POLITEIA: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, 11 (1) (2019): 1-9 ISSN 0216-9290 (Print), ISSN 2549-175X (Online) Available online https://jurnal.usu.ac.id/index.php/politeia

Islamic Activism, Local Politics, and Contradiction of Democratisation in

Faisal Riza* & Junaidi Department of Islamic Political Thought, Faculty of Ushuluddin and Islamic Studies State Islamic University of North Sumatra

Received in December 2018, Approved in December 2018, Published January 2019 Abstrak Makalah ini berfokus pada meneliti tentang transformasi aktivisme Islam di Sumatera Utara terutama gerakan mereka, yang didengungkan oleh Aksi Bela Islam di 2016, di wilayah ini pasca-hukuman Basuki Tjahaja Purnama di tahun antara 2017 dan 2018. Studi ini menganalisis gerakan mereka dalam menjaga narasi politik, wacana Islam yang diintimidasi, dan kemudian semua ini telah dikapitalisasi untuk kepentingan politik dalam pemilihan daerah seperti pemilihan gubernur di Sumatera Utara 2018. Studi ini didekati dengan teori gerakan sosial, gerakan sosial Islam, dan kemudian menjadi terkait dengan proyek demokratisasi dan narasi kontemporer nasionalisme . Studi ini berpendapat bahwa pertama, gerakan ini masih bergerak lebih lama daripada yang diprediksi banyak sarjana karena kemampuan mereka untuk menjaga wacana dan menganalisis peluang struktur politik. Kedua, fragmentasi dalam tubuh gerakan tidak dapat dihindari karena disorientasi kerja dan hubungannya dengan elit politik dan politik elektoral. Ketiga, bayang-bayang keberadaan gerakan ini tetap menjadi tantangan besar bagi proyek demokratisasi di Sumatera Utara dan umumnya Indonesia. Kata Kunci: Gerakan Sosial, Elit Politik, Demokratisasi.

Abstract This paper focus on examining the transformation of Islamic activism in North Sumatra especially their movement, which was echoed by the Aksi Bela Islam in Jakarta 2016, in this region in post- punishment of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama between 2017 and 2018. The study analyses their movement in keeping the narration of politics, discourse of intimidated Islam, and then all these have been capitalised for political interest in regional election such as governor election in North Sumatra 2018. The study is approached by social movement theory, Islamic social movement, and then being related to the project of democratization and the contemporary narration of Indonesia nationalism. This study argues that firstly, this movement is still going on move longer than many scholar predicted because their ability to keep discourse and analize political structure opportunity. Secondly, fragmentation in the body of movement can not be avoided because working disorientation and their relation with political elit and electoral politics. Third, the shadow of this movement existence remains a big challenge for democratization project in North Sumatra and generally Indonesia. Keywords: Social Movement, Political Elites, Democratization

How to cite: Riza, F. & Junaidi. (2018), Islamic Activism, Local Politics, and Contradiction of Democratisation in North Sumatra, Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, Vol 11, (1): 1-9

*Corresponding author: E-mail: [email protected] Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, Vol 11, (1): 1-9

INTRODUCTION people who were attached to the Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) figure, Djarot The 2016 Islamic Defendant Saiful Hidayat, former deputy governor Action Movement (Aksi Bela Islam) in of DKI Jakarta during Ahok's leadership Jakarta demanding punishment for and returning in pairs in the DKI 2017 Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) for Pilgub. Muslim resistance more and blaspheming the Koran is a phenomenal more because they assume that Djarot is movement. Although similar movements a figure who is equally troubled when are not new in Indonesia and especially leading Jakarta, then, this situation in Muslim-majority countries in the provides new opportunities for Islamic world, this movement has a unique side movements such as North Sumatra such as Peace Action and echoes to GNPF and GAPAI SU to do long work as various parts of Indonesia. Many in the Ahok case in Jakarta. observers consider that the Islamic solidarity movement, which is This study wants to explore how the voluminous Islamic Defensive Action, movements of this movement maintain does not last long, one of the reasons the discourse they build that is useful for being the assumption that the movement prolonging the life of the movement, is a short-term political movement, maintaining tension and caring for namely the 2016 Jakarta Election, support from Muslim supporters. furthermore, this movement will end when the Ahok verdict demands Definition and Theory of Social applying inclusion. Although in some Movements areas confirmation can be obtained of this assumption, but this situation is To facilitate the operation of a different from what happened in North comprehensive discussion and Sumatra. This movement is gaining understanding in this chapter we will momentum for several reasons. First, parse the definition of the Social since the beginning of the Islamic Movement and the theoretical debate solidarity movement at the end of 2016, among theorists about developing North Sumatra was in fact an area that approaches in this matter, including made a big noise. Secondly, a similar specifically the theory of Islamic social situation had been experienced by movements. These theories were also Muslims in when the Medan reviewed and discussed, then tested and regional election in 2010. At that time, used in approaching the phenomenon of one of the figures competing in the social movements from the Anti- Pilkada was Sofyan Tan, this figure got Blasphemy Movement of North resistance from Islam because he was of Sumatra. ethnic Chinese, religious Christian, and supported by PDIP. Third, there are Social movements are understood regional head elections at the provincial as a group of people or organizations and district levels which are that are diffusely organized that strive simultaneously carried out here. towards common goals related to human Incidentally, the figures who participated society or social change. In addition, in this event were figures identified as social movements are loosely organized

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Faisal Riza & Junaidi, Islamic Activism, Local Politics, and Contradiction of Democratisation in but sustainable campaigns to support some social movements are born when social goals, usually the application or certain people or certain groups of prevention of changes in the structure or people feel that they do not have certain value of societies. Although social goods, services, or resources (McAdam, movements differ in size, all are McCarthy, & Zald, 1988). Some Islamic basically collective in nature, and that is, circles, especially those belonging to the they come together spontaneously but ABI movement feel that their rights are the relationship is not defined by rules not fulfilled by the current regime. The and procedures but only sharing rights they perceive as the right to common views in society. express the values and teachings of Islam are not accommodated by the All definitions of social present government. However, this movements reflect the idea that social movement presupposes the struggle for movements are intrinsically related to resources. They consider that Islamic social change. They do not cover the mastery in terms of resources is activities of people as members of stable considered very minimal because the social groups with established structures allocation and distribution of resources and norms and values that are is more controlled by people who they undoubted. Member behavior of social consider to be agents of liberal movements does not reflect the capitalism and Chinese communism. assumption that the social order will The term "resources" in this context continue as it is. This reflects, conversely, refers to things such as money, labor, the belief that people collectively can social status, knowledge, media support bring or prevent social change if they and political elites, and so on. will dedicate themselves to pursuing goals. Non-committed observers may One of the great advantages of regard these goals as illusions, but for this theory is that it offers a convincing their members is a hope that is quite explanation of why in some situation capable of being realized. Social some complaints can give birth to movements are not everyday successful social movements, whereas in movements, habits, but behaviors that other situations the same type of are influenced by the purpose of the complaint may not produce anything movement that is to bring changes in the similar. However, there are social way things "always" have been done or movements that are born even when sometimes prevent changes. resources are especially scarce (Starr, 2000), Starr discusses in detail how many Some of the main theories of "new" social movements are categorized social movements have been put by many under the umbrella term forward for years and how these theories "antiglobalization movement" trying to can explain the birth and growth and or mobilize resources power, especially dissolution of certain social movements. human resources, by submitting Here also we can see how some of these requests to grassroots organizers. These theories run in dealing with social grassroots organizers first tried to gather movements of the internet era, such as workers in their area, then to unite them the controversial anti-globalization in mid-level regional meetings, and movement. In the theory of deprivation, finally organize protests (and even

2 Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, Vol 11, (1): 1-9 boycotts) at the national and terms including 'Islamic movements',' international levels. Now mobilization Islamic politics', 'Islamic activism', models for such protests have almost 'Islamic revival' or 'revivalism', and 'neo- shifted to the presence and political religious movements', and' extraordinary influence of modern Islamism ' (Bayat, 2005). The concept of technology (the Internet, cell phones). fundamentalism emphasizes the essence Petitions, protests and claims are of literal interpretation. This pattern mobilized through websites. emphasizes the traditionalism of the movement. In different versions The next theory is the theory of fundamentalism is a belief in exclusive political processes. This concept treats poses of a unique truth (Gellner, 2013). social movements as a type of political The alternative term for fundamentalism movement in which the origins of social is neo-political religion or "new religious movements are traced to the availability politics". This term was proposed by of political opportunities. More Keddie to make it more neutral and precisely, this theory sees social clearly distinguish between politics and movements in question to the state or the weight of the movement (Keddie, responsible governmental powers. If the 1998). In addition, there is also the term government's position is deeply rooted 'Revivalism' or 'resurgence' which and also vulnerable to repressive emphasizes that religion is loaded with behavior, it is likely that social political content in this movement. In the movements may fail. Conversely, if the context of the term 'political Islam', this government is weak or more tolerant of is meant for an Islamic movement that differences in attitudes, it is likely that emphasizes their political nature. every social movement born may have Islamism is sometimes released by the opportunity to grow and develop Islamic circles, even though state control (Dobson, 2001). However, the main over people's lives and almost every problem with this political process practice of Islamic life in their families, theory is that this approach emphasizes schools and other public spaces becomes the importance of political conditions political. and companion political opportunities in determining opportunities for success Finally, the term 'Islamic for newborn social movements. activism', which is meant to see and take into account the inclusion of various In the Islamic movement types of activities, political, social and discourse some literature proposes cultural, which appear under the rubric different terms and may be conceptually of the Islamic movement (Bayat, 2005). close together. The term Islamic The concept, said Bayat, has no movement has been generalized as specificity to point to the recent increase Islamism. Islamism appears to have a in actions in Indonesia. Discourse variety of representations and is used to analysis of texts, words and symbols can describe the phenomenon of its explain the methodological orientation complexity. For example, the term that applies to discover the nature of the Islamic fundamentalism which is Islamist movement. And many interpreted as a big paying of many 'fundamentalist' arguments get their raw

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Faisal Riza & Junaidi, Islamic Activism, Local Politics, and Contradiction of Democratisation in

material from this type of data. They conducted was in-depth interviews with tend to recognize Islam as a religion and several figures who were members of the Islamism as a political project by GNPF and GAPAI SU. In addition, we ignoring variations over time in the also conducted interviews with perception of religion, practices and supporters of this movement. In this institutions among various segments of work, we talked a number of times when the population in certain societies and the demonstration took place, another between different Muslim countries. A time a light conversation was held at a dynamic and changing view of mosque and coffee shop. In terms of movement is often overshadowed by helping to record data and information static vision. The Islamist movement is when observing and interviewing, we use often presented as a very homogeneous tools here such as voice recorder and coherent social unit that must be applications on smartphones, photos and identified by their ideological discourse. stationery; c) Our document studies are There is little interest in dissecting carried out on program reports, leaflets movements to uncover the layers and circulating in action, meeting documents, orientation of their constituents. Many and the like. All of these are very useful Islamic narratives treat it simply in terms to expand and to sharp the analysis of the of religious revivalism, expressions of discourse developed by the GAPAI elites primordial loyalty, or as something to its supporters. unique and unique that conventional social science cannot analyze. 3. Data management After the data been collected, the next RESEARCH METHODOLOGY activity is to process the data which is 1. Type of Research classifying, correlating and filtering it out. This study uses a type of discursive The results are then adjusted to the approach. The researcher chose to use this discussion plan and research objectives. approach because it has been considered more representative of the variety of 4. Analysis of data movement narratives that became a Data analysis was carried out with a subset in it. It is also considered discursive approach. In this case the appropriate in exploring the meaning of theory of discourse analysis is used to people's behavior as a dynamic look at Islamic political discourse community, the development of their developed in the social movement. movements from one moment to another. Methodologically this step follows the method of Manuel Castells which 2. Data Collection emphasizes that social movements must There are several steps that I have taken be seen by "their own discourse". When in collecting data, including; a) presenting and analyzing movements, I Observation: our observation activities will follow very closely their own words, were carried out among others by not just ideas, as recorded in the following and seeing several document where I work, because, like organizational meetings and Castells, the identity of the movement is demonstrations in the field, seeing spoken by those who speak. The Castell activities, listening to speeches, and method is useful beyond the structuralist responding to the demonstrators in this position he has followed by deducing the process; b) interviews, which we 4 Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, Vol 11, (1): 1-9 nature of the movement from the location In the frenzy of the ABI in 2016, of the actor class, by looking on the several issues raised by ABI supporters contrary to what they actually say they cover many things. Beyond the issue of want. However, this kind of discourse blasphemy, other issues with more scope analysis has its own drawbacks, raising appearing and being the subject of public some difficult questions. Given the discussion. Several things was debated fragmented nature of contemporary include the issue of social justice, movements, who speaks for those economic domination by certain groups, movements? Is it Ideologists, leaders, the arrival of thousands of workers from various layers of constituents? Most China, the rise of communism and, or accounts are restricted by relying solely rather the PKI, Western domination of on the language of ideologists. Another the Islamic world, the efforts of others to problem is how to distinguish what the destroy and so on. speaker means by what they say, The Bayat and Hilman theories can be especially in times of transition and used as analytical tools to see how uncertainty when words can have many effective the GAPAI and GNPF meanings. In addition, later, the theory of movements are, especially how when Islamic activism of Asef Bayat was also they gain momentum. Sentimental operated to examine the structure of political discourse is a challenge in motion, polarization, and fragmentation the project of developing that worked in the Islamic movement. democratization in North Sumatra, and Furthermore, we use the political this political trail of hatred is basically opportunity structure theory approach as not the first to occur in the direct regional one of the established theories of social head elections here at least after the movements, to see how the movement reformation in Indonesia. Indeed, for plays in looking at the political regions with a pluralistic society the opportunities provided by the structural maintenance of social political harmony environment. is not easy, development that is expected to create a democratic culture released Fabrication of Religious Issues from traditional ties turns out to have its own complexity. "Native Sons", "Native Why can a movement last longer and Non-native Groups", faithful than expected? How can SU GAP and religious rules, and tribalism cannot be GNPF maintain the tension of the absent from the government agenda movement? A social movement theorist (Riza, 2011). Asef Bayat said that a key element of a protest movement was sustainability The anti-Chinese riots of 1998 (Bayat, 2012), meanwhile, Hilman Latief illustrate how the peak of racism tensions when commenting on the Bela Islam here, then in 2008 when the North Action movement stressed that the Sumatra governor voted Rudolf Pardede, solidarity and protest movements had a Christian served as a successor to the potential to transform into a long- Tengku Rizal Nurdin in the last half of term social movement if sustained by the leadership period, wanted to run as strong discourse (Latief, 2017: 213). Governor of North Sumatra 2008 -2013. Immediately, resistance from Islamic

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Faisal Riza & Junaidi, Islamic Activism, Local Politics, and Contradiction of Democratisation in circles emerged, the anti-plurality since 2015. Third, Djarot in his sentiment maneuver appeared in the participation as Governor accompanied form of "Coalition of the Ummah", at that by Sihar Sitorus, a descendant Toba time. Furthermore, in 2010 at the Medan Bataks and Christians who act as City Election event, when Sofyan Tan, candidates for their Deputies. one of the figures competing in the regional election event, this figure gained In addition to discourse resistance from the Islamic community fabrication, there is also discourse because he was of ethnic Chinese, amplification through social media such Christian, and supported by PDIP as Facebook, , WhatsApp, and (Indonesia Democratic Party-Struggle). Youtube. The GAPAI network uses this As a result, Sofyan Tan lost to these means of amplification effectively and identity factors (Aspinall, Dettman, & massively so that mass mobilization in Warburton, 2011). Then, in 2018 there every movement agenda can always be will be a regional head election at the said to be crowded and successful. In provincial and district levels which is short, here can be put forward the simultaneously carried out here. argument that this Islamic movement can Incidentally, the figures who participated last long and get support because their in this event were figures identified as ability to produce religious issues and people who were attached to the Basuki amplify them later in accordance with the Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) figure, Djarot mind and inner state of society, this Saiful Hidayat, former deputy governor ability also presupposes adaptation to of DKI Jakarta during Ahok's leadership social situations and political and returning in pairs in the DKI 2017 momentum, then, fabrication the issue is Pilgub. Muslim resistance more and also supported by strength more because they assume that Djarot is a figure who is equally troubled when Elite Fragmentation Challenges leading Jakarta, then, this situation provides new opportunities for Islamic The phenomenon of ABI from the movements such as North Sumatra beginning shows the symptoms of GNPF and GAPAI SU to do long work as plurality and fragmentation of Islamic in the Ahok case in Jakarta. They built a authorities in Indonesia. Rizik Shihab's is narrative on three things at the same time a figure who was proclaimed as a High which hampered Djarot's winning work Priest of Indonesian Muslims attracted in North Sumatra. First, the issue of the many supporters and made it a new Koran defamation carried out by Ahok in authority outside of figures from Jakarta 2016, where Djarot was mainstream organizations such as NU considered involved in it because he was and Muhammadiyah (Burhani, 2016). In a candidate for Deputy Governor of addition, internally, as a movement in Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, PDIP as his addition to strengthening work also must Djarot party also supported and backed be able to maintain the solidity of the Ahok. Second, Djarot as not the son of organization and management of the region, Djarot himself came from conflict, when conflict fails to be Blitar, East Java, had been mayor there managed, fragmentation and division for two periods, then was assigned by his cannot be avoided. GAPAI does not party to accompany Ahok in Jakarta escape from fragmented experience, this situation can be seen due to several 6 Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, Vol 11, (1): 1-9 factors, among others; first, the trap of seen in the shadow of several figures political pragmatism. The sentimental which later ran for Governor. In the early political discourse of this movement did days, among the political figures which get public support and sympathy were present at the demonstration was because it was seen as a sympathetic and Tengku Erry Nuradi, at which time he Islamic action. However, if viewed from also acted as Governor. His presence in the typical problem or issue raised by this action could not only be interpreted this movement, it can be understood later as a presence as a Governor, but his that similar issues have always become arrival at this forum opened political pragmatism. The large opportunities for interpretations of membership of GAPAI SU and GNPF political opportunities which he might (around 40 Islamic Organizations) have achieved especially sympathy from basically raises some basic questions, thousands of demonstrators. Many state especially about how they manage issues officials want to come in various actions to maintain the tension of the movement, but not all are accepted by the GNPF and and the stability of the sense of GAPAI SU. One of them is the head of togetherness, how. The polarization and Police of Republic of Indonesia plurality of mass organizations (KAPOLRI) Tito Karnavian. Up to this incorporated in this movement certainly point, we can see that this movement cannot be simplified, and what is more seems very close to Tengku Erry Nuradi, be uniformed in terms of interests. The this strife is increasingly visible when the diversity of backgrounds and rejection scenarios emerge from GAPAI characteristics of Islamic organizations and GNPF against candidates within GAPAI is a challenge for them in recommended by political parties. In maintaining their cohesiveness, short, this scenario is that they affirm especially after demonstrations of themselves as channeling the aspirations increasingly wild political issues are of Muslims by the way any candidate for characterized by mutual claims among Governor and Deputy Governor who elites about who has the most right to will be recommended by political parties bring the aspirations of Muslims. As a must consult and get recommendations solidarity movement, the power of issues from GAPAI and GNPF. is the key to maintaining cohesiveness between different groups to stay in line Then, during the election of the and transform the energy they have to Governor of North Sumatra 2018 make the desired changes. entering the registration stage, there was an internal turmoil by GAPAI which Second, the political pragmatism responded to the decision of the Gerindra of this movement is closely related to the Party along with the PKS, PAN, Nasdem, internal elite of the organization and the and coalitions to support Edy local political elite who have an interest Rahmayadi and Musa Rajekshah in the in the regional head election. In Medan, North Sumatra Pilgub. Gerindra's during the solidarity movement of the decision was apparently rejected by the Islamic Defendant Action in Jakarta 2016, North Sumatra Ulema Fatwa Guard a demonstration of solidarity that has Movement (GNPF). They even urged been here since the beginning has been Gerindra to revoke its support for the

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Faisal Riza & Junaidi, Islamic Activism, Local Politics, and Contradiction of Democratisation in candidates for Governor and Deputy candidate for the Governor had caused Governor who had been carried. The polemics in the internal GAPAI and rejection of the GNPF was delivered GNPF. He was considered to have done directly by the General Chairperson of so as something other than the North Sumatra's GNPF, Heriansyah, in a organization's agreement and the ulama's letter dated January 6, 2018 which was decision at the GNPF, therefore he was addressed to the General Chairperson of considered to claim to be acting on behalf the Gerindra DPP, Prabowo Subianto. of Muslims for his personal ambitions. Apart from the reason the candidate who Rabualam itself believes that his efforts to was supported by Gerindra was declare itself to improve the welfare of considered as a figure whose helped Muslims that have not been achieved so degrade the spirit 212, another reason far, Muslims have not been completely raised by the GNPF for the rejection was independent, he said. Heriansyah as because of the joining of the "Religious chairman of the North Sumatra GNPF Defiance Supporting Party" in the MUI nominated himself as deputy regent coalition. As is known, the religious of the district of Langkat on the 2018 opponents referred to by GNPF are post-conflict local election in the district. Basuki Tjahaja Purnama alias Ahok, Once again, this move of Rabualam and while the party which is considered the Heriansyah is actually not too surprising. party supporting supporters of religion is Because their dream of being a leader in the party that carried Ahok in the 2016 the era of regional autonomy has long Jakarta election, namely Hanura, been embedded, Rabualam had tried Nasdem, Golkar, and PDIP. In his letter, twice the regional elections in Deli the GNPF said that if the Gerindra Party Serdang in 2008 and 2013, while things still carries the recommended candidates that were more or less the same also at this time, then the Party would lose the happened to Heriansyah. trust of the North Sumatra Ulama GNPF and Islamic community organizations CONCLUSION incorporated in it and the Muslims in The Islamic movement which general. However, along with the seen in the ABI volumes and having ongoing political dynamics, the political supporting organs up to the level of attitude of GAPAI and GNPF is regional regions in Indonesia shows that increasingly not directed and very Islamic solidarity is still a glue pragmatic. Previously they refused the togetherness factor. Discourse pair Edi Rahmayadi and Musa Rajekshah fabrication, sentimental issues of but later they accepted. religion, regionalism, and identity politics have become key factors Another internal maneuver from supporting the survival of this GAPAI SU and GNPF is the efforts of the movement more than many observers leaders to take part in the regional head had expected. However, the movement election. There are those at the provincial of this model and the discourse they level and others at the district level. At carry actually gives a sense of concern the provincial level, Rabualam as the about the space for democratization that chairman of GAPAI SU declared itself as is missing. Forcing public narratives, a candidate for the Governor of North sentimental, hate-based, and anti- Sumatra 2018-2023. Rabualam desire as a pluralistic political narratives, of course, seriously jeopardizes the development of

8 Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, Vol 11, (1): 1-9 the democratization project in Indonesia Asia. Singapore: Asia Research because this project requires the support Institute, NUS. of a moderate, pluralist and tolerant civil Starr, A. (2000). Naming the enemy: Anti- movement. corporate movements confront globalization. London: Zed Books.

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