Entemena Was the Fifth Ruler of the So-Called Urnanse Dynasty in The

Home , Akurgal, Eannatum, Entemena, Gudea, Lugalanda

ON THE MEANING OF THE OFFERINGS FOR THE STATUE OF ENTEMENA

TOSHIKO KOBAYASHI

I. Introduction

Entemena was the fifth ruler of the so-called Urnanse dynasty in the Pre- Sargonic Lagas and his reign seemed to be prosperous as same as that of Ean- natum, his uncle. After the short reign of Enannatum II, his son, Enentarzi who had been sanga (the highest administrator) of the temple of Ningirsu became ensi. Then, his son Lugalanda suceeded him, but was soon deprived of his political power by Uruinimgina. The economic-administrative archives(1) of Lagas which are the most important historical materials for the history of the Sumerian society were written during a period of about twenty years from Enentarzi to Urui- nimgina, and a greater part of those belong to the organization called e-mi (the house of the wife (of the ruler)). Among those, there exist many texts called nig-gis-tag-ga texts,(2) which record offerings to deities, temples and so on mainly on festivals. In those we can find that statues of Entemena and others receive offerings. I will attempt to discuss the meaning of offerings to these statues, especially that of Entemena in this article.

II. The statues in nig-gis-tag-ga texts

1. nig-gis-tag-ga texts These are detailed account books of the kind and the quantity of offerings which a ruler or his wife gave to deities, temples and so on. We find a brief and compact summarization of the content at the end of the text, such as follows: DP 53, XIX, 1) ezem-munu4-ku- 2) dnanse-ka 3) bar-nam-tar-ra 4) dam-lugal- an-da 5) ensi- 6) lagaski-ka-ke4 7) gis be-tag(3) III "At the festival of eating malt of Nanse, Barnamtarra, wife of Lugalanda, ensi of Lagas, made the sacrifice (of them)." Though the agent who made the sacrifice in the texts is almost always a wife of a ruler, there remain four texts, BIN 8, 371; Nik. I, 151; 152; Fo. 128, in which 43 a ruler himself made the sacrifice, as far as I have investigated. All these texts except Fo 128 are dated to the first year of the reign of Lugalanda. We may be able to suggest that he made the sacrifice in commemoration of his enthrone- ment in spite of the lack of historical materials. Further, none except the ruler and his wife made the sacrifice to deities as far as I know. 2. Festivals We know festivals of the Pre-Sargonic Lagas from the economic- administrative archives such as: ezem-an-ta-sur-ra (the festival of Antasurra), ezem dba-ba6 (the festival of Baba)(4), (including ezem-kisal (the festival of kisal)(5)), ezem-dli9-si4(the festival of Lisi),(6) ezem-dlugal-urubxki-ka (the festival of Lugalurub), ezem-munu4-ku-dlugal-urubxki-ka (the festival of eating malt(7) of Lugalurub), ezem-dlugal-uru-bar-ka (the festival of Lugalurubar), ezem- munu4-ku-dnane (the festival of eating malt of Nanse), ezem-e-ku-dnane (the festival of eating barley of Nanse), ezem-munu4-ku-dnin-gir-su-ka (the festival of eating malt of Ningirsu), ezem-e-ku-dnin-gir-su-ka (the festival of eating barley of Ningirsu) and ezem-amar-a-a-si-ge-da (the festival ... water to a calf).(8) We have not known about the details of the festival of Lisi and the festival of eating malt of Lugalurub, though they are included in the month names.(9) As for the festival of Antasurra, we have only one text, Fo. 94, which records beer brought to temples, for example. Further on the occasions of the festival of Lugalurub, the festival of Lugalurubar and the festival of Baba without the festival of kisal ancestors receive offerings. Deimel grouped the texts which recorded offerings to ancestors to en-en-ne-ne texts,(10) which I will discuss in chapter III. Deities and temples received offerings on the occasions of the festival of Baba including the festival of kisal, the festival of eating barley of Nanse, the festival of eating malt of Nanse, the festival of eating barley of Ningirsu, the festival of eating malt of Ningirsu and the festival ... water to calf. We can not know the purposes, rituals and meanings of these festivals, because nig-gi-tag-ga texts are the account books which exclusively recorded the kind and the quantity of offerings and we have no religious text coming from the Pre- Sargonic period. 3. Deities In nig-gi-tag-ga text, the receivers of offerings are deities, temples, sacred precincts and so on. Deities are called by their name, such as Ningirsu, Nanse and Baba. They were regional and native ones, not Sumerian. Temples and sacred precincts are almost all in Lagas.(11) We have noticed four fixed circles into which deities, temples and so on were organized and of which Baba, Nanse, Ningirsu and Ninmar were the nucleus. The circle which

44 ORIENT ON THE MEANING OF THE OFFERINGS FOR THE STATUE OF ENTEMENA Nanse leads is the largest (see Table II). 4. Kinds of Offerings Festivals were celebrated over several days, and many deities and several temples received offerings on a specified day, when the central ritual must have been held. The offerings do not vary according to the festival. They (12)include zid (flour), kas-kal (naturitive beer), kas-gi6 (black beer), i (oil), zu-lum (date), gestin LAK 490 ziz (wine cheese emmer (?)(13)),ku6 (fish) and domestic animals, such as ox, sheep and goat.(14) The quantity of the offerings to each deity is nearly fixed. The quantity increases in proportion to the rank of the deity (see Table II). Further, offerings in en-en-ne-ne texts are different from the above mentioned. We have to give up the explanation about the offerings to ancestors for want of space. 5. DP 53 (see Table II) Since nig-gis-tag-ga texts are account books, we scarcely find the answer why the offerings were given and why the festivals were held, but we have six interesting texts(15) which briefly describe Barnamtarra taking a tour of Lagas's country to offer sacrificesduring the period of the above mentioned festivals of Nanse. We will take the case of DP 53 which talk about the offerings to statues at the festival of eating malt in the third year of the reign of Lugalanda. This festival is the largest. It lasts the longest and the number of deities involved is the largest. I,1) 1 mas 2) dnin-gir-su3) ba-gara 4) mi-gir-suki-ta5) gin-ni 6) i-tum 7) u4-l-kam "The woman who had came from Girsu brought a sheep to Nin- girsu of Bagara, (it was) the first day." Bagara is the temple which Urnanse built in Lagas (al-Hiba) district.(16) She must have been Barnamtarra, because we find the description that I, 6) PAB. PAB 7) gir-suki-ta 8) lagaski-se 9) gin-ni "PAB. PAB (the other name of Barnamtarra) had came to Lagas from Girsu" in RTC 47, which record the offerings(17) for the festival of eating barley of Nanse in the same year as DP 53. Further a-gal (the palace) had seemed to be in Girsu before it moved to NINA in the fifth year of the reign of Lugalanda(18) and e-mi must also have been in Girsu. At the first of the second day the offerings were brought to the Idambar (the canal of the marsh) by the chariot(19) and then comes Inanna of the Ibgal, Nanse of the Sapad and ki- a-nag(20) (the libation place) of lugal in Lagas (district). Further she moved in NINA where was the center of Nanse-worship. II, 13) 1 sila4 dnanle 14) mi- lagaski-ta 15) gin-ni 16) ka-e-P[A-k]a-ta(21) 17) [i-tum](22) "The woman who had came from Lagas went through the gate of e-PA and brought a lamb.

