological sequence, are ner with him, he made the bed for him and discerned. Works by Greimas and Toporov dug him under the ground. In the morn- constitute the phase of revival of the myth, ing, when they both woke up, he asked the large amount of literature produced him, whether he had a good sleep. The one by Vėlius, Beresnevičius, Vaitkevičius and replied that he slept terribly and was eaten Vatikevičienė represent efforts to integrate by worms and slugs. The next day, again he the myth into cultural memory of Lithu- made the dinner and placed him to sleep anians. Roughly during the last decade more in a tree (trunk). In the morning he again sources became available and the research of complained, that he was stung by bees and the myth has taken several new turns. The mosquitoes and had a terrible night. The latest research is more specialised and more following day, he prepared a large stake of thoroughly conducted, this leads to the fact fire and threw him in there. In the morning, that Lithuanian or Baltic origins of the myth when asked, he replied: “I slept like a log.” is no longer unanimously acknowledged and The myth is followed by a commentary, it is being situated in a more international which names the ethnic groups that follow context. the cremation rites established by Sovijus and contains a list of 4 deities – Anda(o) The myth of Sovijus: plot jas, Perkūnas, Žvorūna and Teliavelis worshiped by the contemporary Lithuanians. One of the myths that has been and still is The following analysis of the literature being gradually incorporated into Lithuanian about the myth of Sovijus, will be given in collective memory is the medieval myth of a more or less chronological order. Sovijus. The myth of Sovijus, transcribed in the 13th century, explains how rites of crema- Sources, early analysis and publications tion were established among the Baltic tribes. Sovijus was a man. After killing a mar- The myth is known from a medieval Sla- vellous boar, he ripped out 9 spleens out vonic chronograph written in 1262 (or 1261). of the boar and gave them to his sons to This chronograph is a compilation of vari- fry. After they had eaten them13 Sovijus got ous sources dealing with ancient history, stories from Old Testament etc. The myth 12 http://mkp.emokykla.lt/idomioji/vadovelis. of Sovijus in the chronograph is included php?page=tekstas&subject=18 13 Most scholars believe that they were eaten raw – an among the chapters of a translated Byz- improper way of consuming the supposedly ritual meal. antine chronographia by Ioaness Malalas.

The Myth of Sovijus and its Relation to 17 Lithuanian Cultural Memory The chronographia ofI oness Malalas was Zenonas Ivinskis, P. Klimas etc. Neverthe- translated to Old Slavonic under the com- less it remained more or less unknown until mand of Bulgarian tsar Simeon at the verge the works of V. Toporov and A. J. Greimas. from 9th to 10th century. The translation was often included in medieval Russian chrono- The phase of revival: Toporov and graphs. Currently, there are four known Greimas copies of the chronograph of 1262: Archival chronograph, dated to 15th century, held in V. Toporov analysed the myth of Sovijus as Moscow, Vilnius chronograph dated to 16th a myth establishing the rites of cremation in century, Warsaw chronograph, which is a Lithuania and among the Balts. As a linguist precise copy of the Archival chronograph he paid a lot of attention to the etymology and a handwritten 17th century book by of the name of Sovijus and other divinities I. J. Zabelin.14 Recent analysis by Lemeskin mentioned in the original chronograph. has shown that the differences between He considered cremation to be the these transcripts are insignificant, only the archetypal way of body disposal among transcript of Zabelin differs more markedly, the Proto-Indo-Europeans. The myth of but still can be treated as an abbreviated Sovijus was therefore interesting as it es- version of the same myth. tablished this particular tradition among The text with the myth of Sovijus was the Balts. Concerning the etymology of the first published in the mid 19th century. M. name of Sovijus, Toporov proposed an idea Obolensky published the text by archival that the name Sovijus might come from chronograph and F. Dobriansky published the Lithuanian /Baltic base šauti meaning the version held in Vilnius, the main transla- ‘shoot / shove / tuck into’, the person who tion into Lithuanian language, used by most performs this action is šovėjas in Lithu- researchers, is based on Obolensky’s 1851 anian.16 From Lithuanian ethnographic edition.15 In the 19th century it was analysed evidence and use of language it is evident by German, Russian and Polish philologists that the word šauti is used in a phrase and ethnographers, such as E. Wolter, L. A. pašauti duoną į krosnį meaning ‘to tuck Dindorf, A. J. Mierzynski. Among these the the bread into the oven‘. In this case the most important probably was V. Istrin, who function of Sovijus is seen as reflected in analysed the whole chronograph. his name – Sovijus is the one, responsible The myth received some attention for placing the body into the fire. Toporov during the first part of the 20th century by notes that the same motifs of peel (Russ.

