THE KI-A-NAG OF ENENTARZI
TOSHIKO KOBAYASHI*
Introduction
After the short reign of Enannatum II, the last ruler of the Urnanse dynasty, Enentarzi, who had been sanga (the highest administrator) of the temple of Ningirsu, became ensi. His son Lugalanda suceeded him, but was soon deprived of his political power by Uruinimgina. The economic-administrative archives of Lagas,(1) which are the most important historical materials for Sumerian society, were written during a period of about twenty years from Enentarzi to Uruinimgina, and a greater part of these belong to the organization called the e-mi (the house of the wife (of the ruler)). In this article I shall discuss the ki-a-nag (Akkadian: asar masqiti/mastiti),(2) the cultic place for the dead, which is recorded in the economic-administrative archives. The discussion will center on the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi. Besides these archives, we have many royal inscriptions of the Urnanse dynasty, of Enentarzi, of Lugalanda and of Uruinimgina. As these inscriptions chiefly describe the relations between a deity and a ruler, we can not find events in the life of a ruler such as ascending the throne, getting married and performing funeral rite.(3) A ruler was proud of the various benevolences granted by many deities and repeatedly recorded his performances in military affairs and the construction of buildings. While we very often find descriptions of building ramparts(4) and digging canals, which are explained as performances for a deity. In my research, I have found no ki-a-nag in these inscriptions. If ki-a-nag had been buildings for a deity, they would have been recorded. Accordingly the absence of ki-a-nag in the royal inscriptions seems to denote that they were buildings for the dead, not for a deity.
* Curator, The Ancient Orient Museum.
10 ORIENT THE KI-A-NAG OF ENENTARZI
I. Holding memorial services for the ancestors
1. Festivals for holding memorial services for the ancestors The memorial services for the ancestors were held during the festival of Baba (ezem-dba-ba6),(5) the festival of Lugalurub (ezem-dlugal-urubxki) and the festival of Lugalurubar (ezem-dlugal-uru-bar-ka). In the case of the festival of Baba, offerings such as food and drink are explained as i-ku-de(6) "(These are) to be eaten (for the ancestors)," so that the aim of the festival seems to have been to give food and drink to the ancestors. A ruler and his wife, however, did not directly make those offerings. On the other hand, the festival of Lugalurub and the festival of Lugalurubar are assumed to have been held in the two districts at the same month and the two festivals may be connected. The full names of these two festivals are ezem-dlugal-urubxki-ke4 a-e-sa-ga a-tu5-a(7) "the festival in which Lugalurub performs his ablutions with water of the e-sa (the chancel of the temple (?))" and ezem-dlugal-uru-bar-ke4 a-e- sa-ga a-tu5-a "the festival in which Lugalurubar performs his ablutions with water of the e-sa," that is, their temples seem to have been the central ritual places for both the festivals. On the occasion of these two festivals, the wife of a ruler herself made the sacrifices to the deities and the ancestors,(8) and the ruler also must have made offerings though we do not have any record of that.(9) This allows us to suppose that a ruler and his wife officially held a memorial service for the ancestors at the festivals of Lugalurub and Lugalurubar, while they privately held a memorial service for the ancestors at the festival of Baba. There are many individual ancestors and some groups of ancestors(10) in en-en-ne-ne texts, the account books of offerings made to them. en-en-ne-ne is the plural form of en, which generally means "ruler" or "high class priest."(11) Accordingly, this term seems to apply to the limited ancestors of the relatives of the rulers, though we can not exactly explain it at present. In this article we collectively call en-en-ne-ne, other groups of ancestors(12) and many indivi- dual ancestors who were referred to by name, "the ancestors." There exist about thirty ancestors whose names were recorded in en-en-ne-ne texts, but about twenty of them(13) are identified as follows: a-SU.ME.EREN(14) (wife of Enannatum I), Babaiggal(15) (cupbearer), Barnamtarra(16) (wife of Lugal -anda), Dada(17) (sanga of the e-gal (the palace)), Dimtur(18) (wife of Enentarzi), Dudu(19) (sanga of the temple of Ningirsu), Enentarzi(20) (ensi), Gemebaba(21) Vol. XXI 1985 11 (daughter of Enentarzi), Gisri(22) (mother of ensi (Urinimgina)), Gunidu(23) (father of Urnanse), Hebaba(24) (sister of ensi (Uruinimgina)), Lugalanda(25) (ensi), Misagga(26) (daughter of Dudu(?)), Mitur(27) (wife of the surveyor), Ninmezid(28) (wife of Dudu(?)), Ninhilisud(29) (wife of Entemena), Subur(30) (nubanda), Urtarsirsirra(31) (son of Enentarzi), Urutu(32) (father of ensi (Uru- inimgina)) and the wife of Agrizid,(33) sanga of the temple of Ninmar (the wife's name is not recorded). The names italicized are seen in the records of the period of Lugalanda and are also seen in those of the period of Uruinimgina (exception Subur). We have seen more ancestors in the records of Uruinimgina than those of Luga- landa: that is, they are the ancestors who had already appeared in the records of the period of Lugalanda; Lugalanda; Barnamtarra; and the dead relatives of Uruinimgina. Moreover, in VAT 4875, the record of sacrificial animals at the festivals of Lugalurub and Lugalurubar, we find a group of ancestors called zag-ta-ne-ne-kam;(34) though why they were grouped together we do not know. Both the festivals changed from the first year of the reign of Uruinimgina, lugal. Table (1) shows the ancestors who appear in the records of these two festivals. Table (1) MAH 15998(L3) dlugal-urubx; en-en-tar-zi;du-du sanga; gu-ni-gu. *Fo. 161 (L6) en-en-tar-zi;du-du sanga; gu-ni-du.
DP 58(Ue 1) dlugal-「urubxki」; en-en-tar-zi; du-du sanga; gu-ni-du. Nik. I, 25 (Ul 1) dlugal-urubxki; en-en-tar-zi; lugal-an-da; du-du sanga; ur-tar-sir-sir-ra; gu-ni-du; ur-dutu, dam, dumu-ni-ta; (ur-dutu, gis-ri, lugal-ud-de, he- dba-ba6, he-giridki) 5-ne-ne-kam. VAT 4875 (Ul 3) en-en-tar-zi; lugal-an-da; bar-nam-tar-ta; du-du sanga, ur-tar-sir-sir-bi; 5-ne-ne-kam; zag-to-ne-ne-kam; u4-1-kam. dlugal-urubxki; da-da-na; 5-ne-ne-kam; u4-2-kam. en-en-tar-zi; lugal-an-da; bar-nam-tar-ta; du-du sanga, ur-ta-rsir-sir-bi; 5-ne-ne-kam; u4-1-kam. *{dlugal-uru-bar; 5-ne-ne-kam; u4-2-kam. ki-a-nag; 5-ne-ne-kam; zag-to-ne-ne-kam; u4-3-kam. dbil-aga-mes; 5-ne-ne-kam; u4-4-kam.