Vol. XX 1984 45 (It was) the second day." The third day must have been the climax of the festival, because many deities, some sanctuaries, the statues of Urnanse and others received the offerings. As for the fourth day, we can scarcely know anything, because our tablet is damaged, but Nanie probably receives the offerings. On the fifth day she retured to Laga"s from NINA, and Ningirsu received the offerings. We know nothing about the sixth day, because it is badly damaged. At the last part of the seventh day we find the evening sacrifice offered to the Ganunmah.(23) We know nothing about the eighth day. We also find other religious observances made by the wife of the ruler in Fo. 5, which records the offerings at the festival of eating malt of Ningirsu. As we have shown above, the expression gis-tag "to make the sacrifice" which is written at the end of the text seems to be used to indicate the religious observances that actually took place. 6. The statues In nig-gis-tag-ga texts there exist eight identified statues and eight unidentified statue(24) in e-sa (the chancel of the temple (?)(25)). The identified statues are those of Urnanse, the founder of so-called Urnanse dynasty; Entemena, the fifth ruler of the dynasty; Ninhilisud, wife of Entemena; Lugalanda (two statues); Barnamtarra, wife of Lugalanda; Sagiag, wife of Uruinimgina; Irkununna, the unidentified. Sagiag had made the sacrifice to her own statue, because DP 54 which recorded the offerings to her own statue was written in the second year of the reign of Uruinimgina, lugal, and was summarized as follows: XV, 3) [sag5]-sag54) [dam-]uru-[inim]-gi-na 5) lu[gal] 6) lagaiki-ka-ke4 7) gis be-tag "Sagsag, wife of Uruinimgina, lugal of Lagas, made the sacrifice (of them)." Seven of the identified statues represent rulers and their wives, who had already passed away except Sagiag. Therefore I will discuss below whether the offerings to the statues are related to monarchal worship or ancestral worship.(26) The statues come in at the end of the list of the receivers of the offerings. Some of the statues individually received offerings, while others that are grouped as ki-19-se "to nineteen places" (TSA 1, VIII, 3; DP 53, VIII, 8'; Nik. I, 23, IX, [13']) or ki-11-se "to eleven places" (DP 55, IV, 5) collectively received them. The latter examples are more numerous than the former. In DP 55 which records the offerings to the statue of Entemena, eleven proper nouns follow the phrase such as IV, 4) 1 sila i nig-「sa-ha」(27)5) ki-11-se "1 'sila' quantity of oil, fruit (?) to eleven places", namely, IV, 6) dnin-tu(d) 7) na-

46 ORIENT ON THE MEANING OF THE OFFERINGS FOR THE STATUE OF ENTEMENA ru-a-bar-ta-gub-ba(28) V, 1) bar-sar-ra(29) 2) na-ru-a-a-sa-ga 3) alan-nin-hi-li- sud 4) alan-en-to-me-na 5) alan-ir11-ku(g)-nun-na 6) gi-mus dnin-dar 7) ganun-mah(30) VI, 1) dlugal-pa-e-a 2) dinanna-INANNAki "Nintu, the stela erected outside, the unidentified, the stela in a-sa, the statue of Ninhilisud, the statue of Entemena, the statue of Irkununna, the boathook of Nindar, Ganunmah, Lugalpae, manna of INANNA." In DP 53, nineteen proper nouns follow the phrase such as VIII, 6') 1 sila i 7') 1 sila zu-lum 8') ki-19-se 9') dama-nu-mu-dib 10') dnin- [tu (d)]-zag-ga

11') d「dumu-zi」-gu-en-na 12') dnin-[tu(d)]-ama-uru-da-mu-a 13') dnin-subur 14') lagas NINAki(31) 15') ka-si(32) 16') KUD-SAR-a IX, 1) DUL(34) 2) dPA- IGI-DU 3) des-ir-nun-es(35) 4) dIM 5) dasaru 6) dPA-KAL 7) ab-kid-ku(g) (36) 8) [g]al-balag 9) [gis]immar-urudu 10) na-ru-a(37) 11) clan-ur-dnanse "Ama- numdib, Nintuzagga, Dumuziguenna, Nintuamaurudamua, Ninsubur, the unidentified, the unidentified, the unidentified, the unidentified, dPA-IGI-DU, Esirnun of Es, dIM, Asaru, dPA-KAL, ab-kid-ku(g) (the tool that makes leather for deity (?)), the big balag instrument, the copper date tree, the stela, the statue of Urnanie." Nineteen proper nouns in TSA 1 are as the same as those in DP 53, but Nik. I, 23 which differs from both texts included differ proper nouns such as alan-dnanse-ama-lugal-an-da "the statue (whose name is) 'Nanse is mother of Lugalanda.'" We have not found common features in ki-19-se and ki-11-se. There are several unidentified deities, such as Amanumdib, while Ninsubur, who was the tutelary deity of Uruinimgina, is also seen in the above mentioned festivals of Ningirsu. Further we also find the various material things and the unidentified objects, such as "Lagas NINA." Though we have not confirmed the reason why the deities, the statues and the other material things were assembled, statues and other objects were not handled without due respect and must have been the sacred things because small quantity of the offerings were paid to them, but those were not considered equal to the deities who received the above mentioned offerings.

III. The statue in gar lists

In gar lists,(38) lists of monthly expendures of barley and emmer, a statue receive those. For instance, Nik. I, 64, the lists of the month of the festival of Baba in the second year of the reign of Uruinimgina, lugal, describes as fol-

Vol. XX 1984 47 lows: 1/4 (gur-sag-gal) sa-kas 3) 1/4 (gur-sag-gal) ziz-ninda 4) sa-dug4-alan sag5-sag5" 1/4 ('gur-sag-gal, quantity of) barley for-beer and 1/4 ('gur-sag-gal, quantity of) emmer for bread, (these are) the sa-dug4-offering for statue to sagsag (who is responsible for bring out). Further occurences are found in Nik. I, 59, 63, TSA 34, 36, BIN 8, 391 (UlIII); STH I 33, 34 (UlIV); STH 35, 36, TSA 35, Museum Number 5403 in the National Museum, Copenhagen(39) (UlV); CT L, BM 118093 (Ul[]). In Nik. I, 59, TSA 34 and 36 besides Nik. I, 64, she is responsible for bringing those, while Urmud, steward, has the same responsibility in the others. Further we can identify the statue in gar lists neither with a statue of a deity nor with a royal statue, because the lists mention no more than alan "a statue."(4a)