14 lemeškin, I. Sovijaus sakmė ir 1262 metų chrono- Совка), oven, intention to burn the hero is grafas :(pagal Archyvinį, Varšuvos, Vilniaus ir evident in many Russian tales about Baba- I. J. Zabelino nuorašus). Vilnius: Lietuvių literatūros Yaga. While describing the core model of ir tautosakos institutas, 2009, p. 332. burial ritual, he notes that both the subject 15 Baltų religijos ir mitologijos šaltiniai. I tomas: Nuo seniausių laikų iki XV amžiaus pabaigos. Sud. 16 Топоров, В. Н. (1987). Заметки по похоронной N. Vėlius. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla, обряности, Балто-славянские исследования, 1985,

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18 Tarpdalykiniai kultūros tyrimai · 2013 · T. 1 · Nr. 1 Baltų kultūra of the ritual (the priest) and the object of evant is his analysis of Perkūnas / Diviriksas the ritual (the deceased) are equal with and Teliavelis / Velinas. Perkūnas is often reference to the death itself.17 Sovijus was mentioned in the context of burial rites and seen as special because he took the role of traditions as in “Заметки по похоронной both the priest performing the ritual and обряности“, in „Vilnius, Wilno, Вильна: the sacrifice as he was the deceased. In miestas ir mitas” he analysed the growing addition, Toporov proposed that Sovijus importance of Perkūnas and his relation- might be a version of an Indo-European ship with the cult of fire. Teliavelis or ritual term formed from the root *souh’, Velinas20 has been analysed together with this enabled him to compare Sovijus with Ivanov from an etymological point of Indian deity Savitar – the prime mover view and in relation with burial rituals in of the universe.18 He also tried to link the “A Compartive Study of the Group of Baltic name of Sovijus with Proto-Indo-European Mythological Terms From the Root *vel” – stem *saue- meaning ‘sun’. here Baltic linguistic data was compared Toporov saw the myth of Sovijus as a with instances of use of the same root in raw material for comparative analysis of other Indo-European languages. Indo-European burial rites, rituals, and Synchronically, A. J. Greimas applied mindset. At the same time, he saw the his semiological analysis to the myth. myth in its historical context – as a part of A. J. Greimas is a Lithuanian – French Baltic religious reform conterminous with scholar, therefore, a representative of a the formation of the Lithuanian state. The rather different school of mythology. As he presumed religious reform is reflected in was mostly focused on semiotical studies the myths of Sovijus, Šventaragis, growing he used Lithuanian mythology as a field for importance of the cult of fire. applying his theoretical ideas.21 He focused Quite a lot of attention Toporov has on the analysis of the myth in its broader drawn on the analysis of the pantheon of cultural context, therefore, his analysis is Lithuanian gods, given at the end of the less comparative, but Greimas broadly uses myth. He noted that this list and the list various linguistic and ethnographic data of gods worshiped by Mindaugas from from Lithuania. the Ipatian chronograph are particularly Concerning the etymology, he, inde- important because they are approximately pendently from Toporov, associates Sovijus 200 years earlier than most of the sources with Lithuanian šauti and reconstructs the about Baltic mythology and therefore original version of the name as ‘Šovys’. He should be more reliable.19 Particularly rel- draws certain parallels between the myth of Sovijus and the myth of Šventaragis – 17 Топоров, В. Н. (1987). Заметки по похоронной обря- both were cremated by their sons and both ности, Балто-славянские исследования, 1985, p. 16. 18 toporov, V. Baltų mitologijos ir ritualo tyrimai, sud. 20 (the distinction and relationship between these two N. Mikhailov. Vilnius: Aidai, 2000, p. 219. deities is complicated and will be discussed later). 19 toporov, V. Baltų mitologijos ir ritualo tyrimai, sud. 21 Greimas, A. J. Lietuvių mitologijos studijos, sud. N. Mikhailov. Vilnius: Aidai, 2000, p. 31. K. Nastopka. Vilnius: Baltos lankos, 2005, p. 750.