(*: ezem-dlugal-uru-bar-ka no mark: ezem-dlugal-urubxki) VAT 4875 is the record of the use of sacrificial animals, which denotes sheep and goats in this article, while Nik. I, 25 is the record of offerings, including the animals and the food and drink. Until the first year of the reign of Uruinimgina, ensi, only deities and the more important ancestors such as Enentarzi, Dudu
12 ORIENT THE KI-A-NAG OF ENENTARZI
(father of Enentarzi)(35) and Gunidu (father of Urnanse) were given offerings, while the relatives of Uruinimgina (such as Urutu, Gisri, Lugaludde, Hebaba and Hegirid) appeared as "5-ne-ne-kam" ("(they) are five") in the first year of the reign of Uruinimgina, lugal. Besides, both the festivals came to extend over several days in the third year of his reign, when the ancestors 'names appear earlier than the deities'; that is, the former must have been given the offerings earlier than the latter, and 5-ne-ne-kam must have been given offerings re- peatedly. The relatives of the ruler came to be more important in the festivals of officially holding a memorial service for the ancestors. More ancestors are named in the records of the festival of Baba than in the two festivals of Lugalurub and Lugalurubar, and there is mention of many feminine ancestors who received various kinds of garments, accessories and so on in the records of the former festival, chiefly in the reign of Uruinimgina.(36) Moreover, DP 224, a badly damaged tablet, is the only record I have found of offerings of food and drink at the festival of Baba in Uruinimgina's reign. Accordingly we do not know whether the details of the memorial services for the ancestors suffered any changes in his reign. As we said above, the ancestors sacrificed to were almost all relatives of Enentarzi and two other rulers, and Enentarzi is usually the first in the ranking of the ancestors throughout the reigns of Lugalanda and Uruinimgina. If Dudu had been regarded as the founder of the new dynasty, he would have been the first in their ranking. Dudu and Urutu (father of Uruinimgina), who are accompanied by their wives and children in the records of offerings, and Gunidu as well was more important than the other ancestors; but they were not regarded as the founders of the dynasty. The founders were Enentarzi, Uruinimgina and Urnanse, because they were the rulers who had first assumed the title of ensi or lugal in the new dynasty. 2. Places for holding memorial services for the ancestors In the records of the festivals of Lugalurub and Lugalurubar, we find few places for holding memorial services for the ancestors, because these two fes- tivals seem to have been performed in temples, where the ancestors as well as deities may also have been given offerings. On the other hand, there is mention of six places where they were given offerings at the festival of Baba; but so far I have not find any term directly denoting "grave", such as ki-mah "grave", or gi-den-ki "hole (tomb) of Enki." As we do not have any historical materials about the funeral system at that time, we can not confirm whether the six Vol. XXI 1985 13 places(37) we will show below had any relationship to a "grave".
Table (2) e-ki-sal-la DP 222 [du-du, dam, dumu-ni-ta];DP 224 du-du sanga,dam, dumu-ni-ta; RTC 46 du-du sanga; RTC 58 du-du, dam, [dumu]-ni-ta. e-pa5-sir-ra DP 224 ab-ba-ensi,ama-ensi, ab-ba-mi, nin-mi. gu-dbil-aga-mesDP 222 [en-en-tar-zi],du-du; Fo. 172 bar-nam-tar-ta et al.; RTC 58 en- en-tar-zi, du-du; VAT 4875 dbil-aga-mes et al. gu-su-RIN DP 80 []; DP 222 en-en-tar-zi, du-du, [en-en]-zag-ta-bi; Fo. 97 []; RTC 46 en-en-tar-zi; RTC 58 en-en-tar-zi, du-du [sanga,en-en-zag-to-bi]. ki-a-nag DP 56; Fo. 171; Nik. I, 195; RTC 46; 60 en-en-tar-zi. ki-gu DP 57 me-sirara-sum-du;DP 222 en-en-tar-zi, du-du sanga, enen-zag-ta- bi; DP 224 en-en-tar-zi, lugal-an-da; Nik. I, 25 ur-dutu, dam, dumu-nita; RTC 46 en-en-tar-zi;RTC 58 en-en-tar-zi,dudu sanga, en-en-zag-ta-bi. -:the festivalof Lugalurub and the festivalof Lugalurubar. no mark: the festivalof Baba ...: the record at the time other than festivals In next chapter, I shall discuss the ki-a-nag, where the only person enshrined was Enentarzi, gu-dbil-aga-mes "the bank of Bilagames,"(38) gu-su-RIN "the bank of the emblem (of the deity)"(39) and ki-gu "the banks"(40) were all near a river or a canal, so we may tentatively translate e-ki-sal-la as "the house by the canal of Salla",(41) and e-pa5-sir-ra as "the house by the canal of Pasirra"(42) in relation to the places mentioned above. We might have assumed they would hold a memorial service for the ancestors near a river or a canal in those days; however we can not confirm whether ki-a-nag were near a river or a canal for the lack of historical materials. As regards e-ki-sal-la, I shall fully discuss that in chapter III, section 4. As e-pa5-sir-ra is only seen in DP 224 mentioned above, we can not know about it in detail, ab-ba-ensi "father of ensi" and ama- ensi "mother of ensi" in this text seem to denote the parents of Uruinimgina,(43) and ab-ba-mi "father of the wife (of the ruler)" and nin-mi "sister of the wife (of the ruler)" seem to be father and sister of Sagsag, because Lugalanda had already been included among the ancestors. Thus, DP 224 must have been inscribed in the reign of Uruinimgina. "The bank of Bilagames," "the bank of the emblem (of the deity)" and "the banks" were not places where a specific single ancestor had been enshrined, because there had been many ancestors in these places. "The bank of Bilagames" seems to have been the sanctuary of the deity Bilagames, that is, Gilgames, who had some relation to the ancestors, so that it was involved in the records of offerings to deities,(44) though five other places in Table (2) were not involved. 14 ORIENT THE KI-A-NAG OF ENENTARZI