IV. The ancestoral worship

1. en-en-ne-ne texts In this chapter I will discuss the ancestoral worship, because Entemena, Ninhilisud, Lugalanda, Barnamtarra and Urnanse had already passed away when their statues received the offerings. We can get a glimpse of the limited ancestoral worship of the Pre-Sargonic Laga in en-en- ne-ne texts. When the festival of Baba without the festival of kisal, the festival of Lugalurub and the festival of Lugalurubar were held, the limited ancestors, who had belonged to the upper class of Lagal, not the populace, received two types of offerings, one type of offerings include food, drink, domestic animals and so on, while the other clothes. As en-en-ne-ne texts are also account books, we scarcely know anything about the ancestoral worship.(41) 2. The festival of Lugalurub and the festival of Lugalurubar Both the festivals may be connected, because these are the festivals that held religious services for ancestors and the names of the deities seem to be connected, that is, Lugalurub means "the king of Urub (=center of city(?))" while Lu- galurubar means "the king of the environs of the city." In the records of these two festivals, four deities,(43) that is, Lugalurub, Lugalurubar, Gilgames(44) and Adana, received the offerings with ancestors. Gilgames who is one of the most famous heroes in Mesopotamia is not a fictitious character and may probably live during the Early Dynastic II period, while Adana is another unidentified deity. They may have been the deities who had some connection with ancestor worship. VAT 4875 is the record in which sheep and goat were brought as the sacrifice not only to the four deities but also to the ancestors

48 ORIENT ON THE MEANING OF THE OFFERINGS FOR THE STATUE OF ENTEMENA for the festival of Lugalurub and the festival of Lugalurubar in the third year to the reign of Uruinimgina. Enentarzi, Lugalanda and Barnamtarra individually received a sheep at the time of the respective festival. Dudu and Ur- tarsirsir, son of Enentarzi, together received a sheep. zag-ta-ne-ne-kam "(They are) the ones who are at side" is the group of the ancestors that included Dimtur, wife of Enentarzi, a-SU. ME. ERIN, wife of Enannatum, Ninhilisud and so on and collectively received a sheep. I tabulated Nik. I, 25 which recorded the offerings for the festival of Lu- galurub (see Table III). The feature which Nik. I, 25 indicates is seen in DP 58 and MAH 15998 which recorded the offerings for the same festival, that is, the offerings are different depending on whether they are offered to a deity or an ancestor.(45) 3. The festival of Baba without the festival of kisal We can not find a deity, even Baba, in the records of this festival. Offerings are of two types, namely, those of food, drink, domestic animals and so on and those of clothes, and they are not summarized as nig-gis-tag-ga "sacrifice" applied to the offerings for deities.(46) Besides, as far as I have investigated, it was not a ruler or his wife but the proxies that brought the offerings to the ancestors. DP 221 describes the preparation of the offerings as follow: II, 8) ninda en-en-ne-ne III, 1) sa-gi4-giqkam "These are food that (they) should prepare for the ancestors." VI, 1) ezem-dba-ba6-ka 2) agrig-gi-ne 3) sa-gi4-gi4-kam "(These are) the ones that the stewards should prepare at the festival of Baba." DP 222 and RTC 58 which have much in common record many kinds of the offerings to ancestors, such as Enentarzi, Dudu, Gunidu, father of Urnanse, and so on. The offerings are summarized as follows: RTC 58, XIII, 12) kas ninda i nig-sa-ha(47) XII, 1) en-en-ne-se 2) hal-ha-dam "beer, bread, oil, relish (?) are the ones that are divided and given to the ancestors." Further when clothes were offered, sagi (cup bearer) and aslag (a man who makes breach) brought them to the ancestors in the stead of the wife of a ruler. We have not identified the reason why the ruler or his wife did not directly bring the offerings to the ancestors. As we have shown above, the ancestor was distinguished from the deity. The names of rulers, such as Enentarzi and Lugalanda, were not preceded by the determinative "dingir". In other words, they were not deified when they passed away. Besides we can not find any reference to statues of ancestors, as far as I have investigated in en-en-ne-ne texts. Therefore, statues of ancestors

Vol. XX 1984 49 were not probably used in connection to the ancestoral worship in the Pre- Sargonic Lagas.

V. Royal statues in the royal inscriptions

1. The statues of deities There are not many references to statues of deities in the royal inscriptions of the Pre-Sargonic Lagas, while the rulers were proud of fighting and of builiding temples and other buildings. Urnanse must have fashioned the statues of deities but the word alan "statue" are not seen in an inscription of his, which describe as follows: dnanse mu-tu "(Urnanse) made (the statue of) Nanse." The word to is the verb which means "to make" or "to bear." Thureau-Dangin,(48) Sollberger(49) et al, interpreted the passage, supplying the word "statue." The deities whose statues may have been made will be shown below. ei-ir(50)(Corpus, URN. 24, III, 1); dga-tum-dug (URN. 25, IV, 7); dgu-SU. GAB (URN. 26, II, 5; 4H-Tl, (51) vi', 13'); dkindax-zi (URN. 26, II, 7; 4H-Tl, vi', 11'); dlama-sita4-e (URN. 26, III, 4/5; 4H-Tl, vii', 3'/4'); dlugal-uru(52) (URN. 24, V, 1); lugal-urubx URN. 25, III, 4); lugal-dur-tur (URN. 25, III, 2; 4H-Ti, vii', 5'); dnanse (URN. 24, II, 1; URN. 25, II, 2; URN. 34, V, 1); dnin-es-REC107 (URN. 25, IV, 1; 4H-Tl, vi', 5'); dnin-marki (4H-Ti, vi', 3'); dnin-PA (URN. 25, IV, 3); dsul-sa-ga (URN. 25, II, 5; URN. 26, II, 3; 4H-Tl, vi', 9'). We can find twelve statues of deities in total (cf. n. (52)). Urnanse built the temple of Nanse and fashioned her statue but he did not fashion the statue of Ningirsu, though he built his temple. The rulers of the Pre-Sargonic Lagas except Urnanse scarcely referred to statues of deities.(53) Corpus, UKG. 16, the inscription of Uruinimgina, describes the horrible spec- tacle of Lagas which was invaded by Umma as follows: III, 11) abzu-e-ga-ka 12) su be-bad 13) e-dga-tum-dug-ke4 14) izi ba-sum IV, 1) ku za-gin-bi 2) ba-ta-kes-kes 3) alan-bi 4) i-gul-gul "(Soldiers of Umma) massacred in Abzuega. (They) set fire to the temple of Gatumdug, took precious metals and lapis lazuli away and broke the statue to pieces." His inscription mainly refers to the destruction of temples, using such phrase as "to set fire", "to take precious metal and lapis lazuli away", "to masscre" and "to break the statue pieces" repeatedly. Though nineteen temples were ruined, the statues broken to pieces are only two in the temple of Gatumdug and the Ibeanna where manna 50 ORIENT ON THE MEANING OF THE OFFERINGS FOR THE STATUE OF ENTEMENA

