Women and Peacebuilding: the Use of Traditional Methods of Conflict Resolution by Women from Casamance, Senegal

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Women and peacebuilding: The use of traditional methods of conflict resolution by women from Casamance, Senegal

Der Fakultät für Geschichte, Kunst- und Regionalwissenschaften der Universität Leipzig

angenommene D I S S E R T A T I O N zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades DOCTOR PHILOSOPHIAE (Dr. phil.)

vorgelegt von Rukia Bakari, M.A geboren am 1. Oktober 1972 in Mombasa, Kenya

Leipzig, den 5. März 2021

Abstract

Despite the important developments that peacebuilding plays in academia on conflict resolution and management, the field remains unexplored in multiple ways. One of the ways that this can be done is through the involvement of women in a domain that is considered to be relatively less inclusive of marginalized groups. The role women can play in negotiating for conflict resolution is significantly emerging as an important debate in peace research work and studies. Relatively little attention has been paid on the relevance of traditional approaches to conflict resolution particularly on the role that women contribute to using such methods. This impacts in balancing gender representation in peacebuilding processes. This research therefore takes a deeper look into the role of women in peacebuilding using the women groups in Casamance, Senegal as the empirical case study. The main objective of this study is to critically analyze the significant role women play as peacebuilders specifically, highlighting the relevance of traditional knowledge of conflict resolution. Hence, the key research question is to empirically reconstruct the role of women in peacebuilding and analyze how the use of traditional methods of conflict resolution has contributed to peacebuilding in Casamance. In this vein, this study employs a qualitative approach to critically analyze the situation in Casamance using semi-structured in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. This study utilizes the actor network theory (ANT) as the framework for analysis. A core finding of this dissertation reveals a disconnection between the existence of laws and policies on the participation of women in peacebuilding versus recognizing the local practices and initiatives of women groups at the grassroots with regard to implementation. The findings also bring to light the importance of further research in traditional methods of conflict resolution as contributing to peace and security.

Keywords: Peacebuilding, conflict resolution, women groups, traditional knowledge, grassroots, Actor Network Theory, Casamance, Senegal.

Acknowledgements

Alhamdulillah wabillahi tawfeeq. I am immensely indebted to my family for their love, support and understanding. My husband and lifelong friend, Saliou Mbacké who has always encouraged me to pursue my dreams, my son Ahmad Mbacké who has had to contend with my absence from home, my beloved parents Prof. Dr. Mohamed Bakari and the late Hajiya Jahi Abdulrazaq for their guidance and encouragement, my beloved siblings, Siti Fatma Saggaf, Dr. Mwanakitina Bakari, Omar Saggaf and Abdulkarim Saggaf for inspiring me, praying for me and believing in me. My guardians Dr. Usman Bugaje and Dr. Mairo Mandara for not allowing me to give up on myself, I say thank you all.

I would like to acknowledge my supervisor, Prof. Dr. Ulf Engel, from whom I have benefited greatly from his experience as a lecturer, and whose help and support throughout my PhD studies was essential in completing this research.

I would also like to thank Dr. Martina Keilbach for the financial support that she availed through the Graduate School Global and Area Studies, which enabled me to conduct my two field trips, my colleagues in both the working group International Studies, and the Colloquium of the Graduate School Global and Area Studies, for enabling me to benefit from their interdisciplinary expertise, through reading and correcting my work therefore helping me to develop the ideas that eventually gave me a perspective for my research.

Many thanks to all those individuals who assisted me to conduct my research in Dakar and Casamance and for allowing me to share their space and educating me away from the classroom. Without their cooperation and input, all this would not have been possible.

I am also indebted to the following people for their incredible friendships and unforgettable memories that I built while in Leipzig; Dr.Rachel Muchira, Dr. Shillah Memusi, Ali Shee, Rauhiya Said, Dr. Faith Kandie, Lydia Timona, Saskia Steszewski, Dr. med. Annette Rieprecht, Habib Hakeem (Maks), Dr. John Karugia, Suse Küster, and Dr. Maria Ayuk. Ich sage: vielen Dank!

List of acronyms

African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes. ACCORD Durban

ASAPID Association d’appui aux Initiatives de paix et de développement

ASC Sports and Cultural Association

APSA African Peace and Security Architecture

AMISOM African Union Mission in Somalia

ANT Actor network theory

African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights of women in APWR Africa

AU African Union

AU PSC Africa Union Peace and Security Council

BPA Beijing Platform for Action

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination CEDAW Against Women

CEWS Continental Early Warning System

The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in CODESRIA Africa

ECOSOC United Nations Economic and Social Council

ECOMOG Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group

ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States

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FAS Femmes Africa Solidarité

FemWise-Africa Network of African Women in Conflict Prevention and Mediation

GPOI Global Peace Operations Initiative

ICG International Crisis Group

ISS Institute for Security Studies ( Pretoria, Addis Ababa, and Dakar)

Association Régionale des Femmes pour la Recherche de la Paix KABONKETOOR en Casamance

MARWOPNET The Mano River Women's Peace Network

MFDC The Mouvement des forces démocratiques de la Casamance

NAP’s National Action Plans

NGO non-governmental organization

OAU Organization of African Unity

African Party for the Independence of Guinea Bissau and Cabo PAIGC Verde (Partido Africano para a Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde)

Panwise Pan-African Network of the Wise

PFPF Plateforme des Femmes pour la Paix en Casamance

REPSFECO Réseau paix et sécurité pour le femmes de l’Espace CEDEAO

SADC Southern African Development Community

UNHCR UN High Commission for Refugees

UNSCR UN Security Council Resolution

UNOWAS UN Office for West Africa and the Sahel

UNODC UN Office on Drugs and Crime

UN women The UN Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women USAID United States Agency for International Development

USOFORAL/ CRSFPC Commité Régionale de Solidarité des femmes pour la paix en Casamance WPSA Women Peace and Security Agenda

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... i

Acknowledgements ...... ii

List of acronyms ...... iii

Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1

1.1 Background information ...... 1

1.2 What exactly is the problem? ...... 3

1.3 Statement of the problem ...... 5

1.4 Literature review and academic debates ...... 6

1.4.1 The role of women in peacebuilding processes ...... 8

1.4.2 Engendering peace ...... 10

1.4.3 The role of women in Casamance ...... 12

1.4.4 Contextualizing traditional methods of peacebuilding ...... 12

1.5 Research question ...... 16

1.6 Objective of the study ...... 16

1.7 Theoretical and methodology framework ...... 16

1.7.1 Theoretical framework ...... 16

1.7.2 Research methods and design ...... 19

1.8 Research limitations ...... 22

1.9 Ethical considerations ...... 22

1.10 Structure of the dissertation...... 23

Chapter 2: Women and peacebuilding ...... 25

2.1 Emerging debates on the role of women in peace building ...... 25

2.2 International frameworks for women participation in peace processes ...... 30

2.2.1 The Beijing Platform for Action (BPA) ...... 30

2.2.2 How the BPA was realized ...... 30

2.3 What is UN Security Council Resolution 1325? ...... 32

2.4 Instruments at the continental level ...... 36

2.4.1 The African Union’s protocol on the rights of women vis à vis the Women’s Peace and Security Agenda (WPSA) ...... 36

2.4.2 Africa Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) ...... 39

2.5 Regional level structures ...... 42

2.6 Architecture at national level ...... 43

2.6.1 National Action Plans (NAP’s) as spaces for dialogue ...... 43

2.6.2 National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325 of Senegal ...... 45

2.7 The role for peace networks ...... 47

2.8 Analysis of the various legal frameworks ...... 47

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2.8.1 Policy coordination and harmonization between AU and ECOWAS ...... 48

2.8.2 ECOWAS institutional framework for peace and security ...... 49

2.8.3 AU/UN partnerships and division of labor ...... 50

2.8.4 Challenges of implementing the legal frameworks ...... 52

2.9 Conclusions ...... 54

Chapter 3: Historical and political context of the region of Senegal, The Gambia and Guinea Bissau ...... 56

3.1 Introduction ...... 56

3.2 History of the region ...... 56

3.3 Guinea-Bissau’s context ...... 58

3.3.1 Genealogy of political unrest in Guinea Bissau ...... 59

3.3.2 The question of Casamance and the MFDC ...... 61

3.3.3 The seventh June war ...... 62

3.3.4 Drugs and arms ...... 64

3.4 The Gambia’s context ...... 65

3.4.1 Senegambia confederation ...... 66

3.4.2 The dilemma of crime, border politics with Casamance ...... 67

3.5 Senegal’s context...... 69

3.5.1 Casamance ...... 69

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3.5.2 Post-independence and the 1980-s ...... 71

3.5.3 Post 1980-s until the late 1990-s...... 72

3.6 An imagined community with separatist aspirations? ...... 74

3.7 Structural and proximate causes of the conflict ...... 77

3.7.1 Analysis of the conflict in Casamance ...... 78

3.7.2 The women of Casamance in times of conflict ...... 79

3.7.3 The role of colonization, ethnicity, politics and economic marginalization ...... 80

3.7.3.1 Colonization ...... 80

3.7.3.2 Ethnicity ...... 81

3.7.3.3 Economic marginalization ...... 81

3.7.3.4 Politics...... 82

3.7.3.5 Internally displaced persons (IDP’s) ...... 83

3.8 Conclusions ...... 84

Chapter 4: Women and politics of peacebuilding ...... 86

4.1 Introduction ...... 86

4.2 Where are the women? ...... 86

4.3 Popular mobilization by women ...... 90

4.3.1 Social networks in Casamance ...... 91

4.3.2 Civil society platforms and grassroots activities ...... 93

4.3.3 Political mobilization and women empowerment schemes ...... 95

4.3.4 Advocacy via inter-faith groups ...... 98

4.4 Traditional methods of conflict resolution and peacebuilding in Casamance ...... 101

4.4.1 Mystical ceremonies: calling on the gods by libations and prayers ...... 103

4.4.2 Peace committees ...... 106

4.4.3 Football for peace ...... 109

4.4.4 Peace radio: from mouthpiece of the state to voice of the people ...... 111

4.4.5 Wrestling matches: gala de lutte traditionelle (laamb) ...... 115

4.4.6 Participatory theater: social change through the agency of performance art ...... 117

4.5 Tradition prompting peace in Casamance ...... 119

4.6 Conclusions ...... 123

Chapter 5 : An analysis of actors and networks of peacebuilding in Casamance ...... 126

5.1 Introduction ...... 126

5.2 Local actors using networks for peace ...... 126

5.3 Positionality of the various state and non-state actors ...... 129

5.3.1 Women groups: issues, agency and interests ...... 129

5.3.2 Women groups using agency as peacebuilders ...... 131

5.3.3 Youth associations ...... 133

5.3.4 The catholic church ...... 134

5.3.5 The Mouvement des forces démocratiques de la Casamance (MFDC) ...... 136

5.3.6 Media as drivers of peace ...... 137

5.3.7 The Senegalese state: sitting on the fence? ...... 138

5.4 Local networks for local solutions: tapping indigenous peace resources ...... 141

5.4.1 Commité Régionale de Solidarité des femmes pour la paix en Casamance (CRSFPC/USOFORAL) ...... 143

5.4.2 Association Régionale des Femmes pour la Recherche de la Paix en Casamance (KABONKETOOR) ...... 146

5.4.3 Plateforme des Femmes pour la Paix en Casamance (PFPC) ...... 148

5.4.4 Femme Africa Solidarité (FAS) ...... 150

5.4.5 Network of African Women in Conflict Prevention and Mediation (FEMWISE- AFRICA) ...... 154

5.5 The role of international development donors and NGO’s in Casamance ...... 156

5.5.1 Different actors, different agendas ...... 156

5.5.2 The role of civil society ...... 160

5.5.3 The United States Agency for International Development (USAID)...... 162

5.5.4 Weltfriedensdienst (World Peace Service) ...... 165

5.5.5 KARUNA Center for Peacebuilding ...... 166 xi

5.6 An overview of the phenomena of development aid in Casamance ...... 167

5.7 The developmental impact of political economy of conflict and peacebuilding in Casamance ...... 171

5.7.1 The actors: interdependence, issues, motives and agency ...... 172

5.7.2 Youth associations: ‘nées à la guerre, la lutte pour la paix continue’ ...... 174

5.7.3 The rebel movement: MFDC a mirage for Casamance independence? ...... 176

5.7.4 The Senegalese state interests and motives ...... 180

5.7.5 The media ...... 182

5.8 Conclusions ...... 184

Chapter 6: Research findings and general conclusions...... 186

6.1 Introduction ...... 186

6.2 Research findings ...... 189

6.3 Recommendations for future research...... 201

Chapter 7: Bibliography ...... 202

7.1 Primary sources and media reports ...... 202

7.2 Interviews ...... 211

7.3 Literature ...... 214

Erklärung...... 262

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Chapter 1: Introduction

1.1 Background information

Several countries across sub Saharan Africa have a long history of conflicts triggered by ethnic, political and economic motives. West Africa, as a region, has been especially perilous to waves of instability. A number of studies have been carried out to determine the negative impact of these conflicts, where the arguments focus on the peaceful co-existence of states despite internal domestic strife and the security dilemmas that they face (Adebajo, 2002, p. 25; Kacowitz, 1997, p. 369). Bolaji (2011, p. 185) explains that the instability of the region is exuberated by factors such as the transnational trafficking of humans, drugs such as cocaine, oil and small arms to and from Europe. This, she concludes, contributes to continuing inequalities, poverty, and conflict. The 2015 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) annual report equally highlights the challenges the organization faces in the region in its attempt to ensure a stop to these illegal activities.

