In This Paper, I Will Examine Whether the Peg Figurine(1)

A STUDY OF THE PEG FIGURINE WITH THE INSCRIPTION OF ENANNATUM I*

TOSHIKO KOBAYASHI**

Introduction

In this paper, I will examine whether the peg figurine(1) engraved with the inscription of Enannatum I, the fourth ruler of the Urnanshe dynasty, during the Early Dynasic Period in Lagash, represents his personal deity Shulutul. In ancient Mesopotamia, it was customary for builders to bury inscribed foundation deposits(2)-peg figurines, stone tablets and so on-in the foundation of buildings such as temples. At present, there are at least ten peg figurines that contain the inscription of Enannatum I on the lower half of their bodies and have a stick form(3) (Fig. 1). All are made of copper and assume the same pose, having long hair flowing down their back and clasping their hands in front of their chest. The most significant characteristic is that the heads bear a single pair of protuberances. R. D. Biggs,(4) V. E. Crawford(5) et al.(6) regard these peg figurines as Shulutul, the personal deity of Enannatum I, for they regard a pair of protuberances as horns indicating a deity and point out that those dug out of the Ibgal temple of Inanna were identified with Shulutul by their inscription. The analysis of the inscriptions by these scholars is not complete, so I will try to analyze royal inscriptions and examine whether the peg figurines represent Shulutul.

I. The Construction of the Inscription

The inscription is given below. Since the inscription of the peg figurine in Corpus, EN. I, 22 is badly damaged and the inscription on boulder B in ibid., EN. I, 21 is not completely preserved, the same undamaged inscription engraved on a stone tablet in 1H 112A(7) is transliterated and translated as follows:

* The abbreviations employed in this paper are those used in R. Borger, Handbuch der Keil- schriftliteratur I & II, Berlin, 1967, 1975. ** Lecturer, Rissho University.

Vol. XXIV 1988 1 I, 1) dinanna 2) nin-kur-kur-ra 3) en-an-na-tum 4) ensi- 5) lagaski 6) sa-pa-da- 7) dnanse 8) ensi-gal- 9) dnin-gir-su-ka 10) mu-du10-sa4-a- 11) dinanna-ka 12) dumu-to-da- II, 13) dlugal-urubxki-ka 14) dumu-a-kur-gal 15) ensi- 16) lagaski-ka 17) ses-ki-ag- 18) e-an-na-tum 19) ensi- 20) lagaski-ka-ke4 21) dinanna-ra 22) ib-gal mu-na-du III, 23) e-an-na 24) kur-kur-ra mu-na-diri 25) guskin ku-babbar-ra 26) su mu-na-ni-tag 27) mu-ni-tum 28) en-an-na- tum 29) lu-inim-ma-se-ga- 30) dinanna-ka 31) dingir-ra-ni 32) dsul-utul12 IV, 33) nam-ti- 34) en-an-na-tum 35) ensi- 36) lagaski-ka-se 37) u4-ul-la-se 38) dinanna-ra 39) ib-gal-la 40) kiri su he-na-se-gal V, 41) u4-ul-pa-e-a 42) ensi-bi 43) ku-li-mu he "For Inanna, queen of all the lands, Enannatum, ensi of Lagash, chosen by Nanshe's heart, ensi-gal of Ningirsu, given a fine name by Inanna, son begotten by Lugalurub, son of Akurgal, ensi of Lagash, beloved brother of Eannatum, ensi of Lagash, built the Ibgal for Inanna, and made the Eanna surpass all other lands for her, decorating it for her with gold and silver, and furnishing it. Enanatum, who is commissioned by Inanna-may Shulutul, his (personal) deity, forever have hand at his nose for the life of Enanatum, ensi of Lagash, to Inanna in the Ibgal. 'He who has made it forever manifest, the ruler is indeed my friend'." First, Inanna was imagined to be the reader of this inscription,(8) and Enannatum was said to have built the temple for this deity (col. I, 1. 1-col. III, 1. 27). Secondly, Shulutul was supposed to be the reader. It is said that he should have his hand at his nose,(9) that is, he should pray, demanding the long life of Enannatum I before Inanna (III, 28-IV, 40). What kind of deity is a personal deity praying on behalf of a ruler? Supreme deities in the pantheon of ancient Mesopotamia were thought to keep a person in awe, so that an individual man should have a personal deity as an intermediator who intercedes on his behalf when the deities assemble to judge all men and decide their fates.(10) A personal deity is low in rank, guarding an individual man as well as also his family, helping his work, bearing moral responsibility and punishing unjust conduct.(11) Shulutul, generally called dingir-ra-ni, "his deity,"(12) was personal deity of the Urnanshe dynasty as well as Enannatum's. The long life of Enannatum seems to be what is desired in building the Ibgal,(13) and Shulutul is asked "to have his hand at his nose,"

2 ORIENT A STUDY OF THE PEG FIGURINE WITH THE INSCRIPTION OF ENANNATUM I telling the wish of Enannatum to Inanna, the supreme deity. At the end of the inscription, a future ruler is supposed to be the reader and is entrusted with safeguarding the Ibgal(14) (col. V, 11. 41-43). Whom does "my" in the inscription point out? This inscription, 1H 112A is engraved on the stone tablet, and the same inscription seems to be engraved on the peg figurine. In the latter case, "my" is the peg figurine itself, namely, it seems that the peg figurine entrusted a future ruler with safeguarding the temple. As seen in the inscription, building the temple is the act of a ruler, not a personal deity. Therefore safeguarding it also seems to be the act of a ruler, not a personal deity. "My friend"(15) is friendly term, which Enannatum I, the builder of the Ibgal, uses toward a later ruler, who may safeguard it in the future. Thus, the peg figurine seems to represent Enannatum I. Furthermore, the formula of a ruler entrusting a future ruler with safeguarding a temple is not seen except in the inscription of Enannatum I discussed in this paper.