II. Analysis of the records involving ki-a-nag
1. ki-a-nag appended to district names The ki-a-nag we have found for the Pre-Sargonic Lagas are listed in Table I, and are classified as follows: ki-a-nag, the ki-a-nag of Lagas (district), the ki-a-nag of NINA (district), the ki-a-nag of Urub (district), the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi and the ki-a-nag of ensi. First of all, we shall look at ki-a-nag appended to district names. (1) The ki-a-nag of Lagas and of NINA We find ki-a-nag-lagaski "ki-a- nag of Laga" and ki-a-nag-NINAki "ki-a-nag of NINA" in the records of offerings to deities, temples and so on (nig-gis-tag-ga texts) on the occasions of ezem-se-ku-dnanse(45) "the festival of eating barley of Nanse" and ezem-munu4- ku-dnanse "the festival of eating malt of Nanse." As we showed in Table II, the ki-a-nag of Lagas received more offerings than the ki-a-nag of NINA during the reign of Lugalanda, but in DP 45 and STH, I, 41 records of the reign of Uruinimgina, the latter received more beer and coarse flour than the former, and did not get any animals, though the former received a ram. I assume that the ki-a-nag of Lagas was regarded as of higher rank than the ki-a-nag of NINA during the reign of Uruinimgina as well as that of Lugalanda, because the most important deities, such as Ningirsu, Nanse and Baba, were given some animals, while the lesser deities were usually not.(48) The formal name of the ki-a-nag of Lagas is ki-a-nag-lugal-lagaski "the ki-a-nag of lugal in Lagas (district)", according to DP 53, II, 10-11. lugal seems to have been abbreviated in other records besides DP 53. In this regard M. Lambert(47) writes as follows: "L'epithete《royale》qui lui est applique l'an 3 de Lugalanda (DP 53, 2) s'expli-
querait alors assez bien, le quartier Lagash, coeur de l'agglomeration Girsu- Lagash-Siraran-Guabba, gardant la primaute sur les autres, restant le domaine dont le nom symbolise l'etait et represente la dynastic," whereas J. Bauer(48) writes "Da aber einmal in DP 53 II 10-11 (LA 3) an Stell von ki-a-nag lagaski (-sa/-a) ki-a-nag-lugal, lagaski-a, also, Libationsstatte des Konigs' oder, der Konige in Lagas' steht, kann die letzte Annahme fur diese Libationssatte aus- geschlossen werden." This allows us to suppose that deceased lugal were ensh- rined in the ki-a-nag of lugal in Lagas, especially since we have an example of the ki-a-nag of ensi, which I shall discuss below. The ki-a-nag of Lagas received almost the same quantity of offerings as Nanse of the Sapad (temple) and Inanna Vol. XXI 1985 15 of the Ibgal (temple), that is, it was regarded as the same rank as these two deities,(49) while the ki-a-nag of NINA was regarded as of the same rank as Gatumdug and Lugalurub,(50) who were given the smallest quantity. Accord- ingly the person enshrined in the ki-a-nag of NINA was of lower rank than the one in the ki-a-nag of Lagas. In the records of the Pre-Sargonic Lagas, a deity is usually distinguished from the ancestors; an exception is that Lugalurub, Bilagames and the "bank of Bilagames" are involved in both the records of offerings to deities and those to the ancestors. As we remarked above, the ki- a-nag was the sacred building for the dead, not for a deity. Why the ki-a-nag of Lagas and of NINA seen in the records of offerings to deities? I shall refer to this problem in section 5 of this chapter, after we discuss other ki-a-nag. (2) The ki-a-nag of Urub district We see the ki-a-nag in Urub district referred to in DP 212 (L4) as follows: I, 1) 1 udu-nits 2) 1 sila4 3) 1 mas-lugud- da 4) 7 mas-sig 5) mas-da-ri-a II, 1) ki-a-nag-a 2) ezem-dlugal-urubx-ka-ka 3) urubxki-ba 4) mu-gin-gin-na-am6 III, 1) en-ig-gal 2) nu-banda 3) za bi-su4 4) en-ku(g) 5) kurusda-ra IV, 1) e-na-sum "One ram, one lamb, one lugud- goat and seven kids, (these animals are) mas-da-ri-a. Those went to ki-a-nag in Urub at the festival of Lugalurub. Eniggal, nubanda, put a mark on (them) and gave them to Enku, butcher." mas-da-ri-a is a sort of gift that influental persons gave to a ruler, his wife and children on the occasion of festivals and so on. As far as I can tell from my investigations of mas-da-ri-a texts during the reign of Lugalanda, there are six persons who were given mas-da-ri-a, that is, Lugalanda,(51) Barnamtarra,(52) Gemenanse(53) (daughter of Lugalanda), Enentarzi,(54) Dudu(55) and Misagga(56) (the latter three only after their death), were given. The dead person who had been enshrined in the ki-a-nag of Urub seems to have been a relative of Lugalanda, since he was given mas-da-ri-a. As we noted above, the dead whom we find in the records are Enentarzi, Dudu and Misagga. We do not have any records referring to the ki-a-nag of Dudu and of Misagga. Accordingly the dead person who was enshrined in the ki-a- nag of Urub must have been Enentarzi. J. Bauer(57) assumed that the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi must have been in Uruku district because e-ki-sal-la, where Dudu was enshrined, seems to have been in this district; however, we do not have any records of a "ki-a-nag of Uruku." As for the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi, we should infer it to have been in Urub district. 2. The ki-a-nag of ensi DP 56, a text without the name of a ruler and the year of his reign, reads 16 ORIENT THE KI-A-NAG OF ENENTARZI
as follows: I, 1) 1 udu-nits 2) ki-a-nag-en-en-tar-zi-se II, 1) gis a-tag 2) udu- ku-a- 3) mu-ni-kam "(Man) sacrificed one ram for ki-a-nag of Enentarzi. It was the sheep that Muni had eaten (=consumed)." Nik. I, 161 also does not have a name of a ruler and a year of his reign and includes an interesting pass- age: II, 3) 1 udu-nita 4) mu-ni 5) ki-a-nag-ensi-ka-se 6) ba-tum "One ram, Muni brought to ki-a-nag of ensi." On the basis of these two texts, we may conclude that the ki-a-nag of ensi is identical with the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi. 3. The ki-a-nag of Enentarzi (1) When was it built? In this regard Mr. T. Gomi(58) writes as follows: "Hence we may think that a place of libation of a certain man must have been