The response of academia on the situation in the Casamance can hardly be described as vibrant and current. Women especially bear the consequences of these conflicts in psychological, physical and fiscal ways. There is need to address the mechanisms through which these women are employing to deal with these conflicts, and the best practices of integrating them to assume significant roles in mediation processes. There are universal trends which underlie women’s contribution to peace processes and conflict resolution, thereby contributing to establishing peace and social coherence. It is with this background that I propose to look at, how women are using existing traditional methods of conflict resolution in Casamance to contribute to peacebuilding and highlight the role that women groups play in peace processes.

The full participation of women in peace processes vis à vis specific existing legal mechanisms, such as the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights in Africa, focusing on the rights of women in Africa and the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 of 31 October 2000 (hereafter referred to as UNSC Resolution 1325) will also be examined. Both state and non-state actors need to augment efforts of mediation and acknowledge the crucial role women

can play in sustainable peace building processes. My case study will endeavor to investigate the practicality of integrating traditional conflict resolution mechanisms as an option for Casamance.

Both state, in this case the government of Senegal, and non-state actors, in this case, The Mouvement des forces démocratiques de la Casamance (MFDC) insurgent group, are obliged to augment efforts of mediation while acknowledging the crucial role women contribute in sustainable peace building processes. My study will endeavor to investigate how the integration of the use of traditional methods for conflict resolution can be used as an option for Casamance. Traditional methods of conflict resolution are considered as those methods that have evolved over time in society and have been used in the context of well-defined social settings. The MFDC is a separatist group, which has been advocating for the secession of Casamance from Senegal and continues to call for political and economic changes for the region (see sub-chapter 3.6 An imagined community with separatist aspirations?). As actors in the conflict, this research seeks to explore the relationship between the MFDC and the women groups and the impact on peacebuilding. Furthermore, this research will explore the role of feminine religious associations known as ‘Usana’ in using traditional methods of conflict resolution. These ‘Usana’ are women associations which have various activities among which is the traditional ceremonies involving female priestesses that are performed in specific sacred groves called Bois Sacré in the forest.

The use of fetishes and rituals which is part of Diola tradition, will also be examined in relation to how these ceremonies are used for conflict resolution in Casamance (see sub-chapter 4.4.1 Mystical ceremonies: calling on the gods by libations and prayers). Osemeka (2011, p. 60) notes that religious practices of communities such as the Diola exhibits specific gender roles with men placed at the hierarchy and excising authority, women play complimentary roles as priestesses therefore playing important traditional roles in the society. The use of theater as a participatory approach to conflict resolution (see sub-chapter 4.4.6 Participatory theater: social change through the agency of performance art) in addition to staging football for peace games have been some of the ways in which the women groups have been involving themselves in peacebuilding (see sub- chapter 4.4.3. Football for peace).

Tradition in Casamance plays an important role in the lives of the community and as earlier studies by scholars such as Foucher (2003a), Lambert (1998), Lico (2013), and Marut (2010), suggest that 2

the term ‘Diola tradition’ has to be interpreted in the context of the history and political development of the region while considering the social and cultural context associated with the conflict.1 The intent here is not to overelaborate on the role of traditional methods of conflict resolution, but rather, to accentuate their relevance in the peacebuilding process in Casamance. Applying traditional methods of conflict resolution as in the case of Rwanda, emphasizes the collective nature of community negotiation which can be harnessed to produce change in the society. Brounéus (2008, p. 55) provides a description of the testimonies from the ‘Gacaca’ courts were village tribunals were initiated after the 1994 genocide to promote truth, unity, justice and reconciliation in the country. By using the ‘Gacaca’ system in the post-1994 genocide reconciliation process, Rwanda has been lauded by the international community as a good example of how traditional conflict resolution can contribute to peacebuilding (Murithi, 2008, p. 29).

1.2 What exactly is the problem?

Senegal is surrounded by Mauritania to the north, Mali to the east, Guinea and Guinea-Bissau to the south, and the Atlantic Ocean to the west. A sixth neighbor, the Gambia, is an enclave that extends along the southern part of the country, almost completely separating the northern regions from Casamance (Fall, 2010, p. 5). Casamance is situated within an area of 30,000 square kilometers situated in the southwestern part of Senegal, bordering Guinea-Bissau to the south and separated from the rest of the country by the Gambia to the north (Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, n.d). The area’s population makes about four percent of the overall population in Senegal, a diverse country with seventeen large ethnic groups that can further be divided into four encompassing identities dispersed to varying degrees throughout the country’s fourteen administrative regions (W. Faye, 2006, p. 7).

The following map provided below, shows the region of Casamance, where the conflict has existed for 37 years with Ziguinchor, Sédhiou and Kolda serving as regional capitals.

1 See Map of Senegal highlighting the region of Casamance below 3

Figure 1: Map of Senegal. Source: http://www.un.org/Depts/Cartographic/map/profile/senegal.pdf

As a result of the continued marginalization resulting from political, cultural and social justice issues a rebellion broke out in 1982 in Casamance under the leadership of the MFDC (Ba & Bassène, 2018) (see sub-chapter 3.7 Structural and proximate causes of the conflict). Shortly before Christmas that year, approximately 1000 people marched from the center of Ziguinchor, to several government buildings where they replaced the Senegalese flag with a white flag. Carrying “Free Casamance” signs the demonstrators expressed the desire to secede from Senegal. Among these protesters were women who had adorned themselves in traditional attire and carried with them palm fonds and calabashes. The women also sang traditional songs and were joined by the men (Osemeka, 2011, p. 59). The government responded violently with mass arrests including the organizers of the demonstration (W. Faye, 2006, p. 28).

According to Sonko (2004, p. 30) most of the Senegalese population see the conflict as a separatist one, whereas the isolation of the region between the Gambia and Guinea Bissau makes the conflict a matter of internal and external politics. The Casamance multi-ethnic identity is overshadowed by the conflict mainly because of the Diola component that the government has tried to use to dismiss the gravity of the conflict and effectively downplaying it over a number of years.2 The Social marginalization of the population has resulted in deep grudges against government and the issue of land remains at the core of the conflict. This is what Ba and Bassène (2018) note happened in the expropriation of land through the 1964 land ownership Act. The conflict in Casamance has various dimensions in geographical and historical settings, which have shaped the course of events that persist presently (Evans, 2003, p. 30). Both the Government and MFDC continue to blame each other, as peace remains elusive in the area. Casamance was once the breadbasket of the country but is now one of the poorest and deprived regions due to the consequences of the conflict that have underutilized the agricultural and economic potential of the region (Ba & Bassène, 2018).

1.3 Statement of the problem

The significant role women play in negotiating for conflict resolution is emerging as an important development in peace related research work and studies. The inclusion of women has not been systematic in peace and security as they have often been sidelined in peace processes (OECD, 2015).3 The political discourse in peace and security postulates that women’s voices in conflict resolution is the perspective that is missing, that their insight may just be what is needed in finding long-term solutions to conflict. This subject of discussion intends to involve women more actively in actual peacebuilding activities, rather than simply having them there, albeit for the sake of inclusiveness and societal justice. This research will endeavor to contest the postulation that women are missing in peacebuilding and fill the gap by showing that women are involved in peacebuilding in Casamance. As central actors in their community, the women groups bring a

2 The Diola is one of the largest ethnic groups in the region of Casamance. 3 The Evaluation of the Netherlands and UNSCR 1325 report is a co-production of the Conflict Research Unit (CRU) of the Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael in The Hague and the Policy and Operations Evaluation Department (IOB) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. URL: https://www.oecd.org/derec/netherlands/Gender-peace-security-Evaluation-Netherlands-UN-resolution.pdf. See URL: https://www.oecd.org (accessed 13 June 2018). 5

voice that essentially contributes to the strengthening and sustainability of peace efforts in the context of peacebuilding.

Within this discourse, there is a severe lack of focus on traditional methods of conflict resolution particularly on the role of women in peacebuilding. In Africa, due to the nature of the socio- political setups that have been influenced by postcolonial geo-politics, traditional methods of conflict resolution have often been overshadowed by ‘modern’ or ‘western’ techniques. However, most societies have preserved their traditional ways of solving disputes and highlighting some of these methods can add value and complement other methods of conflict resolution. Relatively little literature analyses the traditional approaches to conflict resolution, especially the specific role that women can contribute to peace processes. Voorhoeve notes:

“Existing literature neither substantiates the assumed relationship between women’s participation in decision-making bodies and gender-equality, nor shows that there is a causal (direct or indirect) relationship between gender equality and peace and security” (2007, pp. 71–72).

Another aspect that continues to be overlooked in literature is how using traditional methods of peacebuilding for conflict resolution can be used for specific contexts and be successful without necessarily replicating the same methods in a different context. The research will seek to identify these traditional methods of conflict resolution, elaborate on their use using the empirical tools identified for the analysis and the observed impact on the ground. This dissertation fills this gap by investigating the significant role of traditional methods of conflict resolution, through an empirical study of some women groups in the Casamance region of Senegal.

1.4 Literature review and academic debates

Conflict generally as discussed in academia is described as, ‘an existing state of hostility or disagreement between two people’ (Nicholson, 1992, p. 11). Others define it as:

“when two or more people engage in a struggle over values and claims to status, power, resources in which the aim of the opponent is to neutralize, injure or eliminate their rivals” (Coser, 1967, p. 232).

Deutsch (2009) refers to conflict as “a situation which manifests itself whenever incompatible activities occur”. Armed conflict on the other hand, has been described in literature by authors such as Harbom and Wallensteen (Basini, 2013, p. 533). The Uppsala conflict data project defines armed conflict as a:

“contested incompatibility that concerns government or territory or both, where the use of armed force between two parties’ results in at least 25 battle-related deaths. Of these two parties, at least one is the government of a state” (Gleditsch, Wallensteen, Eriksson, Sollenberg, & Strand, 2002, p. 619).

These conflicts involve organized armed groups agitating for social, political, and economic rights from the government. Theory, on the other hand, differentiates between three phases of conflict; prior to the outbreak of conflict, armed conflict, and after the end of armed conflict as highlighted by Paffenholz and Spurk (2010) . In their analysis of conflict and peacebuilding in Africa, a number of scholars acknowledge that conflicts are complicated trends that cannot be fully comprehended without cross-examining the historical, structural, and cultural factors within African countries and the global economic and political system in which they are entangled (Afolabi, 2009; Musah, 2008; Williams, 2009). Elsewhere scholars such as Qurtuby (2013) notes that, one of the shortcomings in local peacebuilding is the lack of appreciation for grassroots actors and their agency.

The situation as it is today in Casamance may be described as the third stage, that is, the end of the armed conflict. The complexity and diversity of conflicts vary with the circumstances and Africa is no exception. The main challenge remains the capacity to deal with these conflicts at state level, therefore raising the question of what approach to take in managing these conflicts. Tavares et al. (2015, p. 41) note that, the conflict in Casamance is rooted in geo-political grievances, thus involves different actors with different interests. Furthermore, in his understanding of the causes of the conflict from a nationalism perspective, Lambert (1998, p. 586) points out that the ‘Casamance question’ can be addressed without violating the territorial integrity of Senegal.

The ‘Casamance question’ has hounded Senegal for decades now and continues to elicit mixed reactions from different quotas. In his research on the issue of ethnicity and nationalism, Lambert opines that, the quest for independence from the larger Senegal by the Casamançais in the initial stages of the rebellion, and the reasons why they picked arms to fight government is not easy to answer nor straight forward. He attributes this to the fact that the Senegalese government is using ethnicity to delegitimize the political aspirations of minority groups (Lambert, 1998, p. 599). In the initial years of the conflict, between, the 1980-s to the 1990-s, the ‘Movement Des Forces Démocratiques de la Casamance’(MFDC) profited from the general disgruntlement of the local population and gained their support. However, with time, the MFDC depended less on the population and more on the illegal exploitation of natural resources to be found in Casamance to finance their cause. This was after violence against the state and local populations escalated and the movement was perceived as motivated by greed and power (W. Faye, 2006, p. 5). Against this background, my research focuses on how women are involved in solving the current stalemate in the conflict rather than dwelling on the root causes of the conflict.

1.4.1 The role of women in peacebuilding processes

Authors continue to debate the concept and practice of peacebuilding. In their analysis, Paffenholz and Spurk depict it as:

‘‘an overarching term to describe a long-term process covering all activities with the overall objective to prevent violent outbreaks of conflict or to sustainably transform armed conflicts into constructive peaceful ways of managing conflict’’(Paffenholz & Spurk, 2010).

Peacebuilding ought to be viewed from the holistic point of long-term activities to be carried out, with the objective of sustainably achieving lasting peace. There is however no agreement on what the term peacebuilding may be, and scholars use the term to suit the context of their discussions. In its broadest conception, peacebuilding can be understood to include, the promotion of sustainable economic development, and social and political justice, in order to create a more equitable society, which can find alternatives to violent resolutions of conflict and where all

citizens are free from both direct and structural violence (Barnett, Kim, O’Donnell, & Sitea, 2007, p. 36). Peacebuilding encompasses the mechanisms that can be used to positively achieve sustainable and lasting peace. Reychler defines sustainable peace as:

“a situation characterized by the absence of physical violence; the elimination of unacceptable political, economic and cultural forms of discrimination; a high level of internal and external legitimacy or support; self-sustainability; and a propensity to enhance the constructive transformation of conflict’’ (Reychler & Paffenholz, 2001, p. 12).