The Myth of Sovijus and its Relation to 19 Lithuanian Cultural Memory established sovereignty in the realm of the function, Perkūnas – also sovereignty and dead.22 Greimas was the first to seriously fertility, Kalevelis – military (Medeina / analyse the meaning of the spleens and wild Žvėrūna according to Greimas does not boar. The chthonic nature and the sexual- fit the expected third function, which ized image of the male swine in Lithuanian is an exceptional feature of Lithuanian folklore allowed Greimas to conclude that mythology)26. The fact that Greimas consid- the boar can be seen as a sexual partner ers Teliavelis / Kalevelis, but not Perkūnas of the earth and a figure representing the to be responsible for the military function27 primeval chaos. Nevertheless his idea that has been criticised by many Lithuanian the boar might be an enemy of Sovijus was scholars, who see Perkūnas as an especially criticised in more recent publications by militarized figure.28 In his unfinished study Beresnevičius23 and Walter24. The spleen Greimas draws attention to the fact that was seen as an internal organ associated Teliavelis / Kalevelis (Lithuanian smith with anger and aggression, the act of fry- that hammered the sun) could be seen ing it, was interpreted in the structuralist as a successor of Vel(i)nas (Lithuanian manner as representing the essential trans- Devil).29 This hypothesis was pushed for- formation from natural to cultural spheres. ward by Vaitkevičius and Vaitkevičienė, In addition Greimas paid quite a lot of who reconstructed the mythical defeat of attention to the kin relationships between the Devil by Kalevelis in the context of the father and his sons, nevertheless, as Walter establishment of official religion in the th13 notes, Greimas’s interpretation in this case century Lithuania. They see Teliavelis not might possibly be overtly psychological.25 in opposition to Perkūnas (as Greimas Separate publications were devoted to did) but as close to his celestial sphere.30 analysis of the panteon of Gods mentioned Greimas’s analysis of Medeina / Žvorūna at the end of the myth, his suggested re- remained unfinished, nevertheless in the constructions of the names of Žvorūna / published version the underlying nature – Medeina, Kalevelis and Andojas are currently in use. According to Greimas the 26 Greimas, A. J. Lietuvių mitologijos studijos, sud. reconstructed pantheon partly fits the K. Nastopka. Vilnius: Baltos lankos, 2005, p. 397–398. 27 in his unfinished works there are evidence that trifunctional scheme of Indo-European he agrees with the traditional scheme, in which mythology proposed by Dumezil. In the Perkūnas is responsible for the military function, Lithuanian version Andojas would rep- Dievas (mėnulis dievaitis) and Kalevelis / Velnias resent the first – sovereignty / juridical share the first function, third function is possibly catered by Mėnulis Dievaitis, p. 568. 28 For example Vaitkevičienė, D. Vaitkevičius V. XII a. 22 Greimas, A. J. Lietuvių mitologijos studijos, sud. Lietuvos valtybinės religijos bruožai, Lietuvos arche- K. Nastopka. Vilnius: Baltos lankos, 2005, p. 360. ologija, 2001, Vol. 21, p. 323. 23 Beresnevičius, G. Dausos. Vilnius: Taura, 1990, p. 79. 29 Greimas, A. J. Lietuvių mitologijos studijos, sud. 24 Walter, P. The ditty of Sovijus (1261). The nine spleens K. Nastopka. Vilnius: Baltos lankos, 2005, p. 402. of the marvellous boar: an indo-european approach to 30 Vaitkevičienė, D. Vaitkevičius V. XII a. Lietuvos a Lithuanian myth, Archaeologica Baltica, 2011, Vol. 15. valtybinės religijos bruožai. Lietuvos archeologija,

25 ibid, p. 73. 2001. Vol. 21, p. 311–334. 2351-471X ISSN

20 Tarpdalykiniai kultūros tyrimai · 2013 · T. 1 · Nr. 1 Baltų kultūra culture opposition is evident. The single The article was not a major schol- female deity Žvorūna / Medeina is seen as a arly contribution, but having in mind that she-wolf, associated with hunt and forest.31 “Kultūros Barai” was and still is a popular The detailed analysis by such prominent journal among Lithuanian intelligentsia scholars as Greimas and Toporov, brought or people simply interested in culture and back the myth into the horizon of Lithu- art, it contributed to the presentation of anian ethnologists, religious historians, etc. the myth as a source about Lithuanian an- Therefore the phase of Greimas and Toporov tiquity and medieval mindset and religion. research could be tentatively called ‘revival’. All the problems briefly mentioned by Vėlius were more thoroughly analysed The phase of integration: Vėlius, by his pupil Gintaras Beresnevičius. He Beresnevičius, Vaitkevičius and firmly established the myth as an impor- Vaitkevičienė tant historic – mythological source about the 13th century Lithuania. As an adherent Lithuanian ethnographer N. Vėlius was of religious studies, Beresnevičius applied the first Lithuanian in LTSR (the Soviet analysis of archetypal symbolism and a Republic of Lithuania) to describe the myth comparative approach. He analysed this in the context of Baltic burial traditions and particular myth in two overlapping con- to raise relevant problems and issues that texts. In the monograph about the afterlife can be further analysed. Vėlius generally fo- and netherworld in Lithuanian mythology, cused on research of ethnographic material the myth of Sovijus was one of the oldest which is much more recent in comparison sources of information and was used in- to the myth of Sovijus. Therefore his key terchangeably with analysis of folklore and contribution to the myth was an overview later historical accounts. The main idea is in “Kultūros Barai”32. In the article, together that the myth of Sovijus signifies the transi- with a translation by Savukynas and Tume- tion in the perception of the netherworld. lis, Vėlius briefly mentioned key points and According to Beresnevičius’s analysis, the ideas related to the myth: belief in metempsychosis – “the supposed • relation to the cremation rites and their transmigration at death of the soul of a hu- spread in the Baltic lands, possible compat- man being or animal into a new body of the ibility with the archaeological remains; same or a different species“33 is traceable in • analogies with the mythical Baltic the Lithuanian folklore and is presumably figures of Šventaragis, Brutenis and Vaid- later than the belief in a separate sphere of evutis, and Indian Yama and Manus; the netherworld. So the myth of Sovijus in • some notes on the Baltic imagery of the this context signifies the establishment of netherworld... the conceptually separate world of dead. Cremation is tied with this conceptual tran- 31 Greimas, A. J. Lietuvių mitologijos studijos, sud. K. Nastopka. Vilnius: Baltos lankos, 2005, p. 535–549. 32 Vėlius, N. Kaip baltai laidojo mirusiuosius, Kultūros 33 http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/ barai, 1988, Nr.1, p. 56–59. metempsychosis