constructed after his death for the cultic purpose, so far as the Pre-Sargonic Lagas texts are concerned." Was the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi built after his death? Let me cite relevant passages to resolve the question of when it was built. (a) M.W. G. Schileico, "Notes presargoniques," RA 11 (1914), 61, VI, 1) nig-su-tag4-a-(59)2) ensi-ka-kam 3) en-en-tar-zi 4) ensi 5) lagaski-ra V, 1) ki- a-nag-se 2) mu-na-tum 1 "(These are) the gift of ensi. For Enentarzi, ensi of Lagas, they brought (those) to ki-a-nag. The first (year)." (b) RTC 60, IV: 5) nig-gis-tag-(60) 6) ensi-ka 7) ki-a-nag-se IV, 1) ezem-dba- ba6-ka 2) en-en-tar-zi-ra 3) mu-na-tum 3 "As the sacrifice of ensi, (they) brought (those) for Enentarzi to ki-a-nag at the festival of Baba. The third (year)." Schileico explained that the former text was written in the reign of Enentarzi, while Rosengarten(61) assumed the latter text to have been written in the reign of Lugalanda. We usually see the name of a ruler or his wife and the year of his reign at the end of the economic-administrative archives. In texts such as DP 59 and Fo. 171, as we shall see below with reference to the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi, we find "Lugalanda, ensi of Lagas" at the end, so that we know these texts were written in his reign. Enentarzi must have been alive when Schileico's text and RTC 60 were written, so that a scribe must not have dared to inscribe his name or the name of his wife at the end. The ki-a-nag of Enentarzi seems to have already been built in the first year of the reign of Enentarzi, according to the text cited in RA 11. (2) The records of offerings on the occasion of the festivals There exist many records about ki-a-nag of Enentarzi during the reign of Lugalanda, though there are a few records during the reign of Uruinimgina. Let me cite several records of mas-da-ri-a presented to the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi during the
Vol. XXI 1985 17 reign of Lugalanda. (a) Fo. 171 (L 2) The steward and thirteen others brought the animals and the food and drink and the end of the text reads as follows: XI, 7) mas-da-ri-a 8) ezem-dlugal-urubxki-ka 9) ki-a-nag- 10) en-en-tar-zi-se XII, 1) mu-tum "(These are) mas-da-ri-a. At the festival of Lugalurub (they) brought (them) to ki-a-nag of Enentarzi." (b) DP 59 (L 3) The sanga of the temple of Nanse and thirty-three other people brought the animals and the food and drink and the end of the text reads as follows: XV, 1) mas-da-ri-a- 2) ki-a-nag 3) ezem-dba-ba6-ka 4) en-en-tar- zi-ra 5) mu-na-tum "As mas-da-ri-a to the ki-a-nag, (they) brought for Enen- tarzi at the festival of Baba." (c) Nik. I, 195 (L 3) I, 1) 1 zeh-sag4-dug 2) 4 mas-lugud-da 3) 20 mas-sig 4) mas-da-ri-a 5) ki-a-nag- II, 1) en-en-tar-zi 2) du-du 3) sanga-bi-da-kam 4) ezem-dba-ba6-ka 5) en-ig-gal III, 1) nu-banda 2) za bi-su4 3) lugal-sag5-ga 4) sipa-ra 5) e-na-sid5 "One young kid, four lugud goats and twenty kids, (these are) mas-da-ri-a to ki-a-nag of Enentarzi and Dudu. At the festival of Baba, Eniggal, nubanda, put a mark on them and credit to Lugalsagga, shepard." (a) and (b) record that influental persons brought mas-da-ri-a to the ki-a- nag of Enentarzi; (c) records the disposal of the goats as mas-da-ri-a. (d) and (e), which I shall cite below, are the records of mas-da-ri-a sent to ki-a-nag, without mention of Enentarzi or other names. (d) Nik. I, 159 (L 1) I, 1) 12 udu-nita 2) mas-da-ri-a- 3) ki-a-nag-kam 4) ur- sag 5) sipa-ra II, 1) lugal-an-da 2) ensi 3) lagaski-ke4 4) za bi-su4 III, 1) e-na- sum "Twelve rams, (these are) mas-da-ri-a to ki-a-nag. Lugalanda, ensi of Lagas, put a mark on (them) and gave (them) to Ursag, shephard." (e) Nik. I, 236 (L 3) II, 7) 6
18 ORIENT THE KI-A-NAG OF ENENTARZI ki-a-nag of Dudu and the ki-a-nag of Misagga. If the ki-a-nag seen in (d) and (e) had been those of Dudu and Misagga, they would have been referred to as being different from the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi. Moreover, the former are differentiated from the ki-a-nag of Lugalanda, because mas-da-ri-a is the gift for living persons, so that Lugalanda must have received it at a place such as the palace, not at a ki-a-nag. Accordingly, we should consider the ki-a-nag in (d) and (e) as identical with the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi. There exist several records of ki-a-nag during the reign of Uruinimgina, but I can not find any records in which mas-da-ri-a is brought to ki-a-nag. If the dead Enentarzi had been devoutly worshipped by influential persons, he would have still received mas-da-ri-a even into the reign of Uruinimgina. It seems that people obligatorily brought it to the dead father of the present ruler. The ki-a-nag of Enentarzi received other offerings besides mas-da-ri-a. RTC 46 (L 2) records that Barnamtarra offered several sheep which had come from Enku, butcher, to deities and the ancestors. Let us isolate the part of RTC 46 necessary for this article.
Table (3) (62) 1 udu en-en-tar-zi ki-gu-ka ba-sag5 u4-1-kam 1 sila4 en-en-tar-zi ki-a-nag ba-sag5 u4-2-kam 1 udu du-du sanga e-ki-sal-la-ka ba-sag5} 1 udu en-en-tar-zi gu-su-RIN-na ba-sag5 u4-3-kam One sheep was slaughtered for Enentarzi at ki-gu. On the first day. One lamb was slaughtered for Enentarzi at ki-a-nag. On the second day. One sheep was slaughtered for Dudu, sanga, in e-ki-sal-la.} One sheep was slaughtered for Enentarzi at gu-su-RIN. On the third day.