Johan Galtung developed the notion of peacebuilding in 1975 as referring “to the actions, to identify and support structures which will tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse of conflict”(Galtung & Webel, 2007, p. 14).

In Africa, women bear the responsibility of ensuring the transmission of cultural values to future generations, but their discrimination and marginalization has consigned them to the background (Wachania & Ndegwa, 2017). There is a visible gap in the gender credibility of peace agreements and processes, where women have often been sidelined or ‘symbolically’ given a place at the peace table, if given a place at all (Shekawat, 2018). This tokenistic representation of women may be influential in a few cases but generally has little impact in many cases. There has also been a lack of consistency in implementing the peace agreements by both the Senegalese state and the MFDC insurgent group, resulting in ‘ni paix ni guerre’, a ‘no war no peace’ situation (Evans, 2003, p. 4). This situation has at the moment resulted in a stalemate for the conflict by the rebels minimizing their sporadic attacks on government posts as well as on civilians but has not led to the resolution of the conflict. This study will contribute to the literature on women and peacebuilding work. Case studies from Sierra Leone, Somalia, Burundi and Cameroon have been carried out by other scholars and these studies assist to present trends underlying women’s contributions to peacebuilding and conflict resolution, justifying continued research in the area through the case study of Casamance.

1.4.2 Engendering peace

A gendered approach to peacebuilding requires that women be involved in the process at all levels. Men and women play different roles in society and therefore respond differently to situations. Eagly’s social theory (1997) postulates that “shared gendered stereotypes develop from the division of labour”. This produces different intuitions and information from both men and women and may be applied outside the family context where women are traditionally confined to. However, in the public context, which women are part of, their role is limited or restricted due to gender based stereotypical viewpoints that relate to women and peace. Vincent (2001, p. 7) opines that it is exactly the existence of biased gender relations that relegates women to the background and denies them power in the social structure of society. In addition, the author points out that, in societies characterized by gender inequality and discrimination, the pattern of systematically excluding and discriminating women is done on no other bases, other than on the bases that they are women. On the same note, the author advocates for women to challenge the gender relations that exclude women and privilege men (2001, p. 9).

Sørensen (1998, p. 9) gives a gendered analysis of how women and men experience identity roles and suggests that women’s wish to be included in peace negotiations is based on the beliefs that institutions governed by men are unlikely to reflect the specific interests and views of the female population. The author further describes how women can play a special role in peacebuilding through shaping public opinion, mobilizing to protest war, and increasing public awareness on issues such as health and human rights, therefore generating and enforcing their own political position. When women are negotiating for peace, they have the longer-term and comprehensive interests of the society in mind, which is a critical ingredient in decision and policymaking. The Mano River Women’s Peace Network is a good example of how women mobilized three heads of states to sit on the negotiating table and successfully broker a peace deal by mobilizing support from existing networks (O’Reilly, Súilleabháin, & Paffenholz, 2015, p. 12).

In 2000, Mano River Women Peace Network (MARWOPNET), a joint peace initiative of women ministers, parliamentarians, journalists, lawyers, academics, researchers and individuals from the private sector of the three countries of Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea of the Mano River region was formed (F. Otto, 2012). The civil society women’s initiative became what Moyer et al. (2001),

describe as a social movement where the "populace is mobilized, alerted and educated to challenge the power holders as well as to restore critical social values". The different strategies they used according to Amina Mama researcher in gender studies at the University of California Davis, and Okazawa-Rey (2012, p. 110) feminist researcher on transnational feminist praxis, included behind the scene lobbying of warlords and political leaders as well as provision of peace-making related services such as civilian electoral education and training.

Women are already acting as mediators at home, in their communities and workplaces. However, they still need to be active in the political arena if their efforts are to have any significant impact. The task of a gendered perspective in conflict resolution practice and theory, therefore, is to make the lived experiences, activities and perspectives of women part of the agenda of conflict resolution(Vincent, 2001, p. 8).

An array of structural barriers prevent women from effective involvement in peacebuilding. These present themselves in the form of social, political, cultural and economic obstacles. Manchanda (2005b, p. 4737) argues that indeed, we cannot overlook the fact that war and peace are gendered activities, as women have to disproportionately shoulder the burden of socio-economic responsibilities in their community. She further maintains that, more often than not, the centrality of women's agency in peace building and the need to have women participate at the peace table are ignored by the dominant conflict, peace and security discourses.

The gendered roles that men and women play in society are determined by cultural and social settings. Women have had their role traditionally in the household, taking care of the domestic chores and nurturing children (Coltrane, 1989). Men are the breadwinners and tasked with providing sustenance for the family. With the effects of war, these roles are shifted sometimes in favor of women or sometimes to their disadvantage. Turshen (2005, p. 4) explicitly demonstrates how women wish to take the opportunities during or after conflict to permanently remove traditional gender restrictions. Fuest (2008, p. 201) on the other hand, in her research on Liberian women, notes that the war in Liberia provided opportunities for women to be involved significantly in both political and economic activities. As a way of highlighting the importance of including women in public affairs in general and peacebuilding as a specific area of interest, it would be

beneficial to the overall attempts invested in peacebuilding processes that the role of women, be supported and encouraged.

1.4.3 The role of women in Casamance

In comparison to women from other ethnic groups in Senegal, Diola women enjoy considerable power and autonomy from men. They have always migrated seasonally to the interior of Senegal mainly up north in search of employment, or as wives or co-laborer’s (Lambert, 1999, p. 85). Madigan’s (2010, p. 92) work focuses on women’s social justice and examined the women in the Diola community in Casamance. The author notes that the Diola make up 3.5 percent of the population in Senegal and inhibit the lower area of Casamance. They are primarily Catholic, having embraced Christianity during French colonial rule. Before colonization, they built autonomous villages and spiritual associations as a defense to heavy attacks from slave traders, thus have always resisted any form of direct rule. Acknowledging the role women play in the society, a participant in her interview described Diola women as standing up to injustices and taking matters into their own hands if the need arises (2010, p. 98). They are ready to waive receiving praise for their actions if it will maintain peace in the community. The involvement of women in the Casamance peace process can be traced back to 1943, when Aline Sitoe Diatta, a Diola priestess, began to preach against the policies of the French colonial government. Sitoe relied on teaching as a means of asking her fellow Diola to reject the requisition for cattle and rice made by the French colonial administration in Dakar, which was to boost food supply during the Second World War. Aline Sitoe further opposed the conscription of men into the French army (Osemeka, 2011, p. 59). This rebelliousness prompted the French colonial administration to punish her by imprisonment and exile. In retrospect, this was the beginning of what would continue to be a pattern of subtle defiance from the people of the region and eventually culminated into the current conflict in Casamance.

1.4.4 Contextualizing traditional methods of peacebuilding

This dissertation will consider the meaning of traditional methods of conflict resolution to be those methods that are context specific, have existed and have been used in communities, especially in Africa over time to intervene in internal and external conflict situations. Francis et al. (2013) argue

that, one has to understand the dynamic, heterogeneous and complex trajectories that constitute the African continent so as to be able to explain, how peace and conflict have affected the social, political and economic transformation of the different countries. Conflict and peace are expressively considered socially constructed events based on experiences and dialogues. The processes of conflict prevention and peacebuilding are political engagements that can only be achieved if all intervening actors work together towards achieving the desired goal of peace. Hence, pursuing Richmond’s (2006) line of argument, we do not assume that peace has an ‘ontological stability’, but instead, that there are different understandings of peace, and different roads towards peace.

Scholars such as Zartman (2000, p. 7) and Mac Ginty (2008) consider traditional methods of conflict management pertaining to Africa to be “traditional if they have been practiced over an extended period and have evolved within African societies rather than being the product of external importation”. These local customs and traditions have been in existence for long periods of time and have been used to restore order and harmony in these societies that live communally. As Böge (2011, p. 442) notes, they can also be pursued for purposes of applying a non-state-centric approach to conflict transformation but, lays emphasis on the fact that, these traditional methods cannot be considered the solution to conflict resolution at all times and in all contexts.

The literature by Francis et al (2013) critically outlines thematic, conceptual and theoretical debates on peace and conflict. The Nigerian scholar Adedeji (1999) has explored indigenous community based conflict resolution processes and how they may contribute to sustainable peace in his research on Mali, Nigeria and Somaliland. Two approaches, the western conventional and the indigenous traditional, have been used in peacebuilding for post conflict societies. The western- conventional approaches to peacebuilding refer to the use of external bodies and systems to transform countries recovering from civil wars, violent conflicts and natural disasters (Issifu, 2015, p. 66). These systems include, but are not limited to, transforming states into market economies and holding democratic elections (Richmond, 2011). On the contrary, indigenous traditional approaches, according to Udofia (2011, p. 106) are hinged on “negotiation, mediation, conciliation, pacification and appeasement”. Issifu describes an indigenous approach as:

“the process of identifying the structural cause of a conflict and using elements such as mediation, truth-saying, joint problem solving, rituals, negotiation and others from within African origin” (2016, p. 146).

This, he opines, is intended to promote sustainable peace, asserting a win-win or non-zero sum game in the aftermath of violent conflicts.

Furthermore, to buttress the use of traditional methods, Issifu (2015) studies the patterns and mechanisms for conflict resolution in traditional African societies, and conclude that, using techniques such as mediation, reconciliation, adjudication and negotiation offer great prospects for peaceful co-existence. In pre-colonial times, Africans resolved conflicts through mediators such as chiefs, priests and priestesses, elders and secret cults (Ajayi & Buhari, 2014). However, with the advent of colonialism, these mediators were replaced by other systems involving courts and police or army. This relegated the traditional methods to the background; thus, they lost their importance in the society. The late Ali Mazrui’s concept of Pax Africana, calling on Africans to take responsibility for peace and security on their own continent, resonates with peacebuilding activists and scholars on the African continent (Dersso, 2012, p. 11).

Karbo and Virk (2018) draw attention to the influence of Pax Africana in the creation of the African Union in 2002 and the Africa Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), but at the same time acknowledge the challenges that the institution faces as it manages conflicts on the continent. APSA functions as an institutional framework made up of six different pillars. Interaction between these structures which consist of the African Union Commission, the Panel of the Wise, the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), the Peace Fund, the African Standby Force (ASF) and the Peace and Security Council is paramount to the successful implementation of the APSA agenda which has one of its objectives of peace making, peace building and post conflict reconstruction and development (Commission on Human Security, 2003). The discussion on conflict resolution cannot be comprehensive without considering how human security directly plays a role in steering the course of events. The concept of human security, within the definition of the United Nations Commission on human security, is a “broadened understanding of threats and includes causes of insecurity relating for instance to economic, food and health, environmental, personal, community and political security” (Commission on Human Security, 14

2003). The report emphasizes that the only way to achieve this is by creating political, social, environmental, economic, military and cultural systems that together give people the building blocks of survival, livelihood and dignity (Commission on Human Security, 2003).

Feminist discourse on human security as McKay and Mazurana (2004, p. 154) opines, addresses women and girls (in)security different from men and boys, subject to gender discriminations and power. In relation to human security, Wisotzki (2004, p. 16) contends that:

“underlying gender hierarchies and their relevance for shaping societal practice must be made visible, and alternatives to overcoming insecurities have to be developed”.

There is therefore an important relationship between gender and human security, which makes the discourse about involving women in peacebuilding processes extremely critical to the study. Erin Baines identifies three central themes emerging from feminist scholarship on human security: 1) impacts of armed conflict on women, gender relations, and gender roles: 2) ways international humanitarian interventions and peacekeeping operations widen or diminish unequal gender relations: and 3) women’s absence from decision-making positions that are central to peacebuilding (Baines, 2005, p. 5). This study will seek to examine the third question of women’s absence from decision-making positions that are central to peacebuilding with reference to the women groups in Casamance which have not been involved in any formal talks between the MFDC armed group and the Senegalese state.

Scholarly articles on women peacebuilders on the African continent, from Namibia to Burundi, Uganda to Sierra Leone shed light on the women and the organizations they set up to promote peace and address the continued exclusion of women at the peace table (D. Marshall, 2000). Most of the grassroots organizations working in peacebuilding are formed at the community level and women are by and large, responsible for their mobilization and identification of issues to be addressed. Marshall, (2000, p. 10) asserts that greater participation of women in conflict resolution and mediation, especially including them in peace negotiations, can ensure that the voices, interests, priorities and rights of the women are taken into consideration.

In this vein, considering peacebuilding to be a continuous process and with different approaches towards achieving it, more inclusion of women, through recognizing different traditional methods 15

of conflict resolution engaged by them can boost the role they play in peace processes. The intended focus on traditional methods of conflict resolution is situation specific to the case of Casamance in this study and is targeted at drawing attention to other mechanisms and knowledge of conflict resolution.

1.5 Research question

This study is anchored on the question of “how the role of women’s use of traditional methods of conflict resolution has contributed to peacebuilding in Casamance”. The aim of this study is to critically analyze the significant role women play in peacebuilding in Casamance, specifically highlighting the traditional methods of conflict resolution. Most scholars have focused on conventional methods of peacebuilding internationally (Duncanson, 2016; Flaherty, 2015;Kolås, 2017;ʼFunmi Olonisakin et al., 2012 Porter, 2008;Tom, 2017). However, very little emphasis has been put on the role that women play using traditional methods of peacebuilding (Ajayi & Buhari, 2014; Brock-Utne, 2001; Nagel, 2019; Osaghae, 2000; Saovana-Spriggs, 2010; Watson-Franke et al., 1975). This research therefore seeks to fill the gap by highlighting the role these women play, specifically using traditional methods of conflict resolution. In addition, it seeks to recognize local practices and initiatives as contributing to the general peacebuilding processes and knowledge for conflict resolution generally and in the methods used in Casamance in particular.