II. The Peg Figurines with the Inscription of Urnanshe

At present, there are no less than six peg figurines on which the inscription of Urnanshe,(16) the first ruler of the Urnanshe dynasty, is engraved (Fig. 2). These figurines assume the same pose, clasping their hands in front of their chest and having their long hair flowing down their back, but they do not have a pair of protuberances on their head. The inscription is engraved on the lower half of their stick-like bodies. One kind is made of alabaster,(17) and the others are made of copper. The former's inscription is classified in ibid., URN. 2 and the latter's in ibid., URN. 3-7; however, the contents of both are the same: Ibid., URN. 2, 1) ur-dnanse 2) lugal- 3) lagas 4) dumu-gu-ni-du 5) es-gir-su 6) mu-du "Urnanshe, lugal of Lagash, son of Gunidu, built the Eshgirsu." It is assumed that these peg figurines on which names of the builder and the building are simply inscribed represent Urnanshe,(18) the builder, for no other persons or deities are referred to in this inscription. Though Shulutul is not seen in it, the fact that he was the personal deity of Urnanshe and was connect- ed with the activity of building the Eshgirsu, can be seen from the following description in ibid., URN. 49:

Vol. XXIV 1988 3 IV, 1) dsul-utul12 2) dingir-lugal 3) dusu-ku 4) e-il 5) ur-dnanse 6) lugal- 7) lagas 8) dumu-gu-ni-du 9) dumu-gur-sar V, 1) es-gir-su 2) mu-du "Shulutul, the personal deity of the lugal,(19)carried the holy basket. Urnanshe, lugal of Lagash, son of Gunidu, son of Gursar, built the Eshgirsu." What does the action of Shulutul mean?(20) It is possible to explain the basic character of Shulutul on the basis of the below-mentioned inscription:

Ibid., EAN. 1, Face XI, 16) e-an-na-tum 17) er-du10-ga「pa」-a- 18) dsul-utul12 "Eannatum, over whom Shulutul cries sweet tears."(21) Shulutul was very glad that Eannatum, the third ruler of the Urnanshe dynasty, defeated Umma, and wept for joy. In other words, Shulutul is a deity who sympathizes with a person in his joy. A personal deity also holds moral responsibility for a person as follows: Ibid., EAN. 62, Face A, V, 4) igi-dnanse-se 5) dingir-ra-ne 6) na-dib-be 7) a-ne na-dib-be "May his personal deity never pass before Nanshe!" "May he never pass

(before Nanshe!)"(22) It is the last sentence inscribed on the broken vase dedicated to Nanshe, and the curse that Eannatum, the dedicator, uttered against anyone who broke it. A person who breaks it and his personal deity are equally guilty and will be af- raid of passing before Nanshe. Such a characteristic common to a personsl deity applies to Shulutul, too. Rulers of the Urnanshe dynasty thought that Shulutul was of the same mind with a ruler, according passively with him and performing the same acts as him. It was thought that a personal deity punished a person who acted unjusty, however, this deity seemed to have performed passively, responding to the complaint of an outsider rather than punish the person he protected spontaneously and actively.(23) What characteristic of the personal deity does the expression "Shulutul carried the holy basket" explain? On the votive plaque (Bas-relief A),(24) Urnanshe is represented having the basket on his shaven head (Fig. 3), symbolizing his building activity engraved on the inscription in the votive plaque. The performance of Shulutul in the inscription seems to be a substitute for the figure of Urnanshe on the votive plaque. In other words, if Urnanshe performs a building activity, Shulutul, his personal deity, passively also carries out the same building activity.

4 ORIENT A STUDY OF THE PEG FIGURINE WITH THE INSCRIPTION OF ENANNATUM I

III. Features of Royal Inscriptions from Eannatum Onward

There are about fifty of Urnanshe's royal inscriptions, however, Shulutul is not seen in Urnanshe's inscriptions except ibid., URN. 49 and this deity is not seen in the inscriptions of Akurgal, the second ruler of the Urnanshe dynasty, of which a few remain at the present time. Shulutul, however, is frequently found in inscriptions from Eannatum's time onward. His inscriptions, of which nearly seventy remain, have some features differing from his grandfather Urnanshe's, which succeeding rulers also followed, such as: 1. The inscriptions of Urnanshe generally begin "Urnanshe," and simply write what the ruler did, namely, "He built a temple" or "He dug a canal" and so on. As for the inscriptions from Eannatum onward, the formula of beginning by calling on a supreme deity, for instance, "For Ningirsu, hero of Enlil," increases in quantity. The statement on building activity, refers to the person on whose behalf it was performed-generally, the building activity of a ruler on behalf of a deity. 2. Rulers from Eannatum onward prefix a long epithet, including many supreme deities, to their name near the beginning of their inscriptions. Supreme deities in the Sumerian pantheon such as Enlil, Enki et al. and in the Lagash pantheon, such as Ningirsu, Nanshe et al. give various moral qualities to a ruler; however, Shulutul is not included.(25) In other words, he is not a deity who bestows morality and authority suitable to a ruler. Furthermore, there are no records about dedicating anything to Shulutul or building his temple. This is not due to accident, for this deity was not one to whom a ruler dedicated something, or for whom a ruler built something. 3. Eannatum repeatedly records battles with cities and victories. At that time, the deities who defeated enemies were Enlil and Ningirsu,(26) and the ones who punished a person transgressing against peace agreements were supreme deities, such as Enlil and others in the Sumerian pantheon.(27) Shul- utul was not brave and righteous deity who defeated enemies, gained victories, or punished who transgressed against peace agreements. Shulutul is represented as passive character in the extant inscriptions, who sympathized with a person, and by "having his hand at his nose" or "standing (to mediate),"(28) transmitted to a supreme deity a demand for a reward for the ruler in response to his building activity. There are few descriptions about