RTC 46 is the record of the use of sacrificial sheep, and DP 222 ([L] 1) and RTC 58 (L 3) are the records of offerings such as food and drink and animals to the ancestors on the occasion of the festival of Baba. The recipients of the offerings were inscribed as follows: Table (4) DP 222
1 udu……[ki-gu-ka], en-en-tar-zi, du-du「sanga」, en-en-zag-ta-bi ……en-en-tar-zi }u4-1-kam ……[du-du, dam, dumu-ni-ta, e-ki-sal-la-ka]
…… gu-ni-du …… subur nu-banda }u4-2-kam
1 udu……en-en-tar-zi, du-du, [en-en-]zag-ta-bi, gu-su-RIN-na }u4-3-kam Vol. XXI 1985 19 RTC 58
[]……ki-gu-ka, en-en-tar-zi, du-du sanga, en-en-zag-ta-bi 1 udu……en-en-tar-zi }u4-1-kam 1 udu……du-du, dam, dumu-ni-ta, e-ki-sal-la-ka
…… gu-ni-du
…… subur nu-banda }u4-2-kam
[]……en-en-tar-zi, du-du sanga, en-en-zag-ta-bi, gu-su-RIN-na }u4-3-kam ...: the food and drink. For the sake of convenience, I have left out some of the recipients and some of the food and drink. Though these three texts do not have quite an iden- tical content, they have the common factors that offerings were made to Dudu in e-ki-sal-la and to Enentarzi in ki-gu and gu-u-RIN. This allows us to suppose that on the first day in DP 222 and RTC 58 offerings must have been made to Enentarzi in a ki-a-nag, because we have based our argument on RTC 46. Though the house of the wife of the ruler sent out the offerings to the ki- a-nag of Enentarzi, she did not herself take them to that place. As for the ruler's organization, we do not have any records that it sent out offerings, but it must have because it sent out some sort of monthly offerings, as we shall see below. Moreover, DP 224 is the only record of offerings to the ancestors at the festival of Baba during the reign of Uruinimgina, but it is so fragmentary that we can not confirm the presence of the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi. On the occasion of the festival of Baba, the ancestors, chiefly feminine, were given clothes and accessories as offerings. The records do not refer to where they were given them. Enentarzi in DP 73 might have been given them in his ki-a-nag, though it is not mentioned where his spirit was thought to reside. If he had been given them elsewhere, a scribe would have reffered to the place. (3) The records of monthly offerings In the economic-administrative archives of Lagas, there are gar lists, lists of monthly expenditure of barley and emmer, in which we find use on the ki-a-nag mentioned as follows: sa-dug4-ki- a-nag(-kam) "(These are) sa-dug4(63)offerings to ki-a-nag." As the ki-a-nag did not receive more offerings than other places, and as the word "ki-a-nag" is not in the plural form, its mention in gar lists(64) must denote only one place. Nik. I, 62 is a record of expenditure of those for the twelveth time in the first year of the reign of Lugalanda similar to DP 145. The former stated that Lugalanda had final charge of cereal expenditure, while the latter stated that Barnamtarra had final charge of it. That means they separetely gave the same quantity of cereal to the ki-a-nag every month. Who was enshrined in this 20 ORIENT THE KI-A-NAG OF ENENTARZI place? The records of monthly offerings to the ki-a-nag exclusively belong to the reign of Lugalanda and continued until the the first year of the reign of Uruinimgina, ensi. Special attention should be given to Dudu, who was given the smallest quantity of cereal roughly during the same time. The ki-a-nag in gar lists must have been identical with that of Enentarzi; that is, he must also have been given offerings because the dead Dudu was given them. "Enentarzi" in DP 222 and RTC 58 means "ki-a-nag of Enentarzi" or "Enentarzi in ki-a-nag," and "ki-a-nag" in gar lists perhaps means "ki-a-nag of Enentarzi." These abbreviations denote that the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi was the only ki-a-nag where the ruler and his wife gave offerings, and that En- entarzi was the only one who was enshrined in the ki-a-nag and who was given some kind of offerings. Uruinimgina and his wife suspended the giving of cereal to the ki-a-nag from the first year of the reign of Uruinimgina, lugal, though gar lists continued to record it until the sixth year of his reign. They need not have given it to this place. Why, however, did they give it to this place at the first year of Uruinimgina, ensi? They suspended it not only to the ki-a-nag but also to Eniggal, Dudu and the deity Mesandu. Eniggal and Mesandu finally were given it at the fifth time in the first year of Uruinimgina, ensi (DP 156), and Dudu finally was given it at the third time in the first year of Uruinimgina, lugal (STH I, 32). Of special interest is that the first year of the reign of Uruinimgina, ensi, was the previous year of the first year of his reign, lugal, when the reform of Uruinimgina began;(65) that is, we might have found the forerunner of his reform. Further, he usurped the place of Lugalanda in the seventh year of the reign of the latter; however, the former did not put the latter to death. Investigating the records of the festivals of Lugalurub which I mentioned above, we can find Lugalanda in Nik. I, 25 (Ul 1), though we can not find in DP 58 (Ue 1). Lugalanda might have passed away during the tenth month(66) of the calendar of Lagas, that is, the month of the festival of Lugalurub in the first year of the reign of Uruinimgina, ensi, and the same month in the first year of the reign of Uruinimgina, lugal, though we do not know whether the dead started to be given offerings at that festival in the same year in which they died. Uruinimgina seems to have followed the will of Lugalanda and to have given cereal to the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi instead of Lugalanda. Now, where was Lugalanda chiefly given memorial services? We find that Enentarzi and Lugalanda were given the same quantity of cereal in Nik. I, 89 (Ul 5). DP 153 and Fo. 14 are similar to this text, but we see Ningirsu'urmu Vol. XXI 1985 21 and Masula in these texts instead of Enentarzi and Lugalanda. Ningirsu'urmu must have received the offering to bring it to the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi, because he was responsible for bringing it to this place.(67) Accordingly, Masdula must also have responsible for bringing it to Lugalanda, in spite of the lack of historical materials about him. Lugalanda must have been enshrined in the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi, because we do not have any records about the ki-a-nag of Lugalanda. After Lugalanda was enshrined in his father's ki-a-nag, "ki-a- nag of Enentarzi" could not be shortened to "ki-a-nag" and a scribe needed to distinguish between Enentarzi and Lugalanda, who were both enshrined in the same place; therefore the scribe evidently inscribed "Enentarzi and Luga- landa" or "Ningirsu'urmu and Masula." 4. Where were memorial services held for Dudu? As a few scholars have assumed that Dudu must have been enshrined in a ki-a-nag, let us now turn to this problem, Mr. T. Gomi(68) translated Nik. I, 195, I, 4-II, 3 (mentioned above) as "These are gifts for the libation place(s) of Enentarzi and Dudu, the sanga priest," while Rosengarten(69) translated it as "offrandes (apportees au) Lieu de libations, (pour) En-en-tar-zid et le pretre Du-du." Was Dudu enshrined in a ki-a-nag? Let us cite two texts that are useful to solve this problem. (a) MAH 15855 (L 3) The sanga of the temple of Ninmar and seven others brought the animals and the food and drink to Dudu and Misagga and the end of text reads as follows: IX, 1) mas-da-ri-a 2) ezem-dba-ba6-ka-kam 3) du-du 4) mu-na-tum "(These) are mas-da-ri-a of the festival of Baba. (They were) brought to Dudu." (b) MAH 15997 (L 4) A cowherd and five others brought the animals and the food and drink and the end of the text reads as follows: VII, 8) mas-da-ri-a- 9) ezem-dba-ba6-ka VIII, 1) du-du 2) sanga 3) e-ki-sal-la-se 4) mu-na-tum "(These are) mas-da-ri-a of the festival of Baba. (They) brought them for Dudu, sanga, to ki-a-nag." Dudu in MAH 15855 seems to have received mas-da-ri-a in e-ki-sal-la, not in a ki-a-nag, in spite of the lack of the word ki-a-nag, because he received it in this place in the previous year. Nik. I, 195 is the record of the disposal of the goats as mas-da-ri-a, which were brought to the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi (DP 59) and for Dudu to the e-ki-sal-la (MAH 15855), though the figures of those do not agree exactly.(70) In the economic-administrative archives, the e-ki- sal-la was the storehouse and the place where Dudu was enshrined. The 22 ORIENT THE KI-A-NAG OF ENENTARZI