1.6 Objective of the study

The aim of this study is to critically analyze the role women play in peacebuilding in Casamance. The focus will be on how traditional methods of conflict resolution that exist within the Diola community can be explored as an alternative form of dispute resolution. The main objective of the study is to effectively explore the significance of women participating in peacebuilding in Casamance.

1.7 Theoretical and methodology framework

1.7.1 Theoretical framework

This study adopts the Actor Network Theory (ANT) approach. Developed by the sociologists Latour, Callon and Law, ANT “treats social relations, including power and organization as

network effects” (Law, 1992, p. 379). Adopting the ANT approach for this research links the presence of actants, which Lewis and Westlund refer generally to:

“material objects that are notable for their association with human actors and the activities they undertake in conjunction with such objects”(S. Lewis & Westlund, 2015, p. 23). In the case of Casamance, actants are the abstract mystical ceremonies, theater, radio [objects] and the actors, are the human persons involved in peacebuilding. It suffices to say that, ANT is not about traced networks, rather about a “network tracing activity” (Latour, 1996, p. 376). This research borrows this view in attempting to explain how the actants and the actors form the network that contribute to peacebuilding. The agency of these actors and their ability to influence the set outcomes is guided by the context of their involvement in the public sphere and whether they have substantial channels of expressing this agency. Sayes a sociologist, analyzes ANT using a methodological framework that asserts that “non-humans exercise agency” (Sayes, 2014, p. 135). As proposed by Latour et al when they advance the argument about objects having agency , it is relevant to mention this non-human agency [in this case the mystical ceremonies] as they form part of the elements that make up the material heterogeneity of the communities in Casamance. Agency has been defined as ‘‘the power of actors to operate independently of the determining constraints of social structure’’ in one way (Jary & Jary, 1991, p. 258). On the one hand, agency as interpreted by Campbell (2009) can simply refer to the power possessed by individuals that enables them to engage in actions. On the other hand, a broader interpretation of agency proposed by Kappler views it as a “product emerging from relations between set of actors developing in ‘imaginary spaces’ known as spaces of agency” (Kappler, 2014, pp. 22–23). This doctoral thesis adopts Hancock’s (2017) interpretation of agency from a human lens. Agency from a human perspective can be explained through the lens of the needs-based approach. This is consistent with the way we want to analyze the context of the use of traditional methods of conflict resolution that women groups in Casamance as well as other actors involved in the processes used. Acceptability by the larger community of the use of these traditional methods of conflict resolution gives the legitimacy and relevance to the work they do relating to peacebuilding. This participatory process of the community and actors creates ownership of the process and gives credibility, which can then translate to legitimacy for their particular context.

In explaining the foundational presupposition of the methodology and at the same time highlighting the debates surrounding ANT, Latour posits that these “non-human elements could be actors in the actor-network” (Latour, 2008, p. 63). In the case of the women of the Bois Sacré, the interaction between the seen, which is in their presence, and the unseen, which is mystical, is crucial to the realization of their work. When humans as actors are interacting, then the meanings they intend to transmit are facilitated and decoded through non-human means. These networks are socially embedded and symbolic in Casamance. This is the argument that social scientists try to advance in explaining ‘social’ as a very peculiar movement of re-association and reassembling (Latour, 2008). This analytical framework is used in this study to show how in Casamance, the agency of the women which is socially embedded plays a significant role in the interaction of the different actors that frame peacebuilding outcomes.

The case of Casamance suggests that, ‘‘society, organizations, agents and machines are all effects generated in patterned networks of diverse (not simply human) materials’’(Law, 1992, p. 380). In understanding the role of ‘other materials’ (for example norms, values and belief systems) that make up our social order, this research borrows Law’s argument which postulates that human beings interact with other materials, that is abstract things (or objects), which produce a heterogeneous network therefore creating this social order (Law, 1992, p. 382). In using this theory, this research seeks to further argue that the methods the women use to achieve their peacebuilding objectives is connected to many other factors such as the participation of the community in the different performances intended to achieve their goal. Here, the women are the agents whereas the other activities of mystical ceremonies, traditional wrestling matches and football tournaments are considered as actants that support the networks responsible for peacebuilding.

The interconnectedness of this network of actants and other actors is necessary to achieve the desired goal of peacebuilding. Looking at the peacebuilding setting in Casamance, the agency of the actors comes into play throughout the entire process of engaging themselves in these peacebuilding activities. In terms of the agency of local actors in the intervention of peace in Casamance, we are referring to the particular interest of key actors and their collective action such as the political elite, local government representatives, women networks, media, the affected

community, the state, the military, the church, the youth and village elders (who constitute members of the peace committees). All these actors create a web that weaves around the causes of the conflict and peacebuilding programs in the region and this affects the subsequent peace outcomes (D. Hudson & Leftwich, 2014, p. 22). Thus, in a nutshell, these actors are perceived to have the capacity and power to act, therefore having the agency to influence the social outcomes. As a result, Latour describes these actors agencies as, “not conceived as fixed entities but as continuously flowing” (Latour, 1996, p. 374). This translates into their actions influencing the networks that bring them together to achieve a common goal of preparing for sustainable peace.

1.7.2 Research methods and design

A qualitative methodological approach was used to answer the research question ‘how the role of women’s use of traditional methods of conflict resolution has impacted on peacebuilding in Casamance’. The research uses semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) to generate data. The study employs a thematic analysis for analyzing the semi-structured interviews and FGDs conducted. This enabled the identification of patterns, themes and concepts in the data that infer the interpretations and the understandings of what the social phenomena of traditional methods of conflict resolution presents. Some of the central themes/concepts identified in the interviews formed the basis of the analysis which highlighted the role that traditional methods of conflict resolution in Casamance play.

Research design The fieldwork for this research was conducted in several phases in both rural and urban areas of Casamance in the department of Ziguinchor and other neighboring departments of Sédhio and Bignona, situated in the southern part of Senegal. The rationale for conducting this research in several phases was attributed to the inadequate information gathered in the initial phase of the study. It also emerged that other questions were raised during the initial interviews which then had to be addressed. The analysis herein is based on data generated between July 2018 and July 2019 after two field visits to the region of Casamance. It was necessary to make two follow-up visits so as to map changes and challenges while ensuring that the sample for the interviews was representative to the extent of this study. Unanticipated challenges related to finding the respondents also contributed to the follow-up research stay in July 2019. Several field trips to the 19

villages were organized with the help of local residents and networks. Semi-structured in-depth interviews, FGDs were conducted as well as some participant observations were adopted in order to effectively interpret and understand the traditional methods that the women groups use in enhancing peacebuilding efforts in Casamance.

The study employs a case study approach, precisely analyzing the women groups in Casamance. The choice of this case study allows us to generate and in-depth analysis and various understanding of the dynamics of conflict and peacebuilding setting in Casamance. In doing so, this case study, which is contemporary in nature, allowed for multiple use of data collection processes. The approach further enables us to demonstrate how women can use traditional methods to contribute to peacebuilding. The considerable amount of information extracted from respondents personal experiences have supplemented information from ongoing debates and research relating to women and peacebuilding and provided rich narrative data for the analysis. The semi-structured interviews offered flexibility for the participants to interact therefore generating data which was helpful for clarification of information.

On the other hand, focus group discussions facilitated the research by allowing spontaneous questions and comparing the diversity of various experiences of the participants. Critical discourse analysis guided the study in reading the texts critically, whereas text analysis formed an important part of the methodology of the study. This has enabled the study to reflect critically at issues that have been raised in depth, and the gaps to be filled in data collected for analysis. Historical and archival research was also beneficial for the study as this provided the background from previous research to reconstruct the peacebuilding efforts in Casamance.

In total, fifty interviews were conducted between July 2018 and July 2019 in Dakar, Ziguinchor, Bignona and Sédhio respectively with diverse stakeholders who were directly involved in the conflict and peacebuilding process in the region. Snowballing was helpful in getting contacts on the field. The sample population was a selection of youth groups, media, community members, NGOs members, development workers, government officials, the military, academia, MFDC rebels (both active and retired), women groups with emphasis on the women of the Bois Sacré and political analysts.

All interviews were recorded with the permission of the respondents with the exception of interviews with the women of the Bois Sacré who did not want to be recorded. It is worth noting that all the interviews were conducted mainly in French and Diola languages. A translator was used to translate, interpret and clarify the information. Field notes complimented the observations made during the research. The research’s focus was to get the human perspective as well as attempt to identify the unquantifiable factors such as the social norms, ceremonies and important gender roles that can help understand the complex realities in Casamance and the situation with the conflict.

In addition, three focus group discussions were conducted to supplement the semi-structured in- depth interviews. Focus group discussions were held with the Women of the Bois Sacré, the peace committees and the youth associations in Dakar and Ziguinchor, respectively.

Content and discourse analyses were used to interpret and analyze the data that was generated from the various interviews and FGDs. The use of content and discourse analyses helped to identify and draw conclusions to key issues related to the conflict, peacebuilding and the traditional methods of conflict resolution that these women groups applied in Casamance. In the course of conducting interviews and FGDs, participant observations were made to advance our understanding of the use of traditional methods of conflict resolutions by women groups in Casamance.

Furthermore, this research utilized a wide variety of secondary sources to supplement both semi- structured in-depth interviews and FGDs conducted. Journal articles were perused to get insights on the different academic debates related to the causes of the conflict, the traditional methods of conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Also, archival materials, policy reports and media both electronic and newspaper were also valuable sources of information that documented the conflict and peacebuilding process in the region. These sources were key as they used to support the analysis for this research. Equally, these sources were selected because they allowed our clear understanding of the gap in the research where traditional methods of conflict resolution have not been given adequate recognition in addition to the role that women groups in Casamance play in conflict resolution.

1.8 Research limitations

The southern region of Senegal has experienced a long non-violent conflict for several decades. Travelling to Casamance from Dakar is a long and costly journey since the area is more accessible by sea and air, although travelling by land is also possible. Incidents of kidnapping were common for passengers travelling by road although the situation has now improved. The journey also entails passing through Gambian custom and border, which tends to be an acrimonious situation for the travelers. One of the key challenges during data collection was related to security. Travelling by road to Casamance is dangerous and risky due to constant attacks and incidents of armed robbery, organized crimes, trafficking and the general insecurity that characterized the Sahel region. In addition to security challenges, language was equally a huge barrier for communication with the different stakeholders in Casamance. Most of the respondents spoke the local Diola language and could barely speak French. This made the whole art of interviewing difficult as there was also the need for a translator who could only interpret and translate from their own perspective and understanding. Coupled with this is the challenge that most of the existing literature on the conflict in Casamance is written in French and therefore more accessible to francophone readers.

The sample size for the research was limited to those directly involved with the conflict and peacebuilding work in the region. Therefore, findings of the research will be analyzed and interpreted based on the sample population used. The data analysis process was partly constrained as there were limitations mainly in the presentation of the data collected especially for the mystical ceremonies. This was attributed to the cultural context of this method of conflict resolution which did not allow for full disclosure of the practices.

1.9 Ethical considerations

As a researcher, I acknowledge writing from the edge as an observer and outsider. In addition to knowing the ethical and moral issues that are involved in researching and expressing what is considered ‘hidden tradition’. Ethnographic description compensates for the nature of the subject of research, which is the use of traditional methods of conflict resolution. This also constitutes the rituals, and secrets of the community. Informed consent of participants was sought at the beginning of the research. However, for the purposes of confidentiality and trust, some of the participants did

not want their identity to be disclosed and this information has been kept confidential. Also, there was general consent that anytime the respondents felt uncomfortable with the interview they had the option to opt out.

1.10 Structure of the dissertation

The dissertation is divided into six chapters. Each chapter examines a different aspect of the historical development of the conflict and the socio-economic and political implications it has had for the region of Casamance. The dissertation focuses on the impact that the use of traditional methods for conflict resolution have had on the conflict in Casamance.

Chapter one contextualizes the research and outlines the introduction of the dissertation, which includes the state of the art, research question. Furthermore, the theoretical and methodological framework were discussed.

Chapter two gives due consideration to the regional and international legal frameworks that guide the role of women in mediation and peacebuilding. This is also an analysis of existing legal frameworks and instruments particularly addressing peace processes in Africa. The overall goal of the chapter is to provide the background to the existing documents that support women in peacebuilding and to explore how their existence affect women working in peacebuilding at the local grassroots level. This chapter also examines the efforts made towards implementation of the United Nations Security Resolution 1325. This chapter concludes that there is a wide discrepancy between the existence of these legal frameworks on paper, and their practical implementation on the ground.

In the ensuing Chapter three, the focus further weighs in on the historical and political background of the conflict and re-examines in-depth how the socio-political and economic dimensions affect Senegal, The Gambia and Guinea Bissau. The chapter analyzes the geo-political position of Casamance, and how this has contributed to the intractable nature of the conflict.

Chapter four analyzes the case study of the women’s groups in Casamance and answers the question on how women using traditional methods of conflict resolution has impacted on peacebuilding in Casamance. Various conflict resolution initiatives and community contributions

were examined. An examination of Casamance indicates that the use of alternative dispute resolution mechanisms can extend the scope of how grassroots organizations in the region can share good practices for peacebuilding.