The Myth of Sovijus and its Relation to 21 Lithuanian Cultural Memory sition, because the belief in the qualitatively parative approach as well as focus on different netherworld required a qualitative reflections of shamanistic beliefs and tra- transition of the body.34 A rather novel ditions in the Lithuanian folklore. In both hypothesis is that the myth of Sovijus can “Dausos” and “Baltų religinės reformos” be associated with a belief in the afterlife in he compares the structure and symbolism an anthropomorphic state. of the myth with Eurasian / Siberian sha- Even though, there were two major peri- manistic traditions. In the aforementioned ods when cremation spread in the territory and other works36 the myth of Sovijus is of present Lithuania (c. 1300/1200 – 5th/6th associated with the fire cult and the Lithu- century BC and from 4/5th – 12/13th centuries anian data is compared with other Indo- CE), Beresnevičius associates the earliest European traditions, including Finnic, layers of the myth with the first one. This is Ossetin, Indo-Arian. related with the core idea in Beresnevičius’s In a relatively recent article Aleknaitė analysis is that the myth of Sovijus rep- debated with Beresnevičius concerning his resents the transition from the Neolithic, shamanistic comparisons. She argued that hunter-gatherer, chthonic mother-goddess the presumably shamanistic symbols in sphere to the agrarian, celestial sphere and the myth of Sovijus actually represent the is associated with the Indo-European mi- universal stages of rites of passage.37 grations. The detection of these two layers In “Baltų religinės reformos”38 the is reflected in his interpretation of certain myth of Sovijus is seen as a reflection of symbols in the myth. Wild boar is inter- ideological means for reforming the Lithu- preted as a necessary sacrifice representing anian religion during the formation of the the mother-goddess sphere. The number state of Lithuania. In the book the myth of spleens and the layout of the myth are is analysed separately and later compared compared with several shamanistic tradi- with the myth of Šventaragis and religious tions and their rituals in Eurasia.35 reforms by Brutenis and Vaidevutis among Concerning the list of gods given at the Prussians. Such an approach to the the end of the myth, Beresnevičius has myth and the development of Lithuanian drawn exceptional attention to the role of religion is almost engrained in the current Kalevelis / Teliavelis and Velinas as they historiographic tradition and is further were most of all related to the netherworld and the afterlife, in the context of recon- 36 Beresnevičius, G. Šventosios ugnies chronologija. structing the possible official version of Kulto steiginių atspindžiai dangaus kūnų mito th logijose:baltai, iranėnai, finai. Tautosakos darbai the 13 century religion, role of Perkūnas XVIII (XXIV), 2002, p. 78-87. was emphasised. Beresnevičius, G. Priešmirtinės Eurazijinės vizijos: In general, Beresnevičius’s analysis užstrigusieji. Rytai–Vakarai: Komparatyvistinės is distinctive because of his broad com- studijos V. Vilnius: KFMI, 2006, p. 14–27. 37 aleknaitė, E. Šamaniški elementai baltų religinėje 34 Beresnevičius, G. Dausos. Vilnius: Taura, 1990, p. 84. tradicijoje. Liaudies kultūra, 2008/3 (120), p. 13. 35 Beresnevičius, G. Baltų religinės reformos. Vilnius: 38 Beresnevičius, G. Baltų religinės reformos. Vilnius:

Taura, 1995, p. 48–51. Taura, 1995, p. 221. 2351-471X ISSN

22 Tarpdalykiniai kultūros tyrimai · 2013 · T. 1 · Nr. 1 Baltų kultūra developed in the earlier mentioned article the history of Lithuanian Grand Duchy by Vaitkevičius and Vaitkevičienė39, other by Bumblauskas44. The key question in works by Beresnevičius40. the chapters dedicated to paganism in Vatikevičius and Vaitkevičienė assumed Lithuania is whether and how much was that an official state religion existed in the the Baltic religion institutionalised.45 The 13th century Lithuania41. They use various myth of Sovijus plays an important part in historical, ethnographic and archaeological the description of the afterlife. A transla- sources to support this position. Since the tion of the myth as well as some additional myth of Sovijus deals with the establish- information about the chronographia by Io- ment of cremation it is closely tied with anness Malalas is given, in addition possible archaeological research. Vaitkevičius and reconstructions if the Lithuanian pantheon Vaitkevičienė42 among other historical are briefly summarised.46 sources tried to link the myth of Sovijus A crucial step in the inclusion of the with available archaeological evidence myth into Lithuanian collective con- about burial rituals in the territory of sciousness47 that particularly contributed Lithuania. But from Luchtanas and Vėlius43 to the easier access of the myth was its remark we can see that not that many early publication in the ontology edited and medieval cemeteries have been excavated to compiled by N. Vėlius “Sources of Baltic date and the archaeological evidence is very Religion and Mythology” in 1996. The unequivocal. Nevertheless, in their article translation of the myth into Lithuanian Vaitkevičius and Vaitkevičienė does not by Bronys Savukynas and Juozas Tumelis seem to question the origins of the myth had existed before, but was published of Sovijus or the assumption that after a only sporadically and was available to a certain religious reform a state religion relatively narrow circle of academia. With existed in the 13th century Lithuania. the edition of “Sources of Baltic Religion A similar line of thought and reflec- and Mythology” the myth was introduced tions of Beresnevičius’s ideas are evident to the broader Lithuanian society. The in a large, heavily illustrated synthesis of extract was placed among other important medieval historical sources, the Baltic 39 Vaitkevičienė, D. Vaitkevičius V. XII a. Lietuvos valstybinės religijos bruožai. Lietuvos archeologi- origin was naturally assumed. ja,2001. Vol. 21, p. 311–334. The publication in “Sources of Baltic 40 Beresnevičius, G. Lietuvių religija ir mitologija: Religion and Mythology” and numeral sisteminė studija. Vilnius: Tyto alba, 2004, p. 291. works by Beresnevičius, attempted to 41 Vaitkevičienė, D. Vaitkevičius V. XII a. Lietuvos valstybinės religijos bruožai, Lietuvos archeologija, 2001, Vol. 21, p. 311. 44 Bumblauskas, A. Senosios Lietuvos istorija: 1009– 42 Vaitkevičienė, D. Vaitkevičius V. XII a. Lietuvos 1795. Vilnius: R. Paknio leidykla, 2007, p. 485. valtybinės religijos bruožai. Lietuvos archeologija, 45 ibid, p. 94–97. 2001, Vol. 21, p. 311–334. 46 ibid, p. 98–101. 43 luchtanas, A., Vėlius, G. Valstybės gimimas ir 47 Collective consciousness here is understood as a mirusiųjų deginimo paprotys. Archaeologia Lituana, set of shared beliefs, ideas and values that facilitate 2002, Vol. 3, p. 157–161. social integration.

The Myth of Sovijus and its Relation to 23 Lithuanian Cultural Memory place the myth of Sovijus in Lithuanian • an extract from the 17th chapter of historical consciousness and inextricably the Ioaness Malalas chronographia, that tie it with Baltic paganism, folkloric dei- introduces Sovijus and provides shorter ties and political turmoil of the 13th century version of the myth, Lithuania. This period constitutes an espe- • extract from the 33 chapter in which cially relevant part of Lithuanian national Sovijus is mentioned among other charac- historical narrative. At that time (13 – 14th ters from the Old Testament; centuries) Lithuanian Grand Duchy (or • the mention of the name of Sovijus Kingdom during the reign of Mindaugas in in chapter 107. 1253–1263) already existed as a firm political In addition to this, author has made unit in the region, and its rulers had not several groundbreaking conclusions experienced Polonizing and Christianizing about the place of the myth of Sovijus Western cultural influences, therefore were in the structure of the chronograph and seen as distinctively Lithuanian. Such ap- the nature of it. “So far, Chronograph proach to the myth contributes to the image of 1262 has been understood as a banal of modern Lithuanian nation as having a compilation, which accidently combined firm and independent progenitor with its rare and mutually unrelated texts (...).The distinctive cultural tradition. present work offers a new and essentially different outlook on the Chronograph as The phase of reinterpretation: most on a harmonious whole, an exceptional recent research literary achievement, a vivid example of ancient Lithuanian literature.”49 Author Nevertheless in the most recent scholarly treats the chronograph as an original literature, the approach to the myth is piece of literature aimed at establishing more equivocal. This is partly an outcome a more ancient view of Lithuania and of a more detailed study of the sources Baltic history. in the case of Lemeškin and Temčin and In contrast to most previously con- a more international background of the ducted research Lemeškin pays particular authors. attention to all the other motives, episodes Recently I. Lemeškin48 as a literary his- and characters that frame the myth of torian published prints of all four remain- Sovijus in the text, such as Abimelech, ing sources and provided detailed texto- Melchizedek, Haran etc. This leads to a logical and palaeographic analysis of them. different treatment of the chronograph Ilja Lemeškin included other, previously and to novel interpretations of the origins vaguely analysed parts of the chronograph of the name of Sovijus.50 Author discusses that deal with Sovijus and his kin, namely: 49 lemeškin, I. Sovijaus sakmė ir 1262 metų chrono- 48 lemeškin, I. Sovijaus sakmė ir 1262 metų chronografas: (pagal Archyvinį, Varšuvos, Vilniaus ir grafas: (pagal Archyvinį, Varšuvos, Vilniaus ir I. J. Zabelino nuorašus). Vilnius: Lietuvių literatūros I. J. Zabelino nuorašus). Vilnius: Lietuvių literatūros ir tautosakos institutas, 2009, p. 326.

ir tautosakos institutas, 2009, p. 332. 50 This question has also been addressed in Lemeškin, 2351-471X ISSN

24 Tarpdalykiniai kultūros tyrimai · 2013 · T. 1 · Nr. 1 Baltų kultūra several hypothesis – the name of Sovijus still some unresolved problems and dis- might be: cussion regarding seemingly fundamental • a construct of the author, made ac- questions. Firstly, the place of origin of cording a parallel of various characters from the chronograph and the myth are still ancient history (most likely Sosibius);51 unclear. Lemeškin, according the parallel • a Russian transcription of a Lithu- in Lithuanian folklore found by Kerbelytė, anian pronominal adjective savojo meaning beliefs that the myth is originally Baltic, but ‘his / our own’; the chronograph was created in a Russian • the name Eusebius that has undergone monastery. A Ukrainian historian T. Vilkul certain transformations; treats the chronographia of 1261 as a literary • a result of an inversion, where a con- piece compiled by a bookman of Rus’ and struction бесовий человек - ‘devilish man’ traces various motives from other contem- was turned into Совий бе человек – ‘Sovij porary literary works, that the scribe might was a man’52. have read54. Temčin argues that the myth This question is deliberately left open, is not Lithuanian or Baltic at all, according since neither of the hypotheses could be to him it is an adaptation of description sufficiently supported.L emeškin’s publica- of pagans that were known as “sabii” in tion received positive responses in the press 8th – 11th century Mesopotamia.55 Bučys by Razauskas and Bučys.53 Nevertheless, completely disagrees with this hypothesis Razauskas has criticised the before men- and believes that the myth is a preach- tioned hypothesis about the genesis of the ment created by Lithuanian priests that name from бесовий человек. But not only was later transcribed by a Russian scribe has the question of the name of the main in Laurušavas monastery, established by character remained open. Vaišelga56, although his arguments for this In the most recent literature there are claim seem rather unscholarly. In the 3rd volume of the “Lithuanian I. Dar kartą apie Sovijaus vardo etimologiją. Acta History” historians Baronas, Dubonis and Baltico-Slavica, 2006, Nr. 30, p. 586–595. Petrauskas acknowledges the complexity of lemeškin, I. Sovijaus vardo etimologizavimo the question of origins and are more in sup- problematiškumas, Kalbos istorijos ir dialektologijos problemos, 2008. [D.] 2, p. 357–365. 54 Вилкул, Т. Создание Совия: работа составителя 51 lemeškin, I. Sovijaus sakmė ir 1262 metų chrono- Иудейского хронографа (XIII в.). Istorijos šaltinių grafas: (pagal Archyvinį, Varšuvos, Vilniaus ir tyrimai, Vol. 2, 2010, p. 11–32. I. J. Zabelino nuorašus). Vilnius: Lietuvių literatūros 55 Темчин, С. Ю. О возможном восточном про- ir tautosakos institutas, 2009, p. 35. исхождении мифа о Совии, изложенного в 52 ibid, p. 37. иудеском хронографе 1262 года, in Senoji Lietuvos 53 Bučys, A. Kaip vadinsime „1262 metų chronografą“ – literatūra, 29 knyga, 2010, p. 19–28. lietuvišku ar judėjišku (žydišku)? Lietuvos rašytojų 56 Bučys, A. Kaip vadinsime „1262 metų chronografą“ – sąjungos mėnraštis „Metai“, 2012, Nr. 5–6 (gegužė– lietuvišku ar judėjišku (žydišku)? Lietuvos rašytojų birželis). Razauskas, D. Ledkalnis tuo aukštesnis, kuo sąjungos mėnraštis „Metai“, 2012, Nr. 5–6 (gegužė– daugiau jo po vandeniu nematyti:Iljos Lemeškino birželis). 2012; Bučys, A. Seniausios lietuvių Sovijaus sakmė ir 1262 metų chronografas*. Tautosa- literatūros istorija ir chrestomatija. Vilnius: Versus kos darbai, 2010. T. 39, p. 269–274. aureus, 2012, 655 p.

The Myth of Sovijus and its Relation to 25 Lithuanian Cultural Memory port of the hypotheses proposed by Temčin initiation”63. He sees the boar as a mediat- or Vilkul rather than simply attributing to ing animal which endows the son with the myth to the Balts57. This turn of opinion gift of divination. Using Levi-Strauss’s idea is justified as a turn from anachronistic about the culinary triangle and the opposi- and weakly supported views of previous tion between raw and the cooked, the rites Lithuanian mythologists58. of roasting the spleens and cremation are The archaic style of the myth (use of seen as essential in the transformation from pronouns, avoidance of proper nouns, and natural to cultural sphere. extensive use of dative absolute) makes the From this brief overview a marked turn text very ambiguous. This has caused several in the approach to the myth is evident. problems. Firstly, it is unclear whether the With the more specialized research from a son or the father is put into the fire. Greimas more international background, even the and Toporov believe that it is the son who basic issues, such as time and place of crea- burns the father, whereas Lemeškin thinks tion are being questioned. New hypothesis that the son is being burnt.59 In addition are being proposed and the older view of cross-cultural comparisons need to be myth as undoubtedly Lithuanian or Baltic pushed further. Some academics (Vėlius60, is being refused. The reinterpretation of the Beresnevičius61) mentioned functional simi- myth, based on newly available archival larities to Indian Yama, or compared Sovijus material makes the approach to the myth with other Slavic, Finnic, Germanic (To- as part of Lithuanian cultural memory porov, Beresnevičius) traditions. Recently questionable. On the other hand, the grow- a French mythologist P. Walter62 has drawn ing amount of literature indicates the a parallel with Celtic myth of Finn and growing interest in the myth. Such articles Germanic myth of Fafnir. By using a broad as Walter’s only enrich the comparisons comparative approach he reinterpreted the already drawn by Lithuanian scholars and myth as a variation of “primordial myth of provide an example for other comparative research. The specialized analysis leads to novel approaches out of which a new and 57 Baronas, D. et al. Lietuvos istorija. XIII a. – 1385 m.: more firmly grounded conceptualization of valstybės iškilimas tarp Rytų ir Vakarų. Vilnius: Baltos lankos, 2011, p. 518. the myth might emerge. For the time being 58 ibid, p. 517. there is yet no basis in believing that the 59 lemeškin, I. Sovijaus sakmė ir 1262 metų chrono- myth firmly is or is not Baltic. grafas: (pagal Archyvinį, Varšuvos, Vilniaus ir I. J. Zabelino nuorašus). Vilnius: Lietuvių literatūros ir tautosakos institutas, 2009. Conclusions 60 BRMŠ, p. 265. 61 Beresnevičius, G. Baltų religinės reformos. Vilnius: From the analysis of the secondary lit- Taura, 1995, p. 33. erature about the myth, several phases of 62 Walter, P. The ditty of Sovijus (1261). The nine spleens academic analysis can be detected. These of the marvellous boar: an indo-european approach to a Lithuanian myth, Archaeologica Baltica 2011, phases illustrate the changes in approach to

Vol. 15, p. 72–77. 2351-471X ISSN 63 ibid, p. 72–77.

26 Tarpdalykiniai kultūros tyrimai · 2013 · T. 1 · Nr. 1 Baltų kultūra the myth over roughly last 50 years. It can From the current analysis a non-unilin- be suggested that Greimas and Toporov ear scheme of development of research can revived the myth. It became relevant to be offered. The phases in this article referred the Lithuanian academia, as an important to as ‘revival’ and ‘integration’ reflect the historical source, that provides significant path of gradual and in some cases deliberate information for understanding the society inclusion of the myth into the Lithuanian of medieval Lithuania. Also their analysis cultural memory. Nevertheless, in the most provided a framework for further research recent research, the myth is addressed from of the myth. Works by Vėlius, Beresnevičius, a different point of view and the key assump- and Vaitkevičienė and Vaitkevičius tried to tion of the Lithuanianness of the myth is established the myth as the crucial part of questioned. So the myth of Sovius cannot a historical imagery relating to the early yet be treated as a firm part ofL ithuanian formation of the Lithuanian statehood and cultural memory. It can be suggested that the pre-Christian period of Lithuanian such development might reflect the political history. They assumed the Baltic origin of realities in Lithuania. The myth has been the myth and by comparing it with other actualised in Lithuania by Lithuanians only Lithuanian historical myths (e.g. the myth during the last years of the Soviet era (Grei- of Šventaragis), ethnographic material and mas was living in France, while Toporov archaeological evidence, tried to reconstruct was Russian). The nationally – oriented the possible official religion of th13 century strand taken by Vėlius and developed by Lithuania. This line of thought represents Beresnevičius roughly correlates with the attempts of integration of the myth into first 10–15 years of Lithuanian independ- Lithuanian cultural memory. Roughly over ence and reflects the tendency to assert the last decade new approaches to the myth Lithuanian nationhood after the 50 years appeared. Some of them withdrawn the of cultural suppression in the Soviet Union. myth from solely Lithuanian or Baltic con- The most recent research is conducted by text or the myth was treated more as a piece a nationally-diverse group of scholars that of literary heritage rather than a historically mainly focuses on the context that cannot relevant source, reflecting the mindset of the be contested – the actual historical source of Balts. Vilkul and Temčin offered new theo- the chronographia. The fact that complexi- ries of origin of the myth, their research is re- ties related to reconstructions of Lithuanian flected in a relevant synthesis of Lithuanian mythology and use early historical sources history by Baronas, Dubonis and Petrauskas. are discussed in the 3rd volume of key syn- The detailed analysis of historical sources thesis of Lithuanian history by Baronas et and transcriptions allowed Lemeškin to offer al, reflect a changing attitude and a strive for novel insights and interpretations of the plot precision in interpretation of such sources of the myth. While a mythological analysis as the chronographia of 1262 (1261). This by a French scholar P. Walter provided a turn might correlate with the greater sense comparison with other motifs in Western of safety experienced by Lithuanians after European traditions. becoming parts of the EU and NATO.

The Myth of Sovijus and its Relation to 27 Lithuanian Cultural Memory The aim of this article is to approach the providing the context for the canonical myth as a potential form of Lithuanian or forms.65 Generally very few cultural forms cultural memory. In addressing this issue constitute the canon and a multiplicity of author finds terms of ‘archive’ and ‘canon’ them is in the archive. The myth of Sovijus proposed by Aleida Assmann useful64. The due to the ongoing scholarly research and ‘canon’ is seen as the sum of active cultural publications definitely exists in the archive forms that are constantly reused and rein- of Lithuanian cultural memory. On the terpreted in shaping the cultural identity, other hand, its Lithuanianness or Baltic ‘archive’, on the other hand, is comprised origins are contested, in addition it is hard of all the cultural forms that simply ex- to link the myth with particular historical ist – are not forgotten. They work only by personalities and events. This makes the myth of Sovius not as relevant so as to

64 assman, A. Canon and Archive. A companion to become an actively reused cultural form. Cultural Memory Studies. Eds. A. Erll, A. Nunning. Berlin; New York: De Gruyter, 2010, p. 441, p. 97–108. 65 ibid, p. 98.

References: Identity. New German Beresnevičius, G. Baltų [Eurasian visions of the Critique, 65, p. 125–133. religinės reformos [Re- dying hour: the trapped ligious reforms of the ones]. Rytai–Vakarai: Aleknaitė, E. Šamaniški Baltų religijos ir Balts]. Vilnius: Taura, Komparatyvistinės studi- elementai baltų mitologijos šaltiniai. 1995, p. 221. jos V. Vilnius: KFMI, religinėje tradicijoje I tomas: Nuo seniausių 2006, p. 14–27. [Shamanic Elements laikų iki XV amžiaus Beresnevičius, G. in the Baltic Religious pabaigos. [The Sources Lietuvių religija ir mi- Bumblauskas, A. Se- Tradition], Liaudies of Baltic Religion and tologija: sisteminė studija nosios Lietuvos istorija: kultūra, 2008/3 (120), Mythology. Vol. 1: since [Lithuanian Religion 1009–1795 [The History p. 12–19. the early ages to 15th and Mythology: a sys- of Ancient Lithuania], century] Sud. N. Vėlius. temic study]. Vilnius: Vilnius: R. Paknio Aleksandravičius, Vilnius: Mokslo ir Tyto alba, 2004, p. 291. leidykla, 2007, p. 485. E., Kulakauskas, A. enciklopedijų leidykla, Carų valdžioje: XIX a. 1996, p. 743. Beresnevičius, G. Bučys, A. Seniau- Lietuva[Under the Rule Šventosios ugnies sios lietuvių literatūros of Tsars: Lithuania Baronas, D. et al. chronologija. Kulto istorija ir chrestomatija in the 19th Century]. Lietuvos istorija. steiginių atspindžiai [Ancient Lithuanian Vilnius: Baltos lankos, XIII a. – 1385: valstybės dangaus kūnų mitologi- Literature: a history and 1996, p. 359. iškilimas tarp Rytų ir jose: baltai, iranėnai, ontology]. Vilnius: Ver- Vakarų [The History of finai [Chronology of the sus aureus, 2012, 655 p. Assman, A. Canon and Lithuania. 13th centu- sacred fire. Reflections Archive. A companion ry – 1385: the Rise of the of the Cult Institutions Bučys, A. Kaip to cultural memory State Between East and in the Mythologies of vadinsime „1262 studies. Eds. A. West]. Vilnius: Baltos Celestial Bodies: Baits, metų chronografą“ – Erll, A. Nunning. lankos, 2011, p. 615. Iranians, Finns]. Tau- lietuvišku ar judėjišku Berlin; New York: De tosakos darbai, 2002, (žydišku)? [How Shall Gruyter, 2010. p. 441. Beresnevičius, G. Dau- XVIII (XXIV), p. 78–87. We Call the „Chrono- p. 97–108. sos [The Netherword], graph of 1262“ – Lithu- Vilnius: Taura, 1990, Beresnevičius, G. anian or Hebrew (Jew- Assman, J. Collective p. 214. Priešmirtinės Eurazijinės ish)?] Lietuvos rašytojų

Memory and Cultural 2351-471X ISSN vizijos: užstrigusieji sąjungos mėnraštis

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