modern storehouse is a place where various goods are stored, but the one in ancient times was a sacred place(71) as well as a storage place. This allows us to suppose that the person who was enshrined in the ki-a-nag was limited to the ruler who had assumed the title ensi or lugal, because Dudu, sanga, was not enshrined in this place. 5. Where was the wife of the ruler held memorial services? We have no records of a ki-a-nag where the wife of the ruler was enshrined. The wife of Dudu was enshrined with him in the e-ki-sal-la and the mother of the ensi was also enshrined with the father of the ensi in the e-pa5-sir-ra (at least in DP 224, as mentioned above). Where was Dimtur,(72) wife of Enen- tarzi, given memorial services? As we remarked above and in note (70) in detail, we find twenty goats in Nik. I, 195, the record of disposal, though fourteen goats as mas-da-ri-a in DP 59 plus three in MAH 15855 makes seven- teen. Three goats seem to have been brought to someone besides Enentarzi in the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi. The deceased who received them might have been Dimtur; that is, she might have been enshrined with her husband in his ki-a- nag. Barnamtarra might also have been enshrined in this ki-a-nag. As we saw above, the records of offerings show that Enentarzi is the only one who received offerings in the ki-a-nag during the reign of Lugalanda, and Dimtur is not recorded as having been them in this place. Lugalanda and his wife did not give offerings to her directly; however, it is reasonable that she might have been enshrined in this place. Where would she have been enshrined if not in the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi? 6. The ki-a-nag of the reign of Uruinimgina There are several records of ki-a-nag during the reign of Uruinimgina. The one in Fo. 9 refers to that of Enentarzi. The ones in DP 45 and STH I, 41 are those of Lagas and of NINA. The one in Fo. 93 is that of NINA. Let us discuss the other ki-a-nag which we have not yet identified; that is, the one in VAT 4875 and DP 57. In the former text, the ki-a-nag received a goat on the third day of the festival of Lugalurub, and Enentarzi and Lugalanda had already been given one sheep each on the first day: accordingly, the one in question is not the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi. As we saw above, the ki-a-nag of NINA and that of Lagas are usually seen in the records of offerings to deities, not ancestors; accordingly the one in question is not identical with those. It seems to have been newly built in the reign of Uruinimgina. The ki-a-nag in DP 57(73)seems to be identical with the one in VAT 4875, because the former Vol. XXI 1985 23 record, mostly damaged, seems to have recorded offerings to the ancestors at the festival of Lugalurub or the festival of Lugalurubar, who was enshrined in the ki-a-nag of DP 57 and VAT 4875? As we saw above, the deceased enshrined in the ki-a-nag is the one who assumed the title of ensi or lugal, and perhaps his wife, too. Further, it must have been built by the founder, namely, the first ruler of the dynasty, because Enentarzi, the first ruler of the new dynasty, built his ki-a-nag, while Lugalanda, the second ruler, did not build his. If a ruler had always built his own ki-a-nag in those days, that of Lugalanda might have been inscribed in various records. Accordingly, Uruinimgina, who is the first ruler of the new dynasty, might have built his ki-a-nag during his life. The ki-a-nag in VAT 4875 is recorded before "5-ne-ne-kam," the relatives of Uruinimgina. In the records of offerings, someone to be named prior to another denotes that the first person is regarded as higher-ranking. This allows us to suppose that the one in VAT 4875 was identical with that of Uruinimgina. While the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi was the private place for holding a me- morial service for him during the reign of Lugalanda, ki-a-nag in VAT 4875 turned to the official place, because it was involved in the record of the festival of Lugalurubar, that is, the festival for officially holding a memorial service. As we saw above, the festivals of Lugalurub and Lugalurubar came to hold devout memorial services for the relatives of Uruinimgina in his reign. Fur- ther, ki-a-nag turned into places where the ruler should hold services, as we saw above. Uruinimgina did not give offerings to the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi at the festivals of both the deities, though he seemed to give them to their temples. ki-a-nag gradually became important places for the ruler. Further, along the lines of change in the character of holding memorial services for the ancestors, the ki-a-nag of Uruinimgina was officially made the place of sacrifice, that is, he seems to have intended strengthening his rulership through ancestral worship. As the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi existed, and that of Uruinimgina must have existed, Urnanse, the first ruler of the dynasty, might have built of his own. Though we find Gunidu, father of Urnanse, in the records of offerings, we can not find Urnanse and his successors and his ki-a-nag. This may allow us to suppose that Enentarzi and the two other rulers need not have held a memorial service at the ki-a-nag where Urnanse was enshrined; therefore it is not seen in the records of offerings to the ancestors. However, we also may suppose that there might have been a ki-a-nag of Urnanse. We remember that the ki-a-nag
24 ORIENT THE KI-A-NAG OF ENENTARZI of NINA and of Lagas were regarded as of the same rank as the deities and the temples, though the ki-a-nag was the building for the dead. Deities were usually distinguished from the ancestors: however, four deities, Lugalurub, Lugalurubar, Adana and Bilagames were given offerings with the ancestors. Some of the ancestors seem to have been deified, because Bilagame, that is, Gilgames was a living ruler during the Early Dynastic II period. When the dead who had been enshrined in a ki-a-nag were deified, that place might have come to be on a par with a temple. When the rulers of the dynasty of Urnanse were deified, his ki-a- nag, where they had been enshrined, might have been on a par with a temple. The ki-a-nag of lugal in Lagas might have identical with that of Urnanse, because he chiefly assumed the title of lugal, and we know, for example, that the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi, who had assumed the title of ensi, was called the ki-a-nag of ensi. In the ki-a-nag of NINA, the dead might have been deified, but he, whom we have not identified as yet, was not on a par with the deseased in the ki-a-nag of Lagas, because of the quantity of offerings, as above. In this paper, we have identified four ki-a-nag: the ki-a-nag of Enen- tarzi, of Lagas, of NINA, and the ki-a-nag that Uruinimgina might have built. However, we have not identified the ki-a-nag in DP 80 and CT 50, 26 as yet. In DP 80, a record of animals sacrificed to the ancestors, we see the follow- ing passage: II, 1) 1 udu ensi-ka(74) 2) 1 udu dub-sar-mah 3) u4-GIS-DIM4-na- ka 4) ki-a-nag-ga 5) ba-ku "One sheep ensi, one sheep a chief scribe, (they) ate (expended) (those) on the day of..." This ki-a-nag might have been iden- tical with that of Enentarzi, because we can not find a factor common to the ki-a-nag of Uruinimgina. In CT 50, 26,(75) a record of lending barley, we see the following passage: II, 1) 5 se (gur-sag-gal) engar-zi ki-a-nag. Engarzi, who seemed to have something to do with the ki-a-nag, borrowed 5 'gur-sag-gal' (quantity) of barley; but I have not identified this ki-a-nag, apart from dis- cussing the date of this text.(76)
III. Conclusion
After the dynasty of Urnanse came to end, Enentarzi assumed the title of ensi and built his ki-a-nag in the first year of his reign. To build it seems to have been the most important first deed that the founder of the dynasty should do. The ki-a-nag, where the dead who had assumed the title of ensi or lugal were enshrined, seems to have been an emblem of rulership. We may assume Vol. XXI 1985 25 that Enentarzi made sacrifice at his ki-a-nag to prolong his reign, though we do not know about his act in detail. Lugalanda privately held a memorial service at the ki-a-nag where Enentarzi had been enshrined, while Uruinimgina need not have held one because he was not related to Enentarzi and Lugalanda. Therefore Uruinimgina stopped giving offerings to it; however, he took up the offerings again. He must have thought that a ruler must take charge of the ki-a-nag, the emblem of his rulership. Moreover, he seems to have intended to raise the rank of the ruler's relatives in the spiritual world, by inserting his ki- a-nag in the festivals which officially held memorial services for the ancestors. To raise the rank of his ki-a-nag meant to strengthen his own rulership.