Chapter five further attempts to make a critical analysis of the actors and local networks that drive peacebuilding initiatives in Casamance. The chapter presents a vivid description of the different actors, their diverse interests and agendas and how these impact on peacebuilding. In addition, the local networks made up of women groups as well as their capacities have been examined. Findings show that there exist continuous efforts towards finding a sustainable solution to the conflict in collaboration with various stakeholders.

Chapter six is the conclusion and provides exhaustive results on the analysis of the role of women in peacebuilding and the use of traditional methods of conflict resolution. The chapter outlines the research findings and conclusions as well as recommendations for future research.

Chapter 2: Women and peacebuilding

2.1 Emerging debates on the role of women in peace building

International diplomacy has always played a crucial role in maintaining peace and order in the modern world. The UN and a wide variety of governmental and other non-governmental organizations have been working for many years to bring peace around the world: from Croatia to Namibia, Guatemala to Rwanda, Somalia and Ecuador as well as Cambodia but to name a few (Campbell, 2009). In recent times there have been some prominent debates both regional and international on the significant role that women specifically at grassroots level play in peacebuilding in their communities. The focus of this chapter is to examine the various International legal instruments that have given legitimacy to the participation of women in peacebuilding and will identify the gap between what women do at grassroots level and the relevance of existing frameworks to their work.

The concept of peacebuilding will be explored in this chapter and a broad understanding of the term will be applied, borrowing its use by Porter. The author explores women and peace from a feminist perspective and refer to the term peace building as:

“all processes that build positive relation•ships, heal wounds, reconcile antagonistic differences, restore esteem, respect rights, meet basic needs, enhance equality, instill feelings of security, empower moral agency and are democratic, inclusive and just” (Porter, 2008, p. 191).

Before attempting to analyze the role that women play in peacebuilding, it is necessary to look at the factors that hinder the attainment of long-term peace by examining what authors have defined as ‘peacebuilding’. Lederach, who has written extensively about conflict transformation and mediation defines peacebuilding as:

“a long-term commitment that includes post-conflict reconstruction, but also involves a wide array of processes and stages necessary to transform a conflict toward more sustainable peace” (Lederach, 1997, pp. 17–18).

On the recently growing interest in International peacekeeping scholars like Bercovitch and Kadayifci have done crucial work in this regard and they view peacebuilding as:

“the prevention of a relapse into violent conflict and opine that to achieve this, peacebuilding goes beyond diplomatic agreements to promote social and psychological change at the grassroots level”(Bercovitch & Kadayifci, 2002, p. 23).

Also, Scholars writing from an International relations perspective such as Cousens and Call adopt a definition of peacebuilding which reflects the trends among scholars and practitioners focusing on armed conflict as those “…actions undertaken by international or national actors to institutionalize peace, understood as the absence of armed conflict (‘‘negative peace’’) and a modicum of participatory politics (a component of ‘positive peace’) that can be sustained in the absence of an international peace operation” (Call & Cousens, 2008, p. 4).

Women are not a homogenous group and therefore embody differences in opinion on social, education, political and religious backgrounds. In times of conflict and peace, they also contribute inherently as actors and victims (Moser & Moser, 2005). They differ in political loyalties and dispositions. There is substantial literature that demystifies the notion of women being peaceful and showing that they do act as accomplices in war in the role of fighters, messengers and nurses (El-Bushra, 2007, p. 135). The essentialist portrayal of women as weak and helpless no longer serves to their advantage as they would like to be recognized as equal contributing members of the society. Women’s experiences in conflict influence their decisions and realities when they involve themselves in peacebuilding processes. McKay and Mazurana (2001, p. 7) argue that it is not just about acknowledging women and the peace work they do, but also that their experiences expand the scope of peacemaking to include psychological, social, economic and spiritual dimensions. The authors in a connected publication investigate gendered processes of peacebuilding and further note that, women’s experiences because of resilience and trauma of war have played a significant role in the growth of women’s organizations working towards peacebuilding (Mazurana & Carlson, 2004).

Why women should be involved in peace building processes is important if they are to be treated with equity and equality as members of the society who will be affected by the outcome of the

negotiations or agreements directly. Implicitly or explicitly decision makers want the justification or the reasons to include women in peace processes and this, Anderlini (2007, p. 2) whose research covers women, security and sustainable peace attributes to the inability of the international community to address the complex realities of women’s experiences. The author further argues the position that despite the proof provided and failure of existing processes, the technocrats are slow to agitate for change in the status quo (Anderlini, 2007, p. 3). It is important to acknowledge that culturally specific views and traditional methods of peacebuilding among women groups and networks have been sidestepped, thus the need to reassess the situation and steer the debate in that direction. It is becoming more evident that there is an inevitable shift from state centered peace building to society centered cum women led approaches for sustainability of peace processes (De Coning, Karlsrud, & Gelot, 2015).

In comparing situations where conflict has persisted for a long time, by looking at the gendered dimensions of peace and war and the transition to involve women in peacebuilding processes such as the case of Colombia (Bouvier, 2016), Somalia and Guatemala (Nakaya, 2003), one can get an opportunity to assess the gender dimension of war and how women can play an important role in the peace processes. In this regard Heyzer (2004) while serving the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), has written on gender vis à vis peace, justice and security and her analysis indicates that the women can contribute to inclusive governance if their experiences, priorities and solutions in peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding are to serve as agents of change.

In the increasingly emergent peace and security context within the International arena of peace and conflict resolution, placing women at the center of dialogues has increasingly gained high popularity since the end of the cold war. This has occurred because of the increase in the number of conflicts, both interstate and intra-state especially in Africa, Asia and the Middle East since then. Women and Women’s organizations are increasingly being called to intervene and participate in mediation and post conflict reconstruction processes (El-Bushra, 2007, p. 132). Research shows that violent conflicts within states make up to 95 per cent of the current conflict situations globally (D. Smith, 2004).

These reflect long historical injustices, marginalization and grievances with deep cultural, ethnic and religious roots (Porter & Mundkur, 2015). In Africa countries that have experienced such conflict include but have not been limited to Algeria, Angola, Burundi, Chad, Cote d’Ivoire, the DRC, Eritrea, Libya, Guinea Bissau, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda, Rwanda and the CAR (Bastick, Grimm, & Kunz, 2007, p. 23). According to the Global Peace Index Report by the Institute for Economics and Peace, the largest deterioration of scores in peace were in North America, followed by Sub-Saharan Africa and MENA which remain the least peaceful regions in the world. (Institute for Economics and Peace, 2019).

In addition, the peace and security debate cannot be separated from gender balancing and mainstreaming debate. This is because the societies we live in are gendered and so the existence of institutions, structures, and many national and international programs not only predetermines who participates or is targeted, but also affects what is being transmitted and/or dealt with as far as international actions are concerned (Basini, 2013, p. 533). The author further contends that while UN Security Council Resolution 1325 is a valuable document in addressing gender inequality in a conflict and post conflict context, its usefulness as an advocacy and implementation tool of structural gender equality has not been utilized fully (Basini, 2013, p. 534). In 1997 the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) defined gender mainstreaming as:

“the process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislations, policies or programs, in any area and at all levels…The ultimate goal of mainstreaming is to achieve gender equality”(UN Economic and Social Council, 1997, p. 24).

On 31 October 2000 the UNSC adopted Resolution 1325, hereinafter referred to as UNSC Resolution 1325, which as the pinnacle instrument that sets the International agenda on peace and security for women enjoins member states to, “provide protection for women and girls in war and to ensure the full participation of women in humanitarian, conflict resolution, peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction initiatives”. UNSC Resolution 1325 is considered a significant breakthrough in International policy, as it addresses women’s rights and their participation in peace processes, among other important political and social issues. Between the year 2000 and 2019, the UNSC has adopted several resolutions focusing on women, peace and security. Three of these: 28

Resolution 1889 of 2009, Resolution 2242 of 2015 and Resolution 2493 of 2019 have addressed the broad agenda of women, peace and security, while the other Resolution 2122 of 2013, Resolution 2106 of 2013 and Resolution 2467 of 2019, have focused on conflict related sexual violence (UN Women, n.d).

These follow up Resolutions were the result of interactions between International organizations, member states and civil society in their policy work on gender in relation to peace and security (Olsson L & Gizelis T.-I, 2013). Dharmapuri (2013, p. 246), draws attention to the fact that the UNSC Resolution 1325 brings together “economic, political and security interests and resources so as to address the link between gender inequality and conflict”. Men participate in fostering peace, but the focus of the Resolution is women and girls and, as Porter and Mundkur (2015) further contend, that we cannot ignore the fact that gendered power relations and cultural constraints affect men and women differently, thus impacting differently on peace and security.

De Jong (2013, p. 619) writing on gender mainstreaming and gender balancing highlights an important observation that the UNSC Resolution 1325 is not about women or gender per se, but a resolution about how best to establish and maintain peace and security. It is along these thoughts that research focuses on in-depth understanding of how societies are gendered and how peace and security evolve around how best to tackle gender mainstreaming and gender balancing. This debate is at the center of why UNSC Resolution 1325 advocates, and in the process, challenges this assumption and posits that, in order to establish lasting peace international actors should reach out to all actors in society, including those who have not actively or directly participated in the violent conflict (De Jonge Oudraat, 2013, p. 617).

Just like the UN, the African Union (AU) also addresses issues of peace and security while acknowledging the role that women can and /or have played as stakeholders in society. This is manifest in its various instruments which recognize the necessity of engendering peacebuilding and therefore permits the member states to apply the principles of UNSC Resolution 1325 to change both structural and root causes of gender discrimination and improve effectiveness of peacebuilding. It is against this backdrop that the chapter seeks to analyze the various international, regional and national instruments that give legitimacy for States to engage women in peace

processes. This next section interrogates the different instruments at an international level that have enhanced women’s role and participation in peace agreements and peacebuilding processes.

2.2 International frameworks for women participation in peace processes

2.2.1 The Beijing Platform for Action (BPA)

Prior to the passing of UNSC Resolution 1325, the Beijing Conference on women in 1995 had addressed the issue of women participating in peace processes.4 The platform, Kabeer (2005, p. 4) observes, represented a historically unprecedented mobilization of feminist advocates, activists and academics in the international arena. Furthermore, Otto, (2006, p. 134) elucidates that, the Beijing platform for Action (BPA) encourages the support of women to foster peace as well as increase their levels of participation in decision-making. It is also designed to improve the circumstances and support the empowerment of women and children in social, economic and political areas. In the light of women’s sustained advocacy for more recognition at the international level for meaningful participation and engagement mainly through civil society organizations.

The deliberations of the conference cumulated into the Platform for Action. This platform was and continues to be an important assertion of women’s Human rights in many areas. One of the twelve critical areas of concerns is “the effects of armed or other kinds of conflict on women, including those living under foreign occupation” (UN Plenary Meeting, 1995).

2.2.2 How the BPA was realized

Various civil society and women organizations had been advocating to highlight women’s rights since the time the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration for Human Rights (UN General Assembly, 1948), which did not specifically highlight women’s rights (Reichert, 1998, p. 373). The author further mentions that the first world conference for women organized by the UN took place in Mexico City in 1975 and leaders urged the need to improve the status of women

4 The Beijing Platform for Action a document agreed by representatives from every government in the world identified twelve ‘critical areas of concern’ about women’s status and rights, with specific action points for each critical area. The UN General Assembly required each member state to submit a progress report on the 5th anniversary of the Conference in 2000, and further reviews in 2005. The text of the Platform for Action can be found at URL: http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/platform/plat1.htm. 30

prompting the UN to declare the next ten years as the decade for women. A second world conference followed in Copenhagen, Denmark after five years which culminated in the endorsement of the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women (UN Women, 1979). The third world conference as stipulated by the United nations after a decade was held in Nairobi, Kenya in 1985, followed thereafter by the World conference on human rights in Vienna, Austria where governments acknowledged that they had to do more to combat violence, poverty and social disintegration (Reichert, 1998, p. 374). It was later in September 1995 that the Fourth World conference on women was held in Beijing, China and delegates having realized that most of the strategies adopted in earlier conferences had not been implemented took a more assertive stand (United Nations 1996a). Reichert (1998) further elucidates that, the final document adopted by the delegates recommended the measures to promote the status of the girl child and is the supportive official statement of women ever issued by the United Nations on women issues (Reichert, 1998, p. 381).

Pratt and Devroe (2011) draw attention to the viewpoint that, at the 23rd special session of the General Assembly on Women in the year 2000, it was established that the critical area of concern on ‘women and conflict’ had not been sufficiently addressed or implemented. The authors further highlight how women lobby groups were founded to spearhead efforts to ensure the proper address of the issues of women, peace and security (Pratt & Richter-Devroe, 2011, p. 491). It was after this move that several civil society organizations and women groups were able to effectively lobby the Security Council by presenting their concerns. This action resulted in the passing of the UNSC resolution 1325. Kabeer nevertheless notes that, one of the achievements of the Beijing Platform for Action, is the awareness it created in raising the level of commitment on gender issues by different agencies and institutions by ensuring that resources are redirected towards women and children (Kabeer, 2005, p. 5). Despite the platform representing a unique opportunity for women to move forward in their efforts towards empowerment, it has a major drawback in its non-binding legal status which makes its implementation slow (Reichert, 1998, p. 382).