Vol. XXIV 1988 5 the character of this deity except the above-mentioned.(29) From Eannatum onward, Shulutul's name, regardless of the context, is inserted near or at the end of the inscription, although in all the inscriptions. In Eannatum's inscriptions, "His deity Shulutul"(30) is generally written near the end, while "His deity is Shulutul,"(31) the formula, which suffixes -am6 as a copla, is at the end of inscriptions of Entemena, the fifth ruler. As for inscriptions of Enannatum I and Enannatum II, the sixth ruler, there is the formula suffixing a copla, such as Steible, FAOS 5/I, En. I, 29;(32) Corpus, EN. II, 1 respectively. For instance, in inscriptions of Eannatum Shulutul is written as follows: Ibid., EAN. 2, VII, 14) e-an-na-tum 15) lu-inim-ma-se-ga- 16) dnin-gir-su-ka-ke4 17) dingir-ra-ni 18) dsul-utul12 19) e-gal-ti-ra-as 20) mu-na-du "Eannatum, who is commissioned by Ningirsu, -his deity Shulutul-built the Egaltirash for him (Ningirsu)." Why is the name of Shulutul inserted here? The following inscription provides a clue: Ibid., EAN. 22, II, 12) u4-ba III, 1) dnin-gir-su-ra 2) kisal-dagal-la-na 3) pu- sig4-BAHAR-ra 4) mu-na-ni-du 5) dingir-ra-ni 6) dsul-utul12 7) u4-ba 8) dnin-gir-su-ke4 9) e-an-na-tum 10) ki mu-na-ag "At that time, he built a well of fired bricks for Ningirsu in his (Ningirsu's) broad courtyard. His personal deity Shulutul. Ningirsu loved Eannatum then." The ruler had built the well for the supreme deity, who granted a favor to the ruler in reward for his activity. It suggests the scheme that the favour of the supreme deity was derived from some action by Shulutul, for the name of the personal deity was written between the performance of the ruler and the favor of the supreme deity. As already described in this section, the rulers adopted the formula of emphasizing the relationship with supreme deities, so that they also inevitably had to refer to the name of their personal deity, who sympathized with the ruler in his heart and who represented the wish of the ruler through the posture "to have his hand at his nose" or "to stand." The name of the personal deity, Shulutul, was written to inform Ningirsu, who is suggested as the reader of the inscription. Therefore, Shulutul is frequently seen in inscriptions from Eannatum which emphasize relation to supreme deities, while Shulutul is not seen in the inscriptions of Urnanshe which do not emphasize the relationship with supreme deities except in ibid., URN. 49. There are nearly hundred inscriptions of Entemena which conclude with

6 ORIENT A STUDY OF THE PEG FIGURINE WITH THE INSCRIPTION OF ENANNATUM I the formula, "His deity is Shulutul." Why is the name of Shulutul written at the end of these inscriptions? This question are examined below. Ibid., ENT. 17, 1) dnin-gir-su 2) ur-sag-den-lil-ra 3) en-te-me-na 4) ensi- 5) lagaski 6) dumu-en-an-na-tum 7) ensi- 8) lagaski-ka 9) lu-es-gi-gi-gu-na- 10) dnin-gir-su-ka-du-a 11) dingir-ra-ni 12)「d」sul -utul12-am6 "For Ningirsu, hero of Enlil, Entemena, ensi of Lagash, son of Eannatum, ensi of Lagash, who built the giguna of the Eshgi of Ningirsu, his personal deity is Shulutul." Ibid., ENT. 18, 1) en-te-me-na ... 4) lu-es-gi-gi-gu-na- 5) dnin-gir-su-ka-du-a 6) dingir-ra-ni 7) dsul-utul12 <-am6>(33) "Entemena, ..., who built the giguna of the Eshgi of Ningirsu, his personal deity Shulutul." Ibid., ENT. 43, I, 1) dnin-gir-su 2) ur-sag-den-lil-ra 3) en-te-me-na ... III, 3) lu- es-gi- 4) gi!-gu-na- IV, 1) dnin-gir-[su]-ka-du-a 2) dingir-ra-ni 3) dsu[1-utul12 (-am6)] "For Ningirsu, hero of Enlil, Entemena, ..., who built the giguna of the Eshgi of Ningirsu, his personal deity is Shulutul." Ibid., ENT. 17 and 18 are inscribed on door sockets, that is, foundation stones supporting a gate post, and ibid., ENT. 43 is inscribed on a stone tablet, that is, a foundation deposit. Though the materials on which these inscriptions were engraved are different, the contents of the inscriptions are about the same building. Like the inscriptions of Eannatum, "His deity is Shulutul" is regarded as a formula that makes clear to Ningirsu that Entemena performed the activity of building for Ningirsu, and that Shulutul was the personal deity, who prayed to Ningirsu for, or mediated, the request of Entemena as a reward for the building activity. Three inscriptions mentioned above did not refer to a reward but it is known from the inscription cited below what favor was transmitted by the personal deity: Ibid., ENT. 36, I, 1) dnin-gir-su 2) ur-sag-den-lil-ra 3) en-te-me-na ... III, 1) lu-es-gi- 2) dnin-gir-su-ka- 3) du-a 4) dingir-ra-ni 5) dsul-utul12 6) u4-ul-la-se IV, 1) nam-ti-la-ni-se 2) dnin-gir-su-ra 3) e-ninnu-a 4) he-ne-se-DU "For Ningirsu, hero of Enlil, Entemena, ..., who built the Eshgi of Ningirsu. May his deity Shulutul forever stand before Ningirsu in the Eninnu for his life." Ibid., ENT. 17, 18 and 43 are the inscriptions recorded to built the giguna of the Eshgi, while ibid., ENT. 36 is the inscription engraved in brick concerns the Eshgi itself. As shown in Table I, at this point, none of the inscriptions