Notes
The abbreviations employed in this paper are those in R. Borger, Handbuch der Keilschrift- literatur I & II, Berlin, 1967, 1975. E, L, Ue and Ul stand for Enentarzi, Lugalanda, Uruinim- gina ensi and Uruinimgina lugal respectively. (1) For positioning the economic-administrative archives of Lagas and the "e-mi" organiza- tion, see, K. Maekawa, "The Development of the e-mi in Lagash during Early Dynastic III," Mesopotamia 8-9 (1973-'74), 77 ff. (2) Cf. B. Landsberger, LSS 6/I-II (1915), 5, Anm. 1; A. Falkenstein, IGL I, 138 f.; Y. Rosengarten, Regime, 29 f. (3) We can not find any records about the funeral ceremony of a ruler but Corpus, UKG. 4, VI, 4-27 and IX, 26-X, 13 refer to the reform when a man was buried in ki-mah "grave" and gi-den-ki "hole (tomb) of Enki." (4) Cf. e. g. Corpus, EAN. 2, III, 4-11, "(Eannatum) restored Girsu for Ningirsu, built the wall of Uruku and built NINA for Nanse." (5) Cf. e. g. T. Kobayashi, "On the Meaning of the Offerings for the Statue of Entemena," Orient XX (1984), 57, notes (4) and (5). (6) DP 222, II, 8; V, 1; RTC 58, III, 2; IV, 4; V, 10. (7) Cf. op. cit. Orient XX, 60, note (42). (8) Cf. e. g. Nik. I, 25, XI, 5) sag5-sag5 6) dam-uru-inim-gi-na 7) lugal X, 1) lagaski-ka- ke4 2) gis be-tag "Sagsag, wife of Uruinimgina, lugal of Lagas, made the sacrifice (of them)." For the translation of gis-tag, I follow M. Yoshikawa," Sumerian Ventive and Ientive," OrNS 47 (1978), 478 f. (9) There exist records showing that the ruler himself made the sacrifice on the occasion of the festival of Nanse. See op. cit. Orient XX, 44. (10) en-en-ne-ne, DP 221 (L 1), DP 222 ([L] 1), Fo. 191 (L 1), DP 25 (L 3), RTC 58 (L 3), DP 77 (Ul 2), DP 73 (4); en-en-KU-KU-ne, DP 77; KU-KU-ne, Fo. 164 (Ul 1); en-en-zag- ta-bi, DP 222, RTC 58; zag-ta-ne-ne-kam, DP 57 (U[]), DP 223 ([U]), VAT 4875 (Ul 3). (11) See op. cit. Orient XX, 58, note (10). Cf. P. N. Weadock, "The Giparu at Ur," Iraq 37 (1975), 102 ff.; P. Charvat, "Early Ur," ArOr 47 (1979), 18. (12) See note (10). Cf. A. Deimel, Or 2, 49; Y. Rosengarten, Consommation, 307. (13) About ten of them are not identified: Airnun (DP 57, 223, Fo. 172, VAT 4875); Ebarag (Fo. 172); Hegirid (DP 57, 223, Fo. 172, Nik. I, 25, VAT 4875), Rosengarten, ibid., 319 assumes Hegirid to have been a mother-in-law of ensi: Lugaludde (DP 57, 223, Fo. 172, Nik. I, 25, VAT 4875), Deimel, ibid., 50 assumes Lugaludde to have been a father-in-law; Mama (VAT 4875); Meniginta (DP 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, Fo. 163, 164); Mesiraradu (DP 57, 223, VAT 4875); Mezidda
26 ORIENT THE KI-A-NAG OF ENENTARZI
(DP 76); Ninmedugga (DP 57, 223, VAT 4875); Ninzabar (DP 57, 223, VAT 4875); Zabartur (Fo. 172). (14) DP 57, 223. (15) DP 73, 76. (16) Fo. 172; VAT 4875. (17) Fo. 164. (18) DP 57, 78, 223; Fo. 120; VAT 4875. (19) DP 40, 57, 58, 212; Fo. 120, 161; MAH 15855, 15997, 15998; Nik. I, 25, 153, 195; RTC 46, 58; VAT 4875. (20) DP 56, 58, 59, 73, 218, 222, 224; Fo. 161, 171; MAH 15998; Nik. I, 25, 153, 195; RTC 46, 58; VAT 4875. (21) DP 73, 74, 76, 77, 78; Fo. 163, 164, 172. She seems to have been a daughter of Enen- tarzi, though a daughter of Uruinimgina had the same name, because she was already dead in the reign of Lugalanda. (22) DP 57, 223; Fo. 164, 172; Nik. I, 25; VAT 4875. (23) DP 58, 73, 77, 78, 222; Fo. 161, 163, 164; MAH 15998; Nik. I, 25; RTC 58. (24) DP 57, 223; Fo. 164, 172; Nik. I, 25; VAT 4875. Deimel, loc. cit. explains that she is a mother-in-law. (25) DP 224; Nik. I, 25; VAT 4875. (26) DP 73, 74, 76, 77, 78; Fo. 163, 164, 172; MAH 15855; Nik. I, 153. For daughter of Dudu, see, J. Bauer, "Zum Totenkalt in altsumerischen Lagasch," ZDMG Supplementa I (1969), 110. (27) DP 73, 78; Fo. 164. (28) DP 73, 74, 77, 78; Fo. 163, 164. For wife of Dudu, see Bauer, loc. cit.. (29) DP 57, 223; Fo. 172; VAT 4875. (30) DP 222; RTC 58. (31) Nik. I, 25; VAT 4875. (32) DP 57, 223; Fo. 172; Nik. I, 25; VAT 4875. (33) DP 73. (34) Rosengarten, op. cit., 311 f. "ceux qui sont a cote d'eux." (35) Cf. e. g. M. Lambert, "L'occupation du Girsu par Urlumma roi d'Umma," RA 59 (1965), 82, n. 2. (36) DP 76 (L 6); Fo. 164 (Ul 1); DP 77 (Ul 2); DP 74, Fo. 163 (Ul 3); DP 73 (4). Fur- ther, DP 78 is the same kind of the record but it does not include the phrase "the festival of Baba." (37) See note (3). Further, Rosengarten, op. cit., 243, 311 translates ba-na-a (Nik. I, 153, II, 3) as "le cimetiere," but I follow Prof. Yoshikawa, who translates it as "when (man) was ill in bed," in "A Study of Neo-Babylonian Grammatical Terms Suhurtum and Riatum" (in Japan- ese): Hiroshima University Studies, Faculty of Letters, Vol. 33, Special Publication, No. 3 (1974), 108 f. (38) Cf. op. cit. Orient XX, 57, note (4): J. Bauer, AltsumerischeWirtschaftstexte, 129; Falken- stein, op. cit. 