was enshrined. The statue would first have been broken if it had certainly been placed in the temple, because the purpose of destroying a temple seems to have been to destroy religious objects. The fact that Urnanse fashioned statues of deities and that the rulers from Akurgal on rarely recorded fashioning of those may be interpreted as follows: The border dispute between Lagas and Umma lasted for generations. After the former had been desolated by the latter, Urnanse rebuilt the ruined temples and the broken statues of the deities. There- fore the rulers from Akurgal on did not need to fashion those, because a statue had already been placed in each temple by Urnanse. Why did a scribe of Lagas mention only two statues? We have not found a record which indicates that Entemena fashioned the statues of manna and Lugalemus, while he built in the Emus, their temple, in Badtibira(54). Did he set the old statues in the new temple? He did not mention statues of the deities at all. As we have shown above, there are not many references to statues of deities in the royal inscriptions of the Pre-Sargonic Lagas. Besides, we do not have statues of deities, such as An, Enlil, Inanna, Utu, Ningirsu, Nanse and Baba, that were fashioned during the Pre-Sargonic period.(55) The later Mesopotamian kings adopted year names in memory of fashioning statues of deities,(56) pre- sumably because it was important for them to fashion those. I presume that it was not important for the rulers of Pre-Sargonic Lagas to fashion statues of deities and that the phrase "x mu-tu" may have meant to make a deity in idea or to make a deity exist in the temple, though it has been interpreted that "(he) fashioned (the statue of) x." The reason why the rulers except Urnanse did not refer to fashioning statues of deities is either that they had not fashioned those or that they thought that it was not worth describing on royal inscriptions, even though they fashioned them. 2. The royal statues 1) The statue of Entemena The statue of Entemena discovered in Ur is made of diorite and a part of the head was broken (see picture). The reason why this statue was fashioned is stated on the arm and the back of the statue: Corpus, ENT. 1, III, 8) u4-ba en-te-me-na-ke4 9) alan-na-ni 10) mu-tu 11) en-to-me-na den-lil-le-ki-aga 12) mu mu-ni-sa4 13) den-lil-la 14) e-a IV, 1) mu- na-ni-tum 2) en-to-me-na 3) lu-e-ad-da-du-a 4) dingir-ra-ni 5) dsul-utul12 6) namu-ti- 7) en-te-me-na-ka- a 8) u4-ul-la-sa 9) den-lil-la 10) kiri su he-na-gal "Then Entemena fashioned his (own) statue, named 'Entemena whom Enlil loves' and brought (it) to Enlil in his temple. Entemena, (he is) the one who

Vol. XX 1984 51 built the Eadda. May Sulutul, his (tutelary) deity, make (this statue) put his hand on his nose for the life of Entemena forever!" kiri "su-gal means "to put the hand on the nose", that is, "to pray." Entemena fashioned his own statue to have it pray for his long life intending to bring it to the Eadda of Lagas, though actually discovered in Ur. The statue accepted a mission and continued to pray for the long life of Entemena after it had been brought in the Eadda and Sulutula(57) had introduced it to the greatest deity Enlil. Another statue of Entemena must have been in the Eninnu, because Corpus, ENT. 16, the inscription carved on a galet, not a statue, includes the interesting sentence as follows: IV, 4) dingir-ra-ni 5) dsul-utul12 6) nam-ti-la-ni-se 7) dnin-gir-su-ra 8) e-ninnu-a 9) kiri su he-na-se- gal "May Sulutul, his (tutelary) deity, make (the statue (?)) put the hand on the nose to Ningirsu in the Eninnu for his life!" It does not say anything about a statue. However, it bears a close parallel to the above mentioned sentence in ENT. 1. I presume that another statue of Entemena must have been in the Eninnu praying to Ningirsu for his long life. 2) The inscriptions of Enannatum I Corpus, EN. I, 20, 21 & 22 and 1 H 112 A,(58) inscriptions of Enannatum I, father of Entemena, are inscribed on galets, not on statues, and also bear a close parallel to the above mentioned sentence in ENT. 1. Corpus, EN. I, 20, III, 7) nam-ti-la-ni-se 8) dlugal-urubxki- ra 9) e-gal-urubxki-ka 10) kiri su he-na-se-gal "May (Sulutul) make (the statue (?)) put the hand on the nose to Lugalurub in the great temple of Urub for his (=Enannatum I) life!" Corpus, EN. I, 21&22, III, 7) dingir-ra-ni 8) dsul-utul12 9) nam-ti- 10) en-an-na-tum 11) ensi- 12) lagaski-ka-se IV, 1) u4-ul-la-se 2)

52 ORIENT ON THE MEANING OF THE OFFERINGS FOR THE STATUE OF ENTEMENA dinanna-ra 3) ib-gal-la 4) kiri su [he-na-se-gal] "May Sultul, his (=Enannatum I) (tutelary) deity, make (the statue (?)) put the hand on the nose to manna in the Ibgal for the life of Enannatum, ensi of Lagas, forever!" 1 H 112 A, 11, 31)-37) is as the same as the above sentence. Sulutul seems to be omitted in EN. I, 20. I presume that Enannatum I made his statues and brought those into the temples to have them pray for his long life. 3) The statue of Meannesi There exists another statue besides that of Entemena at present. It is the statue of Meannesi, son of Enannatum I, on which the following inscription is inscribed EN. I, 26,(59) II, 6) [ala]n-ni mu-tu 7) dlugal-urubxki-ra 8) e-a mu-na-ni-tum 9) nam-ti-ab-ba-ni 10) en-an-na-tum-ma-se 11) nam-ti-ama-ni 12) a-[S]U. ME. EREN-se 13) nam-t[i]-la-ni-s[e] 14) dlugal-urubxki-[ra] 15) [e-gal-urubxki- ka] 16) [kiri su he-na-se-gal] "(Meannesi) fashioned his (own) statue and brought to Lugalurub in the temple. May (Sulutul) make (this statue) put the hand on the nose to Lugalurub in the great temple of Urub for the life of Enannatum I, his father, for the life of a-SU. ME. EREN, his mother (and) for his (own) life!" Sulutul, the subject, is omitted in this inscription as well as EN. I, 20. 4) The inscription of Lugalanda Corpus, UKG. 9 is the inscription that described about Lugalanda, though Sollberger thought that it belonged to Uruinimgina. It is not easy to read the inscription because of the badly damaged state of the tablet but it includes an interesting statement: III', 1') ala[n]-n[i] 2') mu-tu 3') lugal-an-da(-)-nu-hun-ga gi[r-nu]n-se nu-[kus] 4') mu m[u-na-sa4] "(Lugalanda) fashioned his (own) statue (and) named 'Lugalanda- nuhunga does not trouble Ningirsu concerning Girnun'." Of special interest is the fact that the same name of the statue is seen in DP 66 (see Table I), which is the record of the offerings for the festival of eating malt of Ningirsu in the fourth year of the reign of Uruinimgina. On the third day of the festival, the statue named as dnin-gir-su gir-nun-se nu-kus alan-lugal-an-da "the statue of Lugalanda (whose name is) 'he does not trouble Ningirsu concerning Girnun'" received 1 'sila' quantity of oil as the offering. It may safely be said that the statue of Lugalanda which Corpus, UKG. 9 mentions is identical with the statue mentioned in DP 66.(60) 5) The inscription of Uruinimgina Uruinimgina must also have fashioned his own statues according to Corpus, UKG. 7 and 10. Corpus, UKG. 7, II, 6) dingir-ra-ni 7) dnin-[subur-ke4] 8) [nam-ti-la-ni-se] III, 1) u4-ul-la-se 2) dnin-