The outcome document of the five-year review of the Beijing Platform for Action, Women 2000: gender equality, development and peace for the twenty-first century, reaffirmed the objective of increasing the participation of women in decision making, thereby calling on governments ‘to

ensure and support the full participation of women at all levels of decision-making and implementation in development activities and peace processes, including conflict prevention and resolution, post-conflict reconstruction, peacemaking, peacekeeping and peace-building’ (Mpoumou, 2004, p. 120).

The women at the conference shared common ground but differed on priorities with women from the North being concerned with issues of equality and better quality of life, their counterparts from the global South focused on basic rights and needs, poverty, development and human security (Chow, 1996, p. 187). The BPA prioritized gender mainstreaming as the mechanism to achieve gender equality and while most institutions have put gender policies in place, C. Moser and A. Moser (2005, p. 12) maintain that, implementation in international institutions remains inconsistent thus putting uncertainty into future strategies towards achieving the same.

2.3 What is UN Security Council Resolution 1325?

The United Nations (UN) is an intergovernmental organization that was formed in 1945 with member states signing and agreeing to be governed by its regulations. The UN is constituted of several principal bodies that oversee the general coordination of its work.5 The UNSC Resolution 1325 is considered to be an internationally recognized legal framework for promoting gender equity and addressing issues affecting women’s security at all levels (Dharmapuri, 2013, p. 245). It is also one of five Security Council resolutions adopted to advance the UN Women Peace and Security agenda.6 When it was initially adopted, the Resolution was depicted as a tool to transform the way women and gender are understood, approached and included within the peace and security context (N. F. Hudson, 2010, p. 44).

The UNSC Resolution 1325 addresses the impact of warfare on women and how they should play a key role in conflict management, resolution and sustainable peace. The Security Council “calls upon governments and other parties to commit themselves to accelerating the implementation of this document”. The resolution is founded on four pillars which are the basis of the text:

5 For more information on the UN see: https://www.un.org/en/. accessed 12 September 2017. 6 See URL: https:/ www.peacewomen.org. accessed 15 June 2018. 32

“…mainly: participation, protection, prevention and relief. The pillar on participation is intended at increasing the participation of women in decision making at national, regional and international institutions. Protection is also vital for women and girls who suffer gender based violence during conflict, thus, the need to address the mechanisms that can make this take place. The pillar on prevention seeks to avoid violence and transform armed conflict peacefully” (UN Security Council, 2000). These pillars make up the Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPS) (Basu & Confortini, 2017, p. 43).

The resolutions’ 18 paragraphs urge member states to’ increase the representation of women at all levels of decision making to prevent, manage and resolve conflict’ (UN Security Council, 2000, para. 1). It further proposes to remedy the consistent omission of women in peace processes. As part of the implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf and Elisabeth Rehn7 were appointed by the UN to conduct independent assessment on women, war and peace (Rehn & Sirleaf, 2002, p. 2). A global study conducted by the United Nations on the implementation of the UNSCR 1325 subtly reminds us that the intention behind the Resolution was, to enrich the methods of peacebuilding through ‘the inclusion of a neglected category of peacebuilders and social rebuilders’ (UN Women, 2015, p. 47). Tryggestad (2009, p. 541), acknowledges that there are discrepancies between political commitment and actual implementation of the document which she attributes to lack of political will, general discrimination against women and ineffective accountability mechanisms. This is a question which women agencies and organizations have been in the forefront in addressing in their efforts towards systematic changes in conflict transformation and peace activism generally.

This resolution primarily aims to influence peace agreements and processes to embrace gender perspectives when they are being drafted. It identifies the need to mainstream gender perspectives

7Ellen-Johnson, Nobel peace winner and two-time President of Liberia has been extremely vocal advocate on women’s rights. Elizabeth Rehn was the special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human rights pursuant to Commission Resolution 1995/89. Both were appointed by the then Executive Director of UNIFEM, Noeleen Heyzer to conduct an independent assessment of women, war and peace.

in relation to conflict prevention, peace negotiations, peacekeeping operations, humanitarian assistance, post-conflict reconstruction and disarmament, demobilization and reintegration8. It is generally acknowledged that the adoption of UNSC Resolution 1325 has advanced the rhetoric in drawing attention to women’s apprehensions and concerns on the United Nations security agenda, which has helped to formulate new norms on the issues surrounding peace and security for women. In their seminal work on the impact of UNSC Resolution 1325 on National and Regional levels, Olonisakin et al. (2012, p. 4) note that, in as much as it may be difficult to measure impact qualitatively, it is possible to identify quantitative shifts in attitudes and organizational practices. True (2016, p. 308) notes that the United Nations secretary-general requested member states that had signed the resolution to develop National Action Plans so as to facilitate the implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325 . This he further presents, has been affected by the degree of democratization of states which can determine the degree of transparency, accountability and openness to political processes, which in turn directly impact on its implementation (True, 2016, p. 316). Porter and Mundkur (Porter & Mundkur, 2015, p. 2), rise the alarm that despite considerable research and anecdotal evidence of the importance of the Resolution that has multiplied over the last decade, concrete progress on its understanding and implementation on the ground is still lacking.

Realization and implications of UNSCR 1325 for women activism, peace and security in Africa.

Africa can benefit immensely from the adoption of UNSC Resolution 1325 especially because of the number of conflicts that have occurred and the consequences the population has had to suffer. There may not be a direct solution to this but Olonisakin (2016, p. 1) who writes on conflict, security and development, recommends that organizations should more consciously institutionalize the principles of the Resolution in their methods of work and move beyond technical checklists if they are to make gains in implementation. Cohn et al. (2004, p. 132) opine that, the only way to facilitate a shift in the paradigm of security is, by the UN and sympathetic governments framing long term strategies in the context of building a social movement and reaching out to those working in human rights, International Law and globalization among other

8 Paras 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 13.S/RES/1325 (2000). 34

related issues. In exploring the convergence between Feminist security studies, civil society activism and policy-decision making and its role in the adoption and implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325, Olonisakin et al. (2015, p. 376) argue that, the potential to achieve path breaking results is unattainable because these pillars remain organically disconnected thus minimal gains realized in terms of gender equity in peace and security.

The UN Security Council further reiterates its commitment to the continuing and full implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325 by adopting UNSC Resolution 1889, which:

“focuses on post-conflict peacebuilding, and in particular calls for the development of indicators to measure the implementation of UNSC Resolution 1325 both within the UN system, and by Member States”.9

Adopted on 5th October 2009 this document is renewing the mandates of UN missions, to include provisions on the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of women in post-conflict situations (UN Security Council, 2009).10

It is because of the continued engagement of women in demanding that there is a necessity to involve them in peace processes that led to the adoption of the Resolutions and their subsequent increased participation in national and International aspects of gendered security.11 In the following subsection, the chapter will highlight what the AU has put in place as legal framework which guides the implementation of the UNSC Resolution 1325.

9 See URL: https://www.unwomen.org/en. accessed 15 July 2017. For details of the Resolution see: S/RES/1889 (2009) URL: https://www.un.org/ruleoflaw/files/4acdd8512.pdf 10Article 6 of Resolution 1889 “Requests the Secretary-General to ensure that relevant United Nations bodies, in cooperation with Member States and civil society, collect data on, analyze and systematically assess particular needs of women and girls in post-conflict situations, including, inter alia, information on their needs for physical security and participation in decision-making and post-conflict planning, in order to improve system-wide response to those needs”. 11 Women Civil society and feminist research has continuously advocated for the need to address the security of women as separate from that of men. For further readings see Aolain 2006; Bell and O’Rouke 2010; Carey 2001; Chinkin and Charlesworth 2006. 35

2.4 Instruments at the continental level

2.4.1 The African Union’s protocol on the rights of women vis à vis the Women’s Peace and

Security Agenda (WPSA)

The African Union in 2014 launched the Gender, Peace and Security program (2015-2020) to act as a continental platform for the implementation of the UNSC Resolution 1325 through efforts of the gender division as a medium of driving the agenda for the advocacy of gender equity.12 This ‘gender architecture’ includes the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (2003-2005), the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa (SDGEA) 2004, the Africa Union Gender Policy (2008) and the Fund for African Women (2010). The AU Gender Policy urges state parties to implement a regional action plan based on principles of Gender Equity and Women Empowerment (GEWE).13 Although the AU itself does not directly have a committed action plan for the implementation of the Resolution, it does use its various policies, conventions and protocols to ensure support from Regional Economic Communities (REC’s) and other mechanisms for its implementation (AU Commission, 2016, p. 15). The existence of International instruments such as the Universal Declaration On Human rights and the Convention On the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against women (CEDAW) that have been signed and ratified by member state of the United Nations, had not yielded desired results in ensuring that women were guaranteed equal rights. Similarly, the African Charter on Peoples’ and Human Rights which was adopted in 1981 recognized discrimination against women but was unsuccessful in implementing any significant changes. This later led to further efforts to address the security situation of women, especially in Africa after the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was transformed into the African Union (AU).

12 The office of the special envoy for the chairperson of the African Union Commission on women peace and security published the continental results framework monitoring and reporting on the implementation of the women, peace and security agenda in Africa (2018 – 2028) to demonstrate the commitment of the AU. For details see URL: https://au.int/sites/default/files/documents/35958-doc- continental_result_framework_on_wps_agenda_in_africa.pdf accessed 20 July 2020 13 For details see URL: https://www.un.org/en/africa/osaa/pdf/au/gender_policy_2009.pdf accessed 20 July 2020 36

The Protocol to the African Charter on People’s and Human Rights on the rights of women in Africa was adopted by the heads of states and government of the African Union (AU) on 11 July 2003 in Maputo, Mozambique. It entered into force on 25 November 2005 after ratification by fifteen member states14. As of the time of writing this dissertation, thirty seven states had ratified the protocol (hereafter referred to as the Protocol}, while forty seven states had signed the document whereas two states Egypt and Botswana had not committed themselves to either signing or ratifying15. A brief historical overview of the development of the protocol informs that the drafting process involved drawing upon other instruments such as, the Vienna Declaration and Program for Action 1993, BPA 1995, CEDAW 1993 and SADC Declaration on Gender and Development 1997 (Banda, 2006, p. 74).

The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights of Women in Africa (ACHPR) (African Union, 2003a) is a legal and binding instrument which marks a rebirth in the promotion and protection of women’s rights, thus acknowledging that African women, perhaps more than other women in the world, continue to suffer human rights abuses, discrimination and victimization solely based on their gender.16 It provides for a right to peace and declares that “women have a right to participate in the promotion and maintenance of peace” (African Union, 2003b). The same article further reiterates and makes it clear that, ‘women are to participate in conflict prevention and also post conflict reconstruction and rehabilitation both locally and Internationally’ (African Union, 2003a, pt. 10(2)b) This document builds upon the UN General assembly’s right to development by ensuring that states introduce gender perspectives in their national development procedures (African Union, 2003a, pt. 19).

Fundamental to long term peace is sustainable development because these two processes complement each other. Despite ratification of the Protocol, it is obvious that, women continue to endure violence through various traditional practices that are both harmful and stereotypical

14 For details see URL: http:// www.africa-union.org accessed 8 August 2017. 15 African Union, List of countries which have signed, ratified/acceded to the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, 2016, URL: http://au.int/en/sites/default/ 16 See URL: http://www.africa-union.org/ files/treaties/7783-sl-protocol_to_the_african_charter_on_human_and_ peoples_rights_on_the_rights_of_women_in_africa_12.pdf. accessed:17 September 2017. 37

(Ocran, 2007, p. 148). The Protocol is specifically adapted for the needs of the women on the African continent as, their governments increasingly recognize that protecting women’s human rights is fundamental to creating a just and equitable society as well as showing commitment to women’s enjoyment of human rights.

Generally, the 32 Articles address across the board several rights women are to enjoy including but not limited to; right to dignity, elimination of discrimination, health and reproductive rights and right to a healthy and sustainable environment. Article 9 focuses on the right for women to participate in the political and decision-making process, whereas Article 10 deals with women’s right to peace. These two articles are explicit in the promotion of women in governance and political life through affirmative action of their governments as well as urging state parties to take appropriate measures to ensure the increased participation of women in peace education and activities17. No doubt the protocol to the African Charter on People’s and Human Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, has been instrumental in influencing states to recognize the importance of involving women mainly through integrating gender mainstreaming policies and rules.

Further evidence presented indicates that, the provisions of the Protocol to the African Charter on People’s and Human Rights on the rights of women in Africa, show a re-enforcement of the commitments as shown in the other related documents addressing women’s Rights. This therefore reflects the wishes of the WPSA. Ebeku (2004, p. 273) has focused her research on International Law and environmental issues as they affect ethnic minorities in the Niger Delta area. In her overview of the state of implementation of the protocol, the scholar concludes that, the document has had positive response from different states and that recent developments in some African countries indicate willingness by governments to invest in actualizing the human rights of women in Africa.

In discussing the implementation of the Maputo Protocol, Sigsworth and Kumalo (2016, p. 4) have identified a major obstacle to realizing the full potential of this continental instrument, that is, the

17 The full text of the document as revised may be accessed at URL: http://www.achpr.org/instruments/women- protocol. accessed 15 November 2017.

lack of its domestication at legislative and policy level thereby exposing it to the risk of rendering it a ‘paper tiger irrelevant to the lived realities of women’. The authors further argue that, coupled with the immense gap between high level policy and grassroot awareness, which is lacking, the implementation of the protocol is at the mercy of states political goodwill. Other authors like Banda (2006) and Tryggestad (2009) also express a similar view to the gap between high level policy and grassroot awareness.