Vol. XXIV 1988 7 is anything asked for except the ruler's long life in reward for his activity. It is not reasonable to think that the rewards sought by Entemena are different in the case of building the Eshgi and the giguna, part of the Eshgi; namely the reward seems to be the same. Though reward sought by Entemena for his building activity is not written in ibid., ENT. 17, 18 or 43, it seems to be his long life, according to ibid., ENT. 36. It is not clear why the formulas about Shulutul are different in the inscriptions of Eannatum and Entemena et al. -"His deity Shulutul" in the former and "His deity is Shulutul" in the latter. However, both formulas have the same objective: to show that Shulutul is a deity, telling of the desire for the long life of a ruler to a supreme deity by means of the action of praying or mediating. Besides, it is very significant that Shulutul stands before Ningirsu in the Eninnu, not the Eshgi. This problem will be discussed in the following section.

IV. Statues of Worshipers and Peg Figurines

There are statues-standing or sitting-dedicated to the temple and kept there to pray in stead of a worshiper, in addition to the many peg figurines (the exact number is unknown) buried in the foundation of a building.(34) Both statues have a common style,(35) their hands clasped in front of their chest-and sometimes have a common formula of inscriptions. At present, there exists only one ruler's statue of the Urnanshe dynasy, namely, the standing statue of Entemena(36) (Fig. 4). The statue of Entemena, lacking the head and clasping its hands in front of its chest, has a long inscription on the back and arms. The passages necessary for the purposes of this paper as follows: Ibid., ENT. 1, III, 8) u4-ba en-te-me-na-ke4 9) alan-na-ni 10) mu-tu 11) en-te-me-na den-lil-le ki-ag 12) mu mu-ni-sa4 13) den-lil-la 14) e-a IV, 1) mu-na-ni-tum 2) en-te-me-na 3) lu-e-ad-da-du-a 4) dingir-ra-ni 5) dsul-utl12 6) name-ti- 7) en-te-me-na-ka-se 8) u4-ul-la-se 9) den-lil-la 10) kiri su he-na-gal "At that time, Entemena fashioned his statue, named it 'Entemena whom Enlil loves,' and set it up before Enlil in the (Eadda) temple. Entemena, who built the Eadda. May Shulutul, his personal deity, forever have his hand at his nose to Enlil for the life of Entemena!" Entemena, who built the Eadda for Enlil, the supreme deity of Sumer, made a statue imitating Entemena himself and dedicated it to that temple. His

8 ORIENT A STUDY OF THE PEG FIGURINE WITH THE INSCRIPTION OF ENANNATUM I statue was charged with the mission of staying to pray in the temple. Although the details of its mission are not referred to, it seems probably to be to pray for the long life of Entemena to Enlil, for Entemena demanded to Shulutul, his personal deity, to pray for his long life to Enlil by means of "having his hand at his nose." In other words, the worshiper statue of Entemena (his substitute) and Shulutul, his personal deity, performed the same act. Inscriptions of the peg figurine of Enannatum I, col. III, 1. 31-col. IV, 1. 40 and of the worshiper statue of Entemena, col. IV, 11. 4-10 have the same formula, that is, "May his deity Shulutul forever have his hand at his nose for the long life (of a ruler) to X(deity) in Y(temple)." As mentioned above, the statue of Entemena contains the inscriptions that his statue represented himself. Supposing that the peg figurine of Enannatum I represents Shulutul, as Biggs et al, suggested, inconsistency arises if one regards the statue of En- temena (which has the same formula of inscription as the peg figurine of Enannatum I) as the statue of Shulutul. Table I compares inscriptions of rulers demanding a wish of the personal deity Shulutul, who prays or mediates to a supreme deity. Shulutul does not tell anything to a supreme deity except the long life of a ruler(37) or Lagash. Forthermore, it should be especially paid attention to the place where Shulutul has his hand at his nose, or stands, as mentioned above. As shown in Table I, the building that a ruler built and the one where Shulutul faces to a supreme deity do not necessarily correspond with each other. Take the following example: Ibid., EN. I, 20, III, 2) u4-ba 3) en-an-na-tum-me 4) ganun-mah- 5) urubxki-ba 6) mu-du 7) nam-ti-la-ni-se 8) dlugal-urubxki-ra 9) e-gal-urubxki-ka 10) kiri su he-na-se-gal "At that time, Enannatum built the Ganunmah of Urub. May [Shulutul or the statue of Enannatum] have his hand at his nose for his (the ruler's) life to Lugalurub in the Egalurub." The inscription was engraved on the boulder stone when Enannatum I built the Ganunmah to the deity Lugalurub. It does not mention the name of Shulutul. One scholar suggested that his name was erroneously omitted, while another suggested that a statue of Enannatum might have existed.(38) It was the Egalurub, not the Ganunmah, where both Shulutul and a statue of Enannatum have their hand at their nose to Lugalurub. A statue of Meannesi, son of Enannatum I and brother of Entemena,