Vol. XX 1984 53 gir-su-ra 3) e-ninnu-a 4) kiri su he-na-gal "May Ninsubur, his (=Uruinimgina) (tutelary) deity, make (the statue (?)) put the hand on the nose to Ninsubur in the Eninnu for his life forever!" Corpus, UKG. 10, IV, 10) dingir-ra-ni

V, 1) d「nin」-subur-ke4 2) nam-ti-la-ni-se 3) u4-ul-la-ni-se 4) dnin-gir-su-ra 5) kiri su he-na-gal "May Ninsubur, his (=Uruinimgina) (tutelary) deity, make (the statue (?)) put the hand on the nose to Ninsubur for his life forever!" Two inscriptions are not written on the statues and we have not his statues. However, I presume that he must also have fashioned his own statue to have it pray for his long life. Now we have only two royal statues in the Pre-Sargonic Lagas, that is, those of Entemena and Meannesi, though others may be discovered in the future. The rulers of the Pre-Sargonic Lagas fashioned not their own statues for monarcahl worship, but prayer-statues. 6) The inscription of Sargon Akkadian inscriptions of Sargon are not carved on the statues, and we do not find the reason why the statue that probably represented him was fashioned but we find an interesting passages: H. Hirsch, AfO 20 (1963), 43, Sargon b6, Kol. 9. 25) sa DUB 26) su4-a 27) u-sa-za-ku-ni 28) den-lil 29) u 30) dsamal (UTU) 31) isid (SUHUS)-su 32) li-zu-ha 33) u 34) zer'a (SE. NUMUN)-su 35) li-il- gu-da 36) ma-ma-na 37) salmam (DUL)(61) 38) su4-a 39) u-a-ha-「ru」40) d「en」- lil 41) sum (MU)-su 42) li-a-hirx (HA+SU) 43) kakka (GIS. TUKUL)-su 44) li-is-bir5 45) mah-ri-is 46) d「en-lil」47) [e] GUB

Wer diese Inschrift 《beseitigt》-Enlil und Samas mogen ihn entwurzeln und seinen Samen 《wegpicken》. Wer immer diese Statue beiseite setzt-Enlil moge seine Namen(sschrift) beiseite setzen, seine Waffe zerbrechen, vor Enlil soll er? nicht stehen. If someone attempts to commit violence on the statue, he will be punished by the deities. The Akkadian kings were deified. For instance, Naramsin, grand son of Sargon, appended the determinative "dingir" to his name. The idea of a king being deified was generally accepted from the Akkadian period on. Therefore, the royal statues seem to be sacred and inviolable. In other words, that the king whom the statue represented was worshipped. 7) The inscriptions of statues of Gudea There exist about twenty statues of Gudea who was the king of Lagas during the Gutium period. After most of his statues were made of diorite brought from the country of Magan, they were dedicated to the temples. While all inscriptions on his statues do not

54 ORIENT ON THE MEANING OF THE OFFERINGS FOR THE STATUE OF ENTEMENA mention the reason why the statues were fashioned, we find that his aim of fashioning his statues is to have them pray for his long life. Further, the inscriptions on the Statues B and K describe offerings to his statues. The inscription on the Statue K, for example, will be shown below:

I, 1) [] lal 2) [kur-ma-gana]ki-ta 3) [na4e]si im-[ta]-e11 4)「alan」-na-ni-se 5) [mu]-tu 6) [sipa] lugala-ne 7) [ki]-aga-me 8) [nam]-ti-mu he-su 9) mu-se mu- na-sa4 10) e-ninnu-a mu-na-ni-ku4 II, 1) lu mu-sara-bi 2) [su i]b-ta-ab-[uru12]-a 3-5) [] 6) [] zi-a 7) [1 si]la zid-dub-dub 8) 1 sila nig-ar-na ziz-AN(62) 9) sa-dug4-bi(63) 10) ba-ni-ib-la-a 11) dnin-gir-su 12) lugal-gistukula-ke4 13) dba- ba6 14) dumu-an-na-ke4 15) dig-alima 16) dsul-a-ga-na 17) dumu-ki-aga 18) dnin-gir-su-ka-ke4 ne 19) suhus-a-ni he-bu-re-ne 20) numun-a-ni he-tile-ne "[] He carried diorite away from the country of Magan and made it to the statue of Gudea. 'I am the shepherd whom his king loves. May the life endure long!' He gave the name to the statue. He put to the Eninnu. So- meone who strikes off the inscription on the statue [] 1 'sila' quantity of dub- dub flour, 1 'sila' quantity of.... Someone who reduces the sa-dug4-offering, may Ningirsu, king of the weapon, Baba, child of An, and Igalim and Sulsagana, beloved children of Ningirsu, wrest his foundation and deprive his seed." In the inscription of the statue B, we find the following passage: I, 8) 1 sila kas 9) 1 sila ninda 10) 1/2 sila zid-dub-dub 11) 1/2 sila nag-ar-ra ziz-AN "1 'sila' quantity of beer, 1 'sila'quantity of food, 1/2 'sila' quantity of dub-dub-flour, 1/2 'sila' quantity of ...." Someone who attempts to commit violence on the statue and who neglects to give the offerings will incur the divine punishiment. The statues were sacred and invilable, made in oder to have them pray for his long life, so that these must have been made for the monarchal worship. The rulers of the Pre-Sargonic Lagas from Eannatum on did not append the determinative "dingir" to their name, that is, they were not the deified, while they mentioned proudly of receiving favours of deities in their long epithets. As we have shown above, the prayer statues were fashioned, but the statues which were intended for the worship of rulers were not fashioned in the Pre-Sargonic period. If the statues intended for the worship of rulers had been fashioned, they would certainly have been mentioned in their royal inscriptions.

Vol. XX 1984 55 VI. Rseults

Now to sum up the various points examined in this article, we say as follows: First, in nig-gis-tag-ga texts, the receivers of the offerings are deities, temples, and other material things but not human beings. Statues of Entemena and other rulers as well as deities received the offerings. Thus, these were considered sacred. Secondly, ancestors were clearly differenciated from deities. After the rulers had passed away, they became en-en-ne-ne (the ancestors), not deities. Further, there does not appear the word "alan (statue)" in en-en-ne-ne texts as far as I have investigated. Thirdly, there are not many references to statues of deities. Rulers did not seem to fashion those so frequently. Fourthly, we have two statues of Entemena and Meannesi which talk about the reason why those were fashioned. Those are the prayer-statues dedicated to the temples so that they may pray for the long life of the ones who dedicated them. The prayer-statues were discovered in various parts of Sumer.(64) Fifthly, the statue of Lugalanda described in Corpus, UKG. 9 is identical with the one in UP 66. Sixthly, the features distinguishing a deity from a person are the determinative "dingir" in literature and the crown with bi-horn(65) in arts. We can not know whether the royal statues in nig-gis-tag-ga texts wore the crowns with hi-horn, while we do not know that the rulers of the Pre-Sargonic Lagas appended the determinative to their names. Now I will present my interpretation below. First, I think that the idea of monarchal worship, that is, the idea that the ruler was deified, was not fully established in the Pre-Sargonic Laga"s, nig-gis-tag-ga texts show that the ruler and his wife were the ones who offered sacrifice to deities and not the ones who received it. Secondly, the statue intended for worship was not fashioned during the Pre-Sargonic period. We should think that the idea of monarchal worship gives birth to a statue for worship and not the opposite. If the idea re- garding the ruler as deity had been fully established and the statues of deities had actively been fashioned, the rulers would have fashioned their own statues to be worshipped. Thirdly, the statues that received the offerings in nig-gis- tag-ga texts were not meant for the worship of the ruler whom the statue represented. These were originally the prayer-statues as the statue of Lugalanda showed. We do not have clear evidence which proves that the statue of Entemena with the inscription, Corpus, ENT. 1 or the statue of his which may be