67; Landsberger, op. cit. 54, Anm. 12. (39) su-RIN "emblem (of the deity)" is equal to surinnu (see AHw, 1283), see A. Alberti, "J. Bauer, AltsumerischeWirtschaftstexte aus Lagasch (Philosoph. Dissertation, Wu rzburg. Nachdruck mit Nachtragen) Rome 1972, 673 pp. Pontificio Institute Biblico," OA 18 (1979), 293; M. Civil, "Notes on Sumerian Lexicography, II," JCS 25 (1973), 173 f. (40) SL 461, 84 "Opfert (Flussufer ?)", "Uferland." (41) Cf. Bauer, Altsumerische Wirtschaftstexte, 129; idem, ZDMG Supplementa I, 110; Fal- kenstein, op. cit., 33 f. (42) Cf. Bauer, ibid., 54 f.; Falkenstein, ibid., 35 f. (43) Rosengarten, op. cit. 318 assumes that they are parents of Enentarzi. Vol. XXI 1985 27 (44) Cf. op. cit. Orient XX, 57, note (4). (45) Cf. ibid., 43 ff. (46) Cf. ibid., 63 f., Table II. (47) M. Lambert, "Le quartier Lagash," RSO 32 (1957), 130. (48) Bauer, ZDMG Supplementa I, 112. (49) Cf. op. cit. Orient XX, 63 f. (50) Cf. loc. cit. (51) Fo. 159; Nik. I, 176. (52) DP 81, 90 and so on. The records of mas-da-ri-a for her are the largest in number. (53) DP 215; Fo. 59; Nik. I, 176; RTC 39. (54) DP 59; Fo. 171; Nik. I, 195. (55) MAH 15855, 15997; Nik. I, 195. (56) MAH 15855. (57) Bauer, ZDMG Supplmenta I, 112. (58) T. Gomi, "Sulgi-simti and her Libation Place (ki-a-nag), "Orient XII (1976), 4. (59) For nig-su-tag4-a, see Yoshikawa, op. cit. Hiroshima University Studies, Faculty of Letters 33, 49, 135, note 89. (60) For nig-gis-tag-ga, see Yoshikawa, op. cit. Or NS 47, 478 f. (61) Rosengarten, Regime, 29. (62) For sag5, see, Yoshikawa, op. cit. Hiroshima University Studies, Faculty of Letters 33, 144, note 182. (63) Bauer, Altsumerische Wirtschaftstexte, 153, "regelmassige Ausgabe"; SL 457, 39 b, "sa- ttakku", "feste Lieferung (fur wirtschaftlich u. religiose Zwecke)"; MSL 5, 11, "regular temple tax"; A. L. Oppenheim, Eames, 25 D, "type of offerings." (64) For the sake of convenience, I classified RTC 66 as gar lists, but it is actually the record of cereal harvested in nig-en-na field and reads as follows: II, 3) 60 ziz-babbar 4) sa-dug4-ki- a-nag-se 5) dnin-gir-su-ur-mu 6) ba-tum 7) se ziz nig-en-na 8) gana-sur4-gi-ra-as-du-a-kam "60 ('gur-sag -gal' quantity of) white emmer, for sa-dug4 to ki-a-nag Ningirsu'urmu brought. (These) are barley and emmer at nig-en-na field in Surtiraldua field." The ki-a-nag received 5 'gur-sag-gal' of emmer a month, therefore this amounts to 60 'gur-sag-gal' in all in one year. (65) Cf. Maekawa, op. cit. Mesopotamia 8-9, 99. (66) For the calendar of the Pre-Sargonic Lagas, see Rosengarten, Consommation, 418. (67) He is responsible for bringing it in DP 145; Fo. 9, 77, 92; RTC 51, 55; STH I, 30; VAT 4465, while Amargirid has the same responsibility in Nik. I, 62 and BIN 8, 372. (68) Gomi, op. cit. Orient XII, 4. (69) Rosengarten, Regime, 30. (70) Table (5)
We can not know whether the sheep brought as mas-da-ri-a were sacrificed, due to the lack of the record of their disposal, udx seems to have been sacrificed, zeh in DP 59 are identical
28 ORIENT THE KI-A-NAG OF ENENTARZI
with zeh-sag4-dug in Nik. I, 195, see MSL 8/1 56.4 mas-lugud-da as a total is an error. 5 is the correct number obtained by totaling the figures in the text. A lugud-goat seems to have been slaughtered as a sacrifice and the others are seen in Nik. I, 195 (record of disposal). 15 mas- sig as a total is also as error. 14 is the correct number obtained by totaling the figures in the text. mas-sig is mas, see e. g. DP 42; Fo. 179. 4 mas in MAH 15855 as a total is also error. 3 is the correct number obtained by totaling the figures in the text. There were 17 mas brought as mas-da-ri-a in DP 59 and MAH 15855, but there were 20 in Nik. I, 195.3 mas might have been brought to someone in the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi. (71) For example, "the Sacred Marriage Rite" was celebrated in Giparu, which had been the storehouse. See e. g. R. Harris, "Giparu," RLA 3 (1957-'71), 379; Th. Jacobsen, "Early Political Development in Mesopotamia," ZANF 18 (1957), 107, n. 32. (72) She is mentioned last in zag-ta-ne-ne-kam in VAT 4875 and is also mentioned last in DP 78. (73) We can find "i-ku-de" in DP 224, which is the record of offerings on the occasion of the festival of Baba during the reign of Uruinimgina; but this phrase is not seen in DP 57. The ancestors in this text are the same as those in VAT 4875. (74) Cf. Rosengarten, Consommation, 334. (75) Cf. J. Bauer, "Darlehensurkunden aus Girsu," JESHO 18 (1975), 196 ff. (76) Cf. Bauer, ibid., 93 f.; E. Sollberger, CT 50, 7.
Table I
e: en-en-ne-ne texts g: gar texts m: mas-da-ri-a texts n: nig-gis-tag-ga texts Note (1), see note (64). * The ruler's name is not written ** The ruler's name and his reign's year is not written
Vol. XXI 1985 29 30 ORIENT