2.4.2 Africa Peace and Security Architecture (APSA)

The Constitutive Act of the African Union provides the vision which the organization seeks to promote peace, security and development on the continent (OAU, 2000). The Africa, Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) is built around the mandate of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) Protocol which was adopted on 9th July 2002 and entered into force in 2003 (African Union, 2002). The two instruments that form the legal basis of APSA are, the Peace and Security Council Protocol (PSC) and the Common African Defense and Security Policy (CADSP), which was passed by the extraordinary session of the AU Assembly in 2004 (Engel & Porto, 2009, p. 84). The African Union together with the eight regional communities and two regional mechanisms for conflict prevention, management and resolution have given an extensive mandate to build APSA (APSA, 2015, p. 17). In the year 2004 the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa (SDGEA) was adopted by the Heads of States and Government of member states of the AU as a re-affirmation of their commitment to gender parity. In 2009, the AU further declared the Decade 2010-2020 as the ‘African Women’s Decade’. This supports the assumption that, the AU is committed to engaging women as stakeholders in peace and sustainable development for the continent.

The APSA on the other hand, functions as an institutional framework made up of six different structures. Interaction between these structures which consist of the Panel of the Wise, Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), the Peace Fund, Military Staff Committee (MSC), the African Standby Force (ASF) and the Peace and Security Council is paramount to the successful implementation of the APSA agenda One of its objectives is that of peace making, peace building and post conflict reconstruction and development (AUC Peace and Security Department, 2014). The PSC is mandated to conduct early warning and preventive diplomacy, facilitate peace-making,

establish peace support operations and, in certain circumstances, recommend intervention in member States to promote peace, security and stability.18 The African Union as a continental organization is making its own efforts towards the promotion of peace and security agenda and promoting women to be part of it. In a recent development related to strengthening African women’s participation in conflict resolution, the AU in March 2017 endorsed the modalities for the formation of the Network of African Women in Conflict Prevention and Mediation (FemWise- Africa) (see sub-chapter 4.3.2 Civil society platforms and grassroots activities).This had been preceded by three landmark decisions taken by the AU19.Consequently as a result of the decision of the summit of AU Heads of State and Government (AU Assembly) on 4 July 2017. Shortly after, this network was established and began operating thereafter with several long term goals one of which is, to “enhance capacity of African Women engaged in conflict prevention and mediation efforts at sub-national and community level” (AU PSD, 2017).

On 5 October 2017, the Steering Committee was launched thus setting the agenda of ensuring that women’s participation and leadership shape peace processes in Africa (AU PSD, 2017, p. 2). FemWise-Africa is located within the APSA as a subsidiary mechanism of the pan African Network of the Wise (PANWISE), aims to strengthen role of women in conflict resolution in the context envisioned by APSA and has an implementation period beginning 2018-2020.20

This is a positive development towards the promotion of the involvement of women though it is necessary to point out that the APSA Impact Report emphasizes that the role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflict should be further strengthened especially in mediation and transformation efforts (AU Peace and Security Department, 2015, p. 53). The formation of this network will further strengthen the participation of women in decision making and bring women networks from different regions together to share experiences and strategies towards mediation and conflict prevention.

18Article 6( a,b,d) of the Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union. 19 The 2010 decision of the peace and Security Council asking the Panel of the Wise to undertake a study of women in armed conflicts; 2014 decision of Ministers of Gender calling for the creation of an association of women in mediation; 13 March decision of the PSC to create Fem-Wise. 20 Secretariat PanWise concept note. 40

In addition, the APSA launched the Gender, Peace and Security Program 2015-2020 to develop gender mainstreaming strategies for peace and security. The way to achieve any consequential and useful implementation is by working in collaboration with other African regional organizations. This is made possible by Article 16 of the 2002 Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union (PSC Protocol) which ‘outlines the relationship between the AU and REC/RMs for conflict prevention, management and resolution’ (Desmidt & Hauck, 2017, p. 5). This will compliment other peace efforts that are endeavoring to promote peace and security on the continent. The AU framework for peacebuilding applies the principle of subsidiarity where it encourages regions to take responsibility for peacebuilding in conflict situations (Adibe, 2003, p. 105). One such regional body that is working closely with the AU is the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) which is a building block of APSA. This chapter is focusing on ECOWAS only as a Regional Economic Community (REC) and not the other seven; Arab Maghrib Union (UMA), Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), The Community of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD), East African Community (EAC), Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and Southern African Development Community (SADEC) which are equally recognized by the AU in their efforts to operationalize APSA through collaboration and harmonization of the peace agenda.

The APSA Impact Report 2015 which analyzed the interventions of the AU and REC’s in conflict prevention, management and resolutions indicates that they are taking “extensive responsibility for ensuring peace and security in Africa despite lacking human, financial and organizational capacity”. In the updated APSA report which was published by the Institute for Peace and Security studies, (IPSS) in 2017, the total number of conflicts on the continent slightly decreased and a combination of both mediation and diplomacy tools were used as peace support operations (APSA, 2016, p. 27). This is one of the major challenges that faces the AU and one which its members have to address for the future stability of its operations on the continent.

2.5 Regional level structures

ECOWAS and its interventions for peace in West Africa

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), established in 1975 as an economic integration scheme, is the biggest regional integration scheme in West Africa (ECOWAS, 1975). ECOWAS is constituted of fifteen member states and the objective is:

“to promote cooperation and development in all fields of economic activity particularly in the fields of industry, transport, telecommunications, energy, agriculture, natural resources, commerce, monetary and financial questions and in social and cultural matters for the purpose of raising the standard of living of its peoples, of increasing and maintaining economic stability, of fostering closer relations among its members and of contributing to the progress and development of the African continent”(Treaty of the Economic Community of West African States, 1975).

The region of West Africa has experienced over forty coup d’états since the various countries gained independence. Despite the fragility of a number of these states, ECOWAS has managed to emerge as a formidable regional economic community that has aided in limiting intra-state crisis in conflict zones beyond its borders (International Crisis Group, 2016, p. 2). ECOWAS Treaty (1975) was silent on conflict management and prevention, it was appreciated quite early that no meaningful cooperation could take place within the sub-region without peace and security, hence after two decades the treaty was revised to extend both economic and Political cooperation among member states (Adetula, Bereketeab, & Jaiyebo, 2016, p. 21).

After the hard lessons learned from the missions in Sierra Leone, Guinea-Bissau, Cote D’Ivoire and Liberia, the organization adopted a new treaty that gave it legitimacy to intervene in internal affairs of member states, technically abandoning the non-intervention approach. It was known as ‘The Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security’ (the “Mechanism”), adopted in 1999 institutionalized the progress on security made in the 1990-s (International Crisis Group, 2016, p. 3). Thereafter, what became the cornerstone of the ECOWAS legal structure for peace building was Regulation MSC/REG.1/01/08.Recognized as the ECOWAS

Conflict Prevention and Management Framework which was adopted in January 2008, the action plan outlines most of the principles found in other instruments and ties together the goals of conflict management and consolidation of peace as well as the structural prevention of recurrent conflict in states emerging from conflict (Adetula et al., 2016, p. 25).

ECOMOG working under the umbrella of ECOWAS first intervened in the Liberian and Sierra Leonean crisis in 1998 and it was the first intervention in post-cold war period in Africa to have played an important role in the resolution of conflict. The most recent intervention of ECOWAS was in the Gambia in December 2016 following the disputed Presidential elections there. ECOWAS was able to restore democracy without the use of actual force but with the threat to use force (Hartmann, 2017, p. 90). These interventions however have highlighted the strengths and the limits of the organization in terms of the capacity to handle peace missions as well as how to improve on some of the obstacles they have faced during missions. Faced with new challenges such as the rise of extremism in the Sahel-Saharan region, ECOWAS has to strive to bring the necessary political and economic stability for the region and for the continent at large. This may take place if as recommended it reassesses its political framework, current configuration and deployment capabilities (International Crisis Group, 2016, p. 23).

2.6 Architecture at national level

This section analyzes the National Action Plan of Senegal and the challenges of implementation as a result of existing gender inequalities, sensitive cultural context of the region in Casamance, in addition to the existing traditional methods of conflict resolution and peacebuilding.

2.6.1 National Action Plans (NAP’s) as spaces for dialogue

An analysis of the AU’s continental and regional commitments and Instruments reveals that it is in the forefront in the domestication of the UNSC Resolution 1325 so as to facilitate the operationalization of the WPS agenda (AUC, 2016, p. 11). Among its instruments is the adoption of National Action Plans (NAP’s) by member states. The Secretary General of the UN in his report to the Security Council in 2004, urged member states to take steps to implement the resolution at

National levels21. In addition to UNSCR 1325, the others that clarify and deepen the commitment are resolutions 1820, 1888, and 1889 (Fritz, Doering, & Gumru, 2011, p. 3). As of 2019, eighty- three UN member states had adopted NAP’s as part of implementation of the Resolution 1325, although not all had developed country implementation plans.22 The member states tailored their action plans to be at par with National Policies that recognize the necessity of mainstreaming gender and security into their programs. A national action plan (NAP) is a document that:

“details the actions that a government is currently taking, and those initiatives that it will undertake within a given time span, in order to meet the obligations, set out in all of the WPS resolutions”(Zakharova, n.d, p. 10).

According to the Global study commissioned by the United Nations in 2015, only 54 states have formulated National Action Plans but these either face the challenges related to lack of budgets or implementation mechanisms for accountability (UN Women, 2015, p. 14). Miller et al., (2014, p. 12), illustrates how, supported by the Security Council and the Office of the Secretary-General, ‘action plans’ represent a relatively new approach to the challenge of ensuring the implementation of resolutions. The authors further enunciates that, these are regarded as a practical means through which states can demonstrate the steps they have taken to satisfy their obligations under the resolution (Miller et al., 2014).23 In sub-Sahara Africa two distinct clusters of countries have

21 See United nations, Report of the Secretary general on Women, Peace and Security, S/2004/814 22 The NAPs and information about them can be found at websites such as UN Women Watch. See URL: http://www.un.orglwomenwatch/ianwgeltaskforces/wps/national~level_impl.html; the EPLO (European Peace Liaison Office): http://www.eplo.org/index.php?id=2491; UN Women : see URL:http://www.uninstraw.org/edgps/generallimplementation-of-un-scr-l325.html; the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom: http://www.peacewomen.org/l325inactiodindex.htmlPacific; and Sweden’s Operation 1325 http:l/www.operation1325.se/content/view/21/. Operation 1325 is a Swedish civil society organization working for the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in partnership with women organizations worldwide. accessed 28 March 2018. 23 For details See: statement of the President of the Security Council encouraging Member States, civil society and other relevant actors to develop strategies and action plans to implement UNSCR 1325 (S/PRST/2002/32. New York, United Nations Security Council) 31 October 2002. Also see: 2004 and 2008 annual reports of the Secretary General inviting Member States to develop action plans to implement the resolution (S/2004/814. New York. Women and Peace and Security Report of the Secretary-General, United Nations Security Council). The Chair of the UN Security 44

developed NAPs stretching from the coast of Senegal to Cote D’Ivoire and the central part of the continent (Miller et al., 2014, p. 12).

2.6.2 National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325 of Senegal

Senegal launched its efforts to draft a NAP during the commemoration of the 10th anniversary of the UNSCR 1325 in Dakar on 15-17 September 2010 where the then minister for Gender and Family in collaboration with all interested parties and actors launched a steering committee which was tasked with drafting the document (République du Senégal, 2011, p. 14). The steering committee was mandated to formulate an action plan that revolved around the provisions of the UNSCR 1325 focusing on Prevention, Participation, Relief and Reconstruction. The expectations of the minister were that, the committee produce a document which will reflect the concerns of all political and civil actors and map out implementation strategies, monitoring and evaluation frameworks and create databases for information on grassroots activities (République du Senégal, 2011, p. 17). The Senegal NAP steering committee in 2011 submitted their report. This report consists of 18 objectives and 26 indicators which it uses to map the implementation plan. Objective 5 addresses ‘considerations of women and their interests in decisions on the prevention, management and resolution of conflicts’ (République du Senégal, 2011).

Casamance is the focus of interest for Senegal given the history of the conflict in the area, but it is not excluding other regions in its implementation. The key action of the NAP implores government and all stakeholders to take more action in remedying the economic, social and political consequences of the conflict in the area. According to the NAP Senegal document, current programs in this region are not specifically focused on conflict resolution itself but have been initiated and implemented to contribute, in varying degrees, to rebuild families, construction peace and the rehabilitation of infrastructure, empowerment of women, the creation of wealth (République du Senégal, 2011, p. 50). It is with this knowledge, that the government seeks to improve on resolving the conflict in the area by involving the various stakeholders. The particular concerns of the government vis a vis its conflict with the MDF are related to human security with

Council reiterated these calls in 2007 (S/PRST/2007/5. New York, Statement by the President of the United Nations Security Council; United Nations Security Council). 45

regard to periodic violence targeting civilians and military personnel, circulation of small arms and drugs, human trafficking and all forms of violence in the area (République du Senégal, 2011, p. 9). These have had long term negative effects on the population with women bearing the brunt of the situation. A systematic analysis of the document reveals that the government is depending on women civil society organizations on the ground to help it implement the plan. Among the groups that actively participated in the drafting process included various civil society organizations based in Casamance such as Regional Associations of women in search of peace for Casamance (Kabonketoor and Usoforal) and Action for Women in Casamance (AFEC), various government ministries and other Intergovernmental agencies. These groups both national and regional are working with the United Nations Office for West Africa and the Sahel (UNOWAS), have been tasked with implementation, monitoring and evaluation of the Plan by periodically reporting to the Minister for gender who is responsible for the overall coordination, oversight and evaluation of the objectives and indicators of Resolution 1325 in Senegal (République du Senégal, 2011, p. 53). The NAP Senegal does indicate a proposed financial plan on how the implementation of its objectives will be funded. It further proposes that a round table for donors be established (TRBF) which will contribute and participate in the costs of implementation. This has been done by outlining short, middle and long-term actions on financing during the five-year period starting 2011-2015 (République du Senégal, 2011, p. 82).