56 ORIENT ON THE MEANING OF THE OFFERINGS FOR THE STATUE OF ENTEMENA

presumed from Corpus, ENT. 16 is identical with his statue in DP 55. But he may have fashioned other statues beside the one mentioned above and one of them may be identical with the statue in DP 55. After the statue had been dedicated in the temple, the statue became the sacred thing because of the pious mission of praying for the long life of the ruler which it represented and received small quantity of offerings, but the offerings were given to the statue, not the ruler whom the statue represented. If the offerings had been given to rulers and they had been deified, they would have received the same offerings as deities, such as Ningirsu and Baba. The other statues except that of Entemena must originally have been prayer statues. We do not have records which indicate that Urnanse made a prayer- statue and that the statues of Enannatum I and Uruinimgina received the offerings. Further we can not fully understand the reason why ki-19-se and ki-11-se were assembled. However it is reasonable for us to interpret on the analysis of historical materials as far as I have obtained that the statue in nig- gis-tag-ga texts do not indicate the monarchal worship and that they must have been prayer-statues.

Notes

The abbreviations employed in this paper are those used in R. Borger, Handbuch der Keilschrift- literatur I & II, Berlin, 1967, 1975. (1) For positioning the economic-administrative archives of Lagas and the "e-mi" organization, see, K. Maekawa, "The Development of the e-mi in Lagash during Early Dynatic III," Mesopotamia 8-9 (1973-'74), 77 ff. (2) A. Deimel, Or 28 (1928), 25 ff. transliterated and explained those. W. Fortsch, MVAG 19/1 (1914), 1 ff. discussed the deities in those. B. Landsberger, LSS 6/I-II (1915), 40-61 discussed the calender on the basis of those. Y. Rosengarten, Consommation,251-302 is the latest study. Further, when neckleces, crowns and so on are offered to deities, the records are clas- sified as a-ru texts, see Deimel, Or 28, 56-57. (3) SL 296,59,b) "opfern" (nicht nur von Schlachtopfern, sondern auch von Speise- und Trankopfern). For examples and the analysis of gis-tag, see M. Yoshikawa, "Sumerian Ventive and Ientive," OrNS 47 (1978), 478-479. Further, following to Prof. Yoshikawa, I translated gis-tag "to make the sacrifice" in this article. (4) This festival was the New Year festival in the time of Gudea, whose inscriptions on the Statues E and G state: u4 za-mu/ezem-dba-ba6/ni-mi-us-sa aka-da "On New year's Day, at the festival of Baba, when he offered the gift of wedding", namely, the sacred marriage rite of Baba and Ningirsu was held, however, we do not know the rite of this festival during the Pre- Sargonic period because of the lack of historical materials. In the records of the offerings for this festival during the reign of Lugalanda, such as DP 196, Nik. I, 28 and DP 67, Baba, Nin- girsu, ib-id-edin-na "ib of the canal in the steppe" and ib-bad-gi7-ra "ib of the high wall" receive the offerings, while we find many receivers of the offerings, such as Sulsagana, Igalim, Hegir, Lama, Ninmu, Ninsubur, Ninasu, e-en-na "the house of en-priestess (?)", e-unugki Vol. XX 1984 57 "the temple of Uruk" (see n. (11)), Gilgames, Ninhursag of Seda, gu-dbil-aga-mes "the bank of Gilgames" besides the above mentioned in the same records during the reign of Uruinimgina, such as Fo. 74 and DP 54. As the organization of the temple of Baba was complated in the second year of the reign of Uruinimgina, many deities and others may have received those. For the organization of the temple of Baba, see Maekawa, op. cit., 140. (5) kisal is kisallu, which means "front yard", see SL 249,2. This festival is a part of the festival of Baba but we do not know its details because of the lack of historical materials. See, for example, Bauer, Altsumerische Wirtschaftstexte, 438. (6) In the calendar of Lagas in the third dynasty of Ur, the third was the month of the festival of Lisi, see N. Schneider, ArOr 13 (1936), 86 ff. (7) For the festival of eating barley and the festival of eating malt, cf. for example, C.-F. Jean, La religion sumerienne, 175 f.; Rosengarten, op. cit., 252. (8) For this festival, see Bauer, op. cit., 325 ff. Fortsch, op. cit., 167 ff. Jean, op. cit., 175. In the records of the offerings for this festival, BIN 8, 371; DP 48; 55; 60; 64; 66; 199; Fo. 128; Nik. I, 27, we find Ninmar (the central deity of this festival), e-tur (the pasture of ox), Nanse, Ningirsu, Nindar, na-ru-a "stela" (cf. n. (37)), Igiamase and so on. (9) For the calendar of the Pre-Sargonic Lagas, see Rosengarten, op. cit., 418. (10) A. Deimel, Or 2 (1920), 32 ff. transliterated and explained those. Further, Rosengarten, op. cit., 303 ff. is the latest study. en means "ancestor" in according to SL 99,4. Cf. Bauer, op. cit., 470. (11) The only one example of the temple out of Lagas, as far as I have investigated, is seen in the following passage: DP 54, IX, 8) 1 udu e-unugki-se 9) gin-ni 10) i-tum "(Someone) went and brought a sheep in the temple of Uruk." See Landsberger, op. cit., 54. (12) DP 196 describes that Ningirsu and Nanse received apple (gishashur) and fig (gispes) at the festival of Baba in the first year of the reign of Lugalanda. Nanse received cream (gar) at the festival of eating malt of Nanse in the third year of the reign of Lugalanda (DP 53) and Baba also received it at the festival of eating malt of Ningirsu in the second year of the reign of Uruini- mgina (Fo. 5). These are exceptional offerings. Furthermore only specific objects, such as id-ambar "the canal of marsh" and ki-gisgigir "the place of the chariot", receive gir-bread, barley and emmer, see Table II. (13) These are obscure words. Cf. Bauer, op. cit., 411; Fortsch, op. cit., 105; Rosengarten, op, cit., 252, n. 2. (14) Though the texts describe features of the sacrificial animals in detail, such as mas-sig "young goat" and udu -nita "ram", they are divided roughly into ox, sheep and goat. Ox is offered as sacrifice to only three deities, Baba, Nanse and Ningirsu, who were the greatest deities in the local pantheon of Lagas. The sacrificial ox is seen as follows: DP 53 (LIII), the festival of eating malt of Nanse, Nanse; DP 47 (LIV), the sacrifice to the new moon temple (e-u4-sakar), Nanse; DP 63 (L []), the festival of eating barley of Ningirsu, [Ningirsu]; Fo 5 (ULII), the festival of eating malt of Ningirsu, Baba; DP 54 (ULII), the festival of Baba, Baba; DP 197 ([]), [], [Nanse] (these are arranged in text, (the year of the reign), festival and the deity who received ox). Further we abbreviated Lugalanda to L, Uruinimgina, lugal, to Ul. (15) TSA 1 (LII), m; DP 53 (LIII), m; RTC 47 (LIII), s; Nik. I, 23 (LVI), s; STH I, 41 (Ul IV), [s]; DP 43 (the ruler's name is not written, III),. (m means the festival of eating malt of Nanse and s means the festival of eating barley of Nanse). Falkenstein, IGL I (1966), 19 f. discussed about the tour of Barnamtarra as a proof of thinking about Lagas geographically. (16) Corpus, URN. 25, V, 2) ba-gara 3) mu-du "(Urnanse) built Bagara" which was built in Lagas (al-Hiba) district. Cf. D. P. Hansen, "Al-Hiba-Summary of Four Seasons of Excavation 1968-1976", Sumer 34 (1978), 80. (17) Strictly speaking, only the domestic animals, a part of the offerings, are recorded. (18) Cf. for example, M. Lambert, "Le dieux-vivants a l'aube des historiques-", Sumer 5

58 ORIENT ON THE MEANING OF THE OFFERINGS FOR THE STATUE OF ENTEMENA

(1949), 9. (19) For the chariot (gisgigir) which was used in the religious observanse, see M. Civil, "Isme-Dagan and Enlil's Chariot", JAOS 88 (1968), 3. (20) Cf. for example, Falkenstein, op. cit., 138; T. Gomi, "Sulgi-Simti and her Libation Place (ki-a-nag)", Orient XII (1976), 2 ff. (21) There were some e-PA not only in NINA but also in other districts, such as Girsu and Lagas, see Falkenstein, op. cit., 131 ff. but in this case, e-PA is in NINA according to the meaning of the passage. (22) Here I follow Deimel, op. cit. Or 28,33; Fortsch, op. cit., 131 ff. (23) Corpus, EN. I, 20, III, 2) u4-ba 3) en-an-na-tum-me 4) ganun-mah 5) urubxki 6) mu-du "Then Enannatum built the Ganunmah in Urub." Barnamtarra may have made sacrifice in Urub district on the saventh day. (24) Cf. Table I. 8 "sila" of date and 8 "sila" of oil are the offerings and it is explained that 8-ba-kam "(it) divides into eight (equal) parts." Eight statues must have received the offerings in e-sa. (25) Here I follow Rosengarten, op. cit., 164 f. (26) Among the most signinficant studies about statues are: 1) C. Jeremias, Die vergottlichung der babylonisch-assyrische Koning: AO XIX (1919), 13. He discussed about the statue of Urnanse, interpreting that the offerings to the statue proved that the ruler had been the deified. 2) A. Pohl, OrNs 8 (1939), 264 ff. is the review about K. Fr. Muller, MVAG 41/III (1937). As some of the statues of Lugalanda, Urnanse and others are ancestors and others are the living people, he presumes that those were erected in the temples because they had held nam-en "mastership." 3) E. D. van Buren, "The salme in Mesopotamian Art and Religion", OrNs 10 (1941), 65 ff. studies statues not only in the Pre-Sargonic period but also from the Akkadian period on. On the ninety-second page "In the early period salme of mortals usually seem to have been dedicated by the original of the portrait-figure, who also provided for the maintenance of the sacrifices as a permanent reminder to the deity of his pious act. In the case of one or two persons these sacrifices were continued, after the demise of the dedicant, and became a cult." In other words, she does not think that the offerings to the statues mean that the ones who had been represented by the statues were deified and that it was ancestor-worship in the strict sence. 4) H. Frankfort, Kingship and Gods, Chicago & London, 1948, 302-306. He also thinks that the offerings to the royal statues in the temples were for the statues themselves, not for the kings they represented. 5) A. Spycket, Statues de culte. For exemple, on the thirty-third page, she discusses about the statues in ki-11-se (DP 55), mentioning as follows: "Tout le probleme est de savoir comment, a cette epoque, les Sumeriens serendaient leurs dieux presents. Rien ne nous empeche de les ima- giner representes par leur embleme ou leur animal attribut ou personnifies par un pretre-substitut a l'occasion des ceremonies. Nous attendons toujours le document qui apporte une reponse determinante." (27) A unit of weight is not written. SL 597, 138, "Zukost", "Obst"; Deimel, Or 16 (1925), 57, "eine Festbeigabe (zu Greste und Weizen), eine art Nachtisch beim Festschmaus"; Rosen- garten, op. cit., 388, n. 8, "Nig-sa-ga parait etre un nom generique se rapportant ici a des fruits." Here I translated it tentatively by "fruit (?)." (28) Fortsch, op, cit., 169 "an den Seite aufgestellt (?)"; M. Lambert, "Le quartier Lagash", RSO 32 (1957), 136, "la stela placee a l'exterrieur." (29) SL 401, 118, "Kultgegenstand"; Lambert, ibid., 136 "On retrouve ce lieu cultuel dans le nom d'un pretre de l'e-babbar: Ur-har-sar-ra (DP 585, 3, 1)." (30) It means "grange sublime", see n. (23). (31) TSA, VIII, 8 is lagaski-se NINAki. It is unknown what these words mean. (32) Deimel, Or 20 (1926), 39 "volle Mund." Cf. Rosengarten, op. cit., 156, n. 3. (33) SL 12, 136 "erhalt Opfer." Landsberger, op, cit., 51 reads sil-mu and explains "Zwil- Vol. XX 1984 59 linge, die einanch gegeuber auf gestellt sind." (34) Cf. Deimel, op. cit. Or 28, 61; Fortsch, op. cit., 84. (35) For this reading see, Bauer, op. cit., 450. (36) Here I follow SL 420, 8. (37) A stela as well as deities receives same kinds of offerings at ezem-amar-a-a-si-ge-da "the festival ... water to a calf." In DP 69 which records offerings for the same festival in the second year of the reign of Uruinimgina, lugal, na-ru-a-sag5-sag5 "the stela of Sagsag" receives 1 men "a crown." For dna-ru-a, the deified stela, see Falkenstein, op. cit., 167 f. (38) A. Deimel, Or 32 (1928), 1 ff. transliterated and explained those. (39) Th. Jacobsen, CTNMC, Text 3. (40) Spycket, op, cit., 34 interpretes that a statue in gar lists was in the temple of Baba. Deimel, op. cit. Or 32, 73 regards it as the statue of an ancestor. (41) In the summaries of DP 222 and RTC 58, the records about the offerings to the ancestors at the festival of Baba, we find the sentence i-erin SIMxSIG7-erin i-tuk. It is not easy to interpret this sentence. For SIMxSIG7 Ellermeier reads sembi, see F. Ellermeier, Die sumerischen Lautwerte: Nach dem Alphabet, nach den "Zeichennamen" und nach den Keilschriftzeichen geordnet, Lie- ferung 1, Gottingen, 1979, 304. SIMxSIG7 may mean cosmetic made from cedar, see K.