Vol. XXIV 1988 9 survives and the inscription engraved on this statue is as follows: Steible, FAOS 5/I, En. I, 26, II, 6) [ala]n-ni mu-tu 7) dlugal-urubxki-ra 8) e-a mu-na-ni-tum 9) nam-ti-ab-ba-ni 10) en-an-na-tum-ma-se 11) nam-ti-ama-ni 12) a-[S]U.ME.EREN-se 13) nam-t[i]-la-ni-s[e] 14) dlugal-urubxki[-ra] 15) [e-gal-urubxki-ka] 16) [kiri su he-na-se-gal] "He [Meannesi] fashioned his statue and set it up before Lugalurub in (his) temple. May it have its hand at its nose to Lugalurub in the Egalurub for the life of his father Enannatum, his mother A.U.ME.EREN, and himself." In this inscription, the statue of Meannesi seems to "have its hand at its nose" and the place in which his statue performs the act is the Egalurub, the supreme temple of Lugalurub. In Corpus, ENT. 36, the place where Shulutul stood before Ningirsu is the Eninnu, not the Eshgi which Entemena built. The Eninnu was also the supreme temple of Ningirsu, not a lower ranking one. As mentioned above, it is said that a building a ruler had built is not always the same as a building where Shultul had his hand at his nose or stood, although the building which Enanna- tum I built accords with the Ibgal, the supreme temple of manna in Lagash, in which Shulutul had his hand st his nose. The supreme temple of a supreme deity was the place where the personal deity Shulutul or a worshiper statue transmitted the wish of a ruler to a supreme deity. Therefore, if a peg figurine, representing Shulutul, had been buried, ones imagines that it would always have been found in the sureme temple of a supreme deity.

V. The Peg Figurines with the Inscription of Entemena

There are no less than eleven copper peg figurines bearing the inscriptions of Entemena (Fig.(39) 5). These figurines are the same as the peg figurines of Enannatum I; namely, they have their long hair flowing down their backs, they clasp their hands in front of their chests, and their heads bear a single pair of protuberances. Inscriptions are two kinds as ibid., ENT. 2-7 and Steible, FAOS 5/I, Ent. 79. The latter is not directly related to this paper, so I will cite the former: Corpus, ENT. 2-7, I, 1) dnin-gir-su 2) ur-sag-den-lil[-ra] 3) [en-t]e-me-na 4) ensi- 5) lagaski II, 1) dumu-en-an-na-tum 2) [e]nsi- 3) lagaski-ka 4) lu-e- bappir- III, 1) dnin-gir-su-ka-du-a 2) dingir-ra-ni 3) dsul-utul12-am6 "For Ningirsu, hero of Enlil, Ente mena, ensi of Lagash, son of Eannatum, ensi

10 ORIENT A STUDY OF THE PEG FIGURINE WITH THE INSCRIPTION OF ENANNATUM I

of Lagash, who built the brewery of Ningirsu, his personal deity is Shulutul." The peg figurines bearing the inscription of Entemena have the same pair of

protuberances as those of Enannatum I. Do they represent Shulutul, too? They are not discussed as much as the peg figurines of Enannatum I.(40) As mentioned above, "His deity is Shulutul" is not an expression indicating a

peg figurine that represents this deity. It is written to make clear to Ningirsu that Shulutul is the personal deity, and tell the wish for the long life of En- temena, the builder of the brewery of Ningirsu. If the peg figurine had been interpreted as representing Shulutul, the deity's function would be to face to Ningirsu, the supreme deity, to pray or mediate the wish of Entemena and Shulutul would have faced the supreme deity in the Eninnu; and, the peg figurine of Entemena would accordingly have been buried in the foundation of the Eninnu. Such a hypothesis creates a contradiction, namely, that the

peg figurine in the foundation deposit indicating the building the brewery was buried in the Eninnu. The peg figurine indicating the building the brewery would have had to have been buried in the foundation of the brewery. There- fore, it seems reasonable to assume that the peg figurine, bearing the inscription of Entemena, represents Entemena, the builder of the brewery.