The NAP’s are intended to localize and contextualize the commitments of UNSC Resolution 1325 as they are translated in the foreign policies of individual states. It is therefore important that they are drafted according to the context and the priority of the country. This is done by creating a map which identifies how implementation will be done by stakeholders from the central level to the grassroots level. However, the task has been moving from thematic commitment to accomplishment of the expectations reflected in the NAP as there is a lack of clear planning and sustained funding for implementation of the objectives in many countries. Studies reviewed show that there are still gaps in the knowledge about the social or economic impacts that implementation of these NAP’s have on the peace and security of states. Issifu (2015, p. 63) focuses his research on the role of women in post conflict situations as well as indigenous approaches to peacebuilding. The scholar opines that, in order to help promote and ensure sustainable peace for women, it is

recommended that the United Nations and African Union among other large donors do more to support local actors in the women’s movement.

2.7 The role for peace networks

The history of war and conflict in West Africa which has occurred over many decades led to women organizing themselves to join forces in the prevention and management of conflicts. Sierra- Leone, Guinea Bissau and Liberia had been in conflict for several years and the war had taken its toll on the population of these countries albeit women bearing the burden of it as they and their children and elderly persons experienced victimization and suffering (Badmus, 2009). It is because of these grievances that some of the Peace Networks that have become synonymous with women peace initiatives came into existence. Several women leaders including rural women, women communicators, women politicians and parliamentarians, women’s rights activists, women union members, religious women and business women” collaborated and led to the formation of the Mano River Women’s Peace Network (MARWOPNET).24 Johnson (2011) discusses the role that this network played in the ceasefire that led to the end of the war and the restoration of peace in the Mano River region and acknowledges how African women have made great strides in the areas of peacekeeping and leadership. The scholar notes that their active advocacy and outreach has resulted in policy creation and revision and finally argues ‘that these women operate within both individual and collective modalities, often using relational skills honed from their roles in the family to model flexible, inclusive, and innovative forms of leadership’ (S. A. Johnson, 2011, p. 68). Although MARWOPNET initially worked in the three countries of Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau, it has demonstrated that peace networks can effectively advocate to government agencies as powerful agents for social change across the West African Region (S. A. Johnson, 2011, p. 69).

2.8 Analysis of the various legal frameworks

Linking all the legal instruments to the role that each executes within the APSA is crucial in showing the relevance of collective responsibility as contribution to the peace and security

24 See URL: https://www.marwopnet.org accessed 14 November 2018. 47

program. It is necessary that the AU under its Constitutive Act coordinate its efforts to collaborate with all stakeholders to be able to realize the expectations of the UNSCR 1325. Nevertheless, it is worth noting that AU did not explicitly mention what role women will play in the implementation of the African Union strategy for the Sahel region (PSC/PR/3/CDXLIX)25, despite the explicit priority of regional cooperation in the field of security among all stakeholders. A glaring gap between the AU, national governments and the reality of the lives which women live makes the implementation of these instruments difficult. Unless the AU redefines its involvement with the people rather than at government level only as it currently does, will the realization of hope for African women happen. This appears to be a setback in efforts to ensure the meaningful participation of women. Furthermore, governments on the African continent need to take proactive measures in the full participation and advancement of women through genuine commitment and policy reforms.

2.8.1 Policy coordination and harmonization between AU and ECOWAS

The AU has its own peace and security framework, through the PSC, which has already been discussed in detail in the preceding paragraphs. Aning et al., (2008) argue that since the transformation of the OAU to the AU, the organization has shown proactive and preparedness by its willingness to tackle the peace and security issues on the continent. Thus in the authors opinion, this has injected an institutional vibrancy, which has given it a principled, preventative and coercive role in peace and security issues on the continent (Aning et al., 2008, p. 14). The relationship between the AU and the Rec’s is governed by two documents, the 2002 Protocol on the PSC and the 2008 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on the cooperation of the AU and the Rec’s. Nathan, who has been involved in projects to build the peacemaking capacity of the AU and Rec’s maintains that the relationship is hierarchical placing the AU higher than the Rec’s, however, when a crisis erupts then it gets complicated and states head off in other directions and there is little that the AU can do about it (Nathan, 2016).

25 See Peace and Security Council 449th Meeting held in Addis Ababa on 11th August 2014. See URL:http://www.peaceau.org/auc-strategy-for-sahel-region-11-august-2014.pdf accessed 17 July 2017. 48

2.8.2 ECOWAS institutional framework for peace and security

ECOWAS functions as a supranational institution hence to understand the policy framework on peace and security within the ECOWAS it is paramount that one analyses the three essential documents that guide the process. These documents are the 1999 ECOWAS Revised Treaty, the Protocol Relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peace- Keeping, and Security: and the 2006 institutional reform process. The Protocol was adopted by the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government in Lomé, December 10, 1999 and it included organs such as the Authority of Heads of State and Government, Mediation and Security Council, the Executive Secretariat, Council of Elders, Defense and Security Commission. Others include Early Warning Observation and Monitoring System while ECOMOG was also incorporated into the Mechanism (Odobo, Andekin, & Udegbunam, 2017, p. 145). In the Revised treaty, Article 58 addresses regional security and in section 2(f) states that “establish a regional peace and security observation system and peace keeping forces where appropriate”. This provision of section 58 was accentuated in the drafting of the Protocol Relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peace-Keeping, and Security which states in its objective B the need to “implement the relevant provisions of Article 58 of the Revised Treaty” and objective E recaps the necessity to, “maintain and consolidate peace, security and stability within the Community” (ECOWAS, 1993). With clearly defined objectives on what the ECOWAS policy strategy is, the question remains whether these policies have yielded any effective results on the ground.

The institutional framework which the ECOWAS has used to address conflict management and security overall has evolved with the experiences and challenges that the institution has faced with time. In an appraisal of the framework, Odobo et al. (2017, p. 151) project positive contributions that it has made and argue that not only has the “west African sub-region been transformed from its former war torn zone to a non-war zone today” but also ECOWAS has shown commendable improvement in terms of capacity for quick and early response. The authors do however critique the efforts by recommending that ECOWAS be more proactive in handling the situational crisis in Mali, Nigeria and Burundi as well as do more in post conflict reconstruction, rehabilitation and reconciliation. Overall, the organization has commendable knowledge about the region and the dynamics of the aspects contributing to the conflict but at the same time face the challenge of 49

divergent interests (as states) and capacity to implement their mandate. Applauding the efforts of the Regional body can play a role in encouraging and supporting peace and security in the region and the continent as well.

Secondly, the ECOWAS treaty only mentions in Article 4(g) ‘recognition, promotion and protection of human and peoples' rights in accordance with the provisions of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights’ but does not mention specifically how women as a group may be engaged directly in achieving this. The AU operates in a difficult environment with limited resources both financial and human workforce which hampers its effectiveness (Vines, 2013, p. 96).

2.8.3 AU/UN partnerships and division of labor

The AU as a continental body is working in cooperation and collaboration with other international organizations especially the UN in the area of securing peace and security at an international level. The history of the UN and regional organizations can be traced back to Chapter VIII of the UN Charter also recognized as UNSC Resolution 1631.26 which recognized the critical role that regional organizations could play in peace support operations (Aning & Noagbesenu, 2010, p. 78).Despite the Charter offering the legal basis for interaction between the UN and regional organizations, the Security Council’s practice, the authors further opine that, in reality that has not been consistent when recognizing or authorizing the actions of an organization to lead peace operations (Aning & Noagbesenu, 2010). The AU and UN relationship is founded on a reciprocated legitimate interest, shared values of a peaceful world as aspired by the international community, but unfortunately the AU’s total dependency on the UN for resources has created what critics call the “asymmetrical relationship” which further threatens to descend into a “relationship of hybrid paternalism” (Murithi, 2008, p. 72).

26 There is a long history to UN–regional organizations relationships. Some of the most important documentation is S/RES/1625 (14 September 2005) on the effectiveness of the Security Council’s role in conflict prevention. This resolution called for the strengthening of cooperation and communication between the UN and sub-regional organizations in accordance with Chapter VIII; also, S/RES/1631 (17 October 2005), which was the first resolution adopted by the Security Council on regional organizations.

Others such as Boutellis et al., (2013) in respect to peace operations between the two institutions note that the AU in its PSC report in 2012 laments that “while consultations [between the two councils] represent a significant step in the right direction, they are yet to translate into a common understanding of the foundation of the cooperation between these two organs”.27 Collaboration between the AU and the UNSC is necessary especially at this time when conflict is widespread on the continent of Africa. This has also been because for the last decade the UNSC agenda has been occupied by the peace and security challenges in Africa (Boutellis et al., 2013, p. 4). The authors agree that, an important collaboration was the creation of the APSA by the AU, which gets support from various mechanisms set up by the UN, perhaps most notably the G8++ Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI) and the European Union’s (EU) African Peace Facility, both of which started in 2004 (Boutellis et al., 2013, p. 6).

Analysts observe that whenever the political agendas of the two councils coincides then it necessitates a division of labor situation whereas, the AU provides troops and the UN shoulders the logistic and financial support for the operations (Boutellis et al., 2013; International Crisis Group, 2019, p. 12). The experiences of the AU and UN in Somalia in the AMISOM peace keeping operation is a concrete example of how the collaboration of the two organizations has evolved. AMISOM is the biggest and most intricate mission undertaken by the AU and not only does it expose the limits of its capabilities as an organization, but it also led to the unprecedented creation of UNSOA by the UN.28 Tieku and Hakak writing from a political science perspective provide a comprehensive and insightful description of the AU-UN relationship from a more critical lens in

27 AU Peace and Security Council, Report of the Chairperson of the Commission on the Partnership between the African Union and the United Nations on Peace and Security: Towards Greater Strategic and Political Coherence, AU Doc. PSC/PR/2. (CCCVII), January 9, 2012, para. 44. 28 Established in January 2009 by UN Security Council Resolution 1863, UNSOA provides logistical support in the functional areas of supply (rations, fuel, and general supply); engineering, including construction, power generation and water supply; medical support; aviation; transportation; strategic movement support; equipment repair and maintenance; public information; strategic and tactical communications; and information and technology support. It represents the first time the UN funded a regional peace operation through UN assessed contributions. It was recommended by the Prodi Panel (2008) and was consistent with the UN’s ten-year plan to strengthen the AU’s capacity in peacekeeping. The main problems have been that UNSOA was authorized to provide logistical support to AMISOM as if it were an “ordinary” UN peacekeeping operation, which it was not, and that the UNSOA package focused on the mission’s military component, which caused problems as AMISOM became more multidimensional. 51

their article on Hybrid Paternalism where they describe the collaboration as “undertheorized, poorly understood, and insufficiently conceptualized in the contemporary security discourse” (Tieku & Hakak, 2014, p. 131).

2.8.4 Challenges of implementing the legal frameworks

The reality is that violence and conflict continue to affect millions of people on the continent of Africa. There is a wide gap between what state rhetoric is and what is practiced as far as the expectations of the conventions and other legal instruments demand of countries. In order to bridge this gap, states need to exhibit more commitment by actually allocating necessary funding from their national budgets towards implementation of agreed objectives as outlined in their National Action Plans. This may be one of the ways in which that rhetoric may be translated to action. If this is achieved, then it increases the chances to design more stable programs, which can create a conducive environment for sustainable peace. Another way in which National Action Plans may benefit those stakeholders that use it as a guide is, by states reviewing the effectiveness of the plans through involving the citizens or stakeholders working on the ground. This engagement through public discussions and awareness programs can inject much needed participation from women’s human rights and civil organizations all of which come with extensive experience. In this way practical suggestions from the stakeholders, especially the women in this case can go a long way in transforming the law from paper to practice therefore creating more impact and tangible progress for women’s participation in peacebuilding.

Miller et al. (2014, p. 4), assess the progress of the WPS agenda since its adoption and the extent to which there has been implementation across the board. The authors note that those countries especially in the developed countries that had adopted NAP in the early years have revised their documents and have assessed the strengths and weaknesses of the original plans whereas they observe that the area which has made least progress in implementation of UNSCR 1325 is women in peace negotiations and peacekeeping operations. This is in contrast with those countries in developing countries that are yet to effectively implement existing drafts, as they have to avoid short-term tactics and aim for long term strategies that can bring the discussion of women’s issues to the table. Women therefore need to be given the necessary space and resources if they are to reach out to decision makers because they can convey perspectives from their own experiences.

This in a way may be a step towards increasing participation and involvement of women in issues of peace and security at all levels for sustainable peace and development.

Scholars and activists have lauded the achievements of UNSCR 1325 for presenting a universal platform for gender equality which has so far found overwhelming support from the International community. However, despite this being a step in the right direction criticisms on the pace of implementation and adoption of NAP’s by several