Jaritz, Schriftarchaologie, 84, § 441. For tuk, SL 574, 11 interprets tug=resu, "erhalten, bekaunnen, haben." We may interpret the above sentence as "(Someone) took cedar oil and cosmetic made from ceder (?)." Further, in the above texts we also find i-erin-e ses4-de "(It is) to take/paint cedar oil." Therefore cedar oil and cosmetic made from cedar may have been used in the rite of the ancestor worship. (42) The full names of both festivals are ezem-dlugal-urubxki-ke4/a-e-sa-ga a-tu5-a "the festival which Lugalurub performs his ablution with water of e-sa" (MAH 15998, VI, 3/4); dlugal- uru-bar-ke4/a-e-sa-ga a-tu5-a "(the festival whihc) Lugalurub performs his ablution with water of e-sa" (DP 41, III, 1/2). dlugal-uru-bar means "the king of the enviros of the city" (see, Bauer, op. cit., 463 f.; Lambert, op, cit. RSO 32, 136), while dlugal-urubxki means "the king of Urub." Urub is spelled with URUxKAR (gunu). URU means "city" and gunu has the agency to emphasize the meaning of the word. Therefore URUxKAR means "(the center of) the city" (see SL 43, 4). Both deities have the corresponding names and both festivals seem to be related. (43) DP 223 is a fragment and we can read nin-ki with dlugal-uru-bar and da-da-na in 3-a-ne- ne-kam "(they are) three." nin-ki may be dnin-ki, however she is not seen in the other texts besides DP 223. (44) The deity Gilgames received the offerings at the festival of Baba with the festival of kisal, see n. (4). (45) Generally speaking, fish is not offered to ancestors, see F. Blome, Die Opfermaterie, 211, § 202; E.D. van Buren, "Fish-offerings in Ancient Mesopotamia", Iraq 10 (1948), 101 ff. (46) RTC 46 is the record of sheep and goats for the festival of Baba in the second year of the reign of Lugalanda in which the statement that "Barnamtarra offerd (them) as sacrifice" is found in the last part of the text. Sheep and goats for deities and temples are explained as follows: "(Someone) offered (them) as sacrifice on the day of the festival of kisal", while those for ancestors are said to be butcherd (ba-sag5). (47) Beside beer, bread, oil in DP 222 and RTC 58 are date, cheese and kinds of vegetables are included, so that I translated nig-sa-ha by "relish." See n. (27). (48) F. Thureau-Dangin, SAK, 2 ff. (49) E. Sollberger et J.-R. Kupper, IRSA, 45 ff. (50) des-ir-nun? See Bauer, op. cit., 450. (51) V. E. Crawford, "Inscriptions from Lagash, Season Four, 1975-76", JCS 29 (1977), 193 ff. (52) This deity is not seen in the royal inscriptions and the economic-administrative archives 60 ORIENT ON THE MEANING OF THE OFFERINGS FOR THE STATUE OF ENTEMENA

of Lagas, as far as I have investigated. A scribe may have forgotton to write gunu (see n. (42)). (53) H. Steible, Die altsumerischen Bau- und Weihinschriften I, Wiesbaden, 1973 transliterates and translates Corpus, EAN 62, in spite of the damaged state of the inscription, as follows: Face B, 3) dingir-ra-ni 4) dsul-utul12 5) e-an-na-tum 6) dnanse 7) [mu]-[tu] "sein (Schutz) gott (ist) Sulutul, E'annatum hat die (Statue der) Nanse geschaffen." I hastitate to agree to this interpretation because there is not the nominative suffix in 1.5 and because the inscription is badly damaged from 1. 8. on. (54) See my paper "Miscellanea of dlugal-e-mus", ORIENT XIX (1983), 29 ff. (55) Cf. H. Frakfort, The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient, Harmondsworth, 1954, 24. (56) See for example, van Buren, op. cit. OrNs 10 (1941), 66 f. (57) For the intercession of a tutelary deity, see Frankfort, op. cit. Kingship and Gods, 302 ff. (58) R. D. Biggs, Inscriptions from Al-Hiba-Lagash: The First and Second Seasons: Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 3 (1976), No. 1. (59) F. Basmachi & D. O. Edzard, "Statue of a Son of Enannatum I in the Iraq Museum", Sumer 14 (1958), 110, IM 51145. (60) Cf. Spycket, op. cit., 33; M. Lambert, "Edmond Sollberger: Corpus des inscriptions 《royales》 Presargoniques de Lagas, Geneve, 1956, xvi+64 pages, in-4°", RA 50 (1956), 106. (61) For ALAN and DUL, see Spycket, ibid., 29-30, 35. (62) Cf. A. L. Oppenheim, Eames, Cl; F 23. (63) Cf. ibid., H 30. (64) Cf. for example, A. Parrot, Sumer, Paris, 1960, 22-23. (65) Cf. F. M. Boehmer, "Gotterdarsellungen in der Bildkunst" RLA 3 (1957-'71), 466 ff. * This article was originally published in Japanese in Oriento (Bulletion of the Societyfor Near Eastern Studies in Japan) 26/1 (1983), 33-56.

Vol. XX 1984 61 Table I The statues in nig-gis-tag-ga texts

TSA 1 (LII), the festival of eating malt of [Nanse] DP 53 (LIII), the festival of eating malt of Nanse Nik. I, 23 (L「VI」), the festival of eating barley of Nanse DP 54 (UIII), the festival of Baba with the festival of kisal DP 66 (UIIV), the festival of eating malt of Ningirsu DP 55 (the year and the ruler's name are not written), nig-gis-tag-ga dnin-mar-kira TUG-TUG (?)-la "the sacrifice to Ninmar (and) to ...... ,"

○ The unit of weight is not written L: Lugalanda Ul: Uruinimgina, lugal

62 ORIENT ON THE MEANING OF THE OFFERINGS FOR THE STATUE OF ENTEMENA

Table II DP 53

Table II Notes 1 gur-sag-gal=144 sila 1 mun-du=12 sila(10) 1 dug=20 sila 1 kur=2 sila 1 sila=0.842 1 (1) Cf. Deimel, op. cit. Or 28, 63 "(grosse) Schaf-Vlisse van geflechter Wolle." (2) Loc. cit. "ungeschorene Ziege (mit weissen/schwarger Wolle)." (3) The determinative dingir is not written. (4) ninda-gir ba-an-ne 10 du8 "gir-bread of 1/10 Ban." For gir-bread, see Bauer, op. cit., 222. For Ban see ibid., 225. (5) Exactlly An. An, which reads tilla corresponding to rebetu(m) and which means "the liberty-place."Cf. Bauer, ibid., 450.

Vol. XX 1984 63 (6) For IGI-BI reads ba-gara. (7) igi-du8-bread, see SL 449, 105. (8) We can not check accounts because of the damaged tablet. (9) 40 ninda-gir is written in the item of the total. (10) Here I follow, A. Alberti, "Sul valore della misura 'mun-du'", OA 18 (1979), 222. About the other units of weight I follow F. Thureau-Dangin, "Numeration et metrologie sumeriennes", RA 18 (1921), 132 ff.

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Vol. XX 1984 65