Conclusion

The inscription on the peg figurine of Enannatum I offers no grounds for identifying the peg figurine with his personal deity Shulutul. Instead, it clearly suggests negative grounds rather than affirmative ones. The primary

purpose of inscriptions on peg figurines in foundation deposits was to record who built a building, as seen in the simple formula of the inscription of Ur- nanshe. The primary purpose of inscriptions on the peg figurines of Enannatum I and Entemena as well as Urnanshe, was similarly to record who built the building. Their inscriptions, differing from one of Urnanshe, adopted the form emphasizing the relationship with supreme deities, so that Shulutul, the

personal deity, had to be referred to, for this deity prays for a ruler and mediates on his behalf before a supreme deity. He is a passive character sympathizing with a ruler and praying for, or mediating on behalf of the long life of the ruler before a supreme deity, and is not a brave deity performing actively and spontaneously. Since Urnanshe, peg figurines of a ruler of the Urnanshe dynasty seem to

Vol. XXIV 1988 11 have represented a ruler, the builder, himself. It might be valid to assume that a peg figurine that had its hand clasped in front of its chest, and was used as the foundation deposit instead of a brick or stone, had a duty to safeguard the building, although inscriptions did not mention anything. As noted in the first section, the inscription of Enannatum I states that the ruler entrusted a future ruler with safeguarding the temple but did not refer to the safeguarding of it during the present rule. Does the peg figurine reveal its duty by means of its figure? A peg figurine clasping its hands in front of its chest, like a worshiper statue praying in the supreme temple of a supreme deity, might have told its duty, although the inscription on the peg figurine does not say anything about it. Like the worshiper statue in a temple, the peg figurine in the foundation in the building might have been kept there on behalf of a ruler to pray for the safety of the building, in the present day and the future, as well as the long life of the ruler. In other words, the peg figurine of a ruler of the Urnanshe dynasty seems to be a kind of worshiper statue, that is, a worshiper statue as a foundation deposit. This paper started with the question of why peg figurines in the inscription of Enannatum I were identified with his personal deity Shulutul. As the result of my analysis of the royal inscriptions, the theory that the peg figurine represents Shulutul is not justified, leading to the conclusion that peg figurines represent the ruler. As for the form, the significance of the pair of protuberances, however, remains unsolved. Scholars who regard the peg figurine as Shulutul used the single pair of protuberances as one of the grounds for their theory, but it is impossible to solve the problem by means of analyzing royal inscriptions alone. The peg figurine of Urnanshe (Fig. 2) has long hair(41) but no pair of protuberances, while the peg figurines of Enannatum I (Fig. 1) and Entemena (Fig. 5) have long hair with a single pair of protuberances. What is the cause of the difference between the two? What does a single pair of protuberances mean? Are they horns symbolizing a deity, or a kind of hair style?(42) These questions are a task for later inquiry.

Notes

(1) S. A. Rashid, Grundungsfigurenim Iraq: PBF I/2, 1983, S. 8; Tafel A 64; Tafel 5, 49-51; Tafel 6, 58. As for the peg figurines themselves, see S. A. Rashid. "Grundungsbeigaben," RLA III, 1957-'71, SS. 656-661; R. S. Ellis, Foundation Deposits, p. 60 ff. (2) See Ellis, loc. cit. (3) Rashid, op. cit. PBF I/2, S. 8. (4) R. D. Biggs, Inscriptions from al-Hiba-Lagash-the First and Second Seasons: BM 3,

12 ORIENT A STUDY OF THE PEG FIGURINE WITH THE INSCRIPTION OF ENANNATUM I

1976, p. 1. (5) V. E. Crawford, "Excavations in the Swamps of Sumer," Expedition 14, 1972, p. 15. (6) Ellis, op. cit., p. 74; I. Furlong, Divine Headdresses of Mesopotamia in the Early Dynastic Period: BAR, International Series, 334, 1987, p. 318 ff.; D. P. Hansen, "Al-Hiba, 1968- 1969, A Preliminary Report," Artibus Asiae 32, 1970, p. 248; Idem, "Al-Hiba, 1970-1971; A Preliminary Report," Artibus Asiae 35, 1973, p. 63; Idem, "Al-Hiba-A Summary of Four Seasons of Excavation, 1968-1976," Sumer 34, 1978, p. 74; G. van Driel, "Foundation Deposits in Ancient Mesopotamia. By R. S. Ellis. Yale Near Eastern Researches, vol. 2. Pp, xv+213, 36 figs. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 1968. $ 12.50," JAOS 93, 1973, p. 70 does not entirely support the theory regarding the peg figurine as Shulutul in all respects, namely, he thinks that it is better than E. van Buren's, "Foundation Rites for a New Temple, "Or 21, 1952, p. 293 f., which suggested that it represented en. Also S. Dunham, "Sumerian Words for Foundation," RA 80, 1986, p. 38 f. regards it as a deity with horns. (7) Transliterations and translations of it can be found in Biggs, op. cit., No. 1; E. Sollberger, "Le galet B d'Enannatum Ier," Or 24, 1955, p. 16 ff.; H. Steible, Die altsumerischen Bau- und Weihinschriften: FAOS 5/I, 1982, En. I, 35. As for stone tablets, Crawford, op. cit., p. 13, indicates that the figurines were always accompanied by a stone, but the stones sometimes occured alone. (8) In "From Beneath the Temple-Inscribed Objects from Ur," Expedition 28, 1987, p. 36, R. L. Zettler indicates that the foundation deposits were intended to link the ruler with the gods and with future rulers who might unearth the deposits in the course of their own building activities. Furthermore, W. W. Hallo, "The Royal Inscriptions of Ur: A Typology," HUCA 33, 1962, p. 10 also indicates that all building inscriptions served the same purpose, that is, they were to be read by future kings and other potential rebuilders of the structure. (9) The term kiri su-gal is literally means "to have the hand at the nose" and signifies "to pray," according to A. Falkenstein, "Gebet I," RLA III, 1957-'71, S. 156. However, a gesture consisting of holding the hand before the mouth and the fingers touching the nose denotes a greeting, especially expressing humility towards gods, kings and human beings, See AHw S. 522, labanu(m) I, 2) appa labanu; CAD L labanu B, pp. 10-12; Th. Jacobsen, "Early Political Development in Ancient Mesopotamia," ZANF 18, 1957, p. 110, n. 38. Also, Behrens und Steible, Glossar zu den altsumerischenBau- und Weihinschriften: FAOS 6, 1983, S. 199 interprets it as "furbittend grussen." It is impossible to determine the strictest meaning of Shulutul "has the hand at the nose" by analyzing inscriptions. That is, it is impossible to determine whether "to pray," "to greet," "to mediate," or "to express humility towards gods," is the basic meaning of the expression. As it is not the purpose of this paper is not to analyze the meaning of the word, I have used the literal translation "to have the hand at the nose." Following to Steible, op. cit., FAOS 5/I, Ent. 36; Behrens und Steible, op. cit., S. 62, DU IV, "dasthen" (=gub(/)), I have used the transliteration DU, und I adopted tentatively the translation "to stand'," which means "to mediate" in the Sumerian language. (10) S. N. Kramer, "'Man and His God': A Sumerian Variation on the 'Job' Motif," VT Suppl. 3, 1955, p. 177. (11) Th. Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness-A History of Mesopotamian Religion-, New Haven, 1978, pp. 159-164. H. Frankfort et al., Before Philosophy-The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man-: Pelican Book A 198, Harmondsworth, 1949, pp. 218-223. (12) dingir-lugal, "deity of the lugal" (Corpus, URN. 49, IV, 2). dingir-en-te-me-na-ka, "deity of Entemena" (ibid., ENT. 32, II, 6) can be found. However he was generally called dingir-ra-ni, ("his deity"). This expression is classified and arranged in Behrens und Steible, op. cit., FAOS 6, SS. 54-57. (13) See van Driel, op. cit., p. 70. (14) See note (8). (15) Epithets such as "a friend of a deity" are seen in M.-J. Seux, Epithetes, p. 419 f. A ruler

Vol. XXIV 1988 13 used this epithet when the relationship with the deity was a cause of pried, Shulutul, however, is not one with whom a ruler is able to be proud of the relation. See the third section of this paper. (16) Rashid, op. cit., PBF I/2, SS. 7-8; Tafel 5, 48. (17) M. I. Hussey. "A Statuette of the Founder of the First Dynasty of Lagash," RA 28, 1931, p. 81 ff.; Rashid, loc. cit. (18) Hussey, loc. cit. (19) "The deity of the lugal" is not the one who grants the lugal-ship. This expression means (the personal deity) of Urnanshe (who is) the lugal (at that time). The lugal-ship is generally granted by Ningirsu (Corpus, EAN. 1, Face V, 13-17; ENT. 26, 13-16; UKG. 4, VII, 29; VIII, 4) and Lugalurub (ibid., EN. I, 9, II, 8-III, 1; 33, II, 13-III, 4). (20) As for interpretations of ibid., URN. 49 and the performance of Shulutul, see, J. S. Cooper, Presargonic Inscriptions: Sumerian and Akkadian Royal Inscriptions I, 1986, New Haven, p. 32; B. Hruska, "Die sumerischen Tempelhymnen und die Deutung von Urn. 49," Ar Or 44, 1976, S. 353 ff.; Steible, op. cit., S. 110 ff.; Th. Jacobsen, "Ur-Nanshe's Diorite Plaque," Or 54, 1985, p. 65 ff. (21) Regarding the interpretation of the inscription, see, Cooper, op. cit., p. 35; Th. Jacobsen, "Parerga Sumerologica," JNES 2, 1943, p. 121; Idem, op. cit., The Treasures of Darkness, p. 155; Seux, op. cit., p. 400; H. Steible, Die altsumerischen Bau-und Weihinschriften: FAOS 5/II, 1982, S. 47. (22) Regarding the interpretation of the inscription, see, Cooper, op. cit., p. 35; Idem, "Studies in Mesopotamian Lapidary Inscriptions III," Iraq 46, 1984, p. 89; Idem, "Medium and Message: Inscribed by Clay Cones and Vessels from Presargonic Sumer," RA 79, 1985, p. 114; I. J. Winter, "Eannatum and the 'King of Kis'?: Another Look at the Stele of the Vul- tures and 'Cartouches' in Early Art," ZA 76, 1976, p. 210. (23) After the Urnanshe dynasty ended, two rulers governed Lagash followed by Uru- inimgina. Umma, the enemy, invaded and ruined Lagash during his reign. Corpus, UKG. 16 rocords these circumstances, and the following is written at the end of the inscriptions: VIII, 6) nam-dag- 7) uru-inim-gi-na 8) lugal- 9) gir-suki-ka 10) nu-gal 11) lugal-za-ge-si) 12) ensi- 13) ummaki-ka 14) dingir-ra-ni IX, 1) dnisaba-ke4 2) nam-dag-bi 3) gu-na he-il-il "It is not the sin of Uruinimgina, lugal of Girsu. May Nisaba, the deity of Lugalzagesi, ruler of Umma, make him (Lugalzagasi) bear the sin." It is of the curse of the people of Lagash against Umma and its ruler. (24) L. Heuzey, "La construction du roi Our-Nina," RA 4, 1897, p. 108, fig. 98. (25) See Seux, op. cit., p. 383 ff. (26) Corpus, ENT. 28, VI, 19) den-lil-le 20) he-ha-lam-me 21) dnin-gir-su-ke4 22) sa-sus-gal-ni 23) u-ni-sus 24) su-mah giri-mah-ni 25) an-ta he-ga-ga "May Enlil destroy him! May Ningirsu, after casting his great battle-net upon him, bring down upon him his giant hands and feet!" (27) Ibid., EAN. 1, Face XVII, 14) u4-d[a] inim-ba 15) su i-bal-e 16) sa-sus-gal- 17) den-lil-la 18) nam e-ta-ku5-ra 19) ummaki<-a> 20) an-ta he-sus "Whenever he violates this agreements, may the great battle net of Enlil, by which he has sworn, descend upon Umma!" Ninhursag, Enki and the other deities punished as well as Enlil. Furthermore, the following punishment can be seen: ibid. EAN. 63, III, 2) dnin-gir-su 3) usumgal-ni he 4) den-lil-le 5) absin-na-na 6) mun ha-bi-zi-zi ("May Ningirsu be a hostile dragon to him! May Enlil make salt surface in his furrows!"). (28) See note (9). (29) Steible, op. cit., FAOS 5/I, En. I, 29, 13, 5, is damaged but the name of Shulutul might have been inscribed on it. Scholars disagree about his action. (30) See Behrens und Steible, op. cit., S. 56. V. E. Crawford, "Inscriptions from Lagash, Season Four, 1975-76," JCS 29, 1977, p. 190 ff., 4H-T3 (Steible, op, cit., FAOS 5/I, Ean. 69) concludes with "His deity is Shulutul." (31) Bahrens und Steible, loc. cit.; Crawford, loc. cit.

14 ORIENT A STUDY OF THE PEG FIGURINE WITH THE INSCRIPTION OF ENANNATUM I

(32) Steible, op. cit., FAOS 5/I, En. I, 29, 11, 9) dingir-ra-ni 10) dsul-utul12-am6. The inscription follows this expression. The actual inscription ends here. The inscription following this expression seems to have been added later. See Cooper, op. cit., Presargonic Inscriptions, p. 48, n. 8. (33) In the duplicate Corpus, EN. I, 19 and 20. -am6 is found. (34) Hansen, op. cit., Artibus Asiae 32, fig. 1; Dunham, op. cit., p. 39 states: The places where the Al-Hiba peg deposits were found offer no coherent pattern and facing east. (35) According to van Driel, op. cit., p. 71 indicates that figurines in the Urnanshe dynasty is that an important aspect of the god or man represented holds his hands clasped in the tra- ditional attitude of prayer before a great god and that it remains to be investigated whether there is a connection between his disappearance of the praying peg figurine after the period of the Urnanshe dynasty and the great reduction in the number of statues of praying people around the same period. (36) See, T. Kobayashi, "On the Meaning of the Offerings for the Statue of Entemena," Orient XX, 1984, p. 51 f. (37) In the inscription on the statue of Meannesi, he prayed for the long life of his father Enannatum, his mother A. SU. ME. EREN and himself. (38) Cooper, op. cit., p. 51, n. 1 indicates that the name of Shulutul is omitted. E. Sollberger et J.-R. Kupper, IRSA, p. 64, IC6e, n. 1, explains that the statue of the ruler prays. (39) Rashid, op. cit., PBF I/2, SS. 9-10; Tafel 6, 59. (40) Ellis, op. cit., p. 53 states that Entemena's figurines are virtually the same as that of Enannatum I, both in size and details. (41) Urnanshe is represented with a shaven head on the bas-relief (Fig. 3), while he appears with long hair as a peg figurine (Fig. 2). As for worshiper statues of Entemena and Meannesi, their heads are regretfully not visible owing to damage. It seems important to study hair styles of rulers in detail. Furthermore, Hussey, op. cit., p. 83 states: In other words a quantity of hair signified power and gods, kings, patesis, high priests, and warriors are represented with long hair when the sculptors wished to express the notion that they possessed divine power and The shaven head signified subordination and service. (42) A deity is generally represented as wearing a crown with a pair of horns in the art of ancient Mesopotamia. See R. M. Boehmer, "Gotterdarstellungen in der Bildkunst," RLA III, 1957-'71, S. 466 ff.; Idem, "Hornerkrone," RLA IV, 1972-'75, S. 431 ff. Also, Ellis op. cit., p. 74, indicates that gods were not consistently provided with horns during the Early Dynastic period. Furthermore, Furlong, op. cit., p. 88 states: In Early Dynastic iconography, the presence or absence of a horned headdress cannot be regarded as a reliable indication of the divine or non-divine statues of the wearer.

Vol. XXIV 1988 15 Fig. 1 Fig. 2

Fig. 3

Fig. 4 Fig. 5

16 ORIENT A STUDY OF THE PEG FIGURINE WITH THE INSCRIPTION OF ENANNATUM

Vol. XXIV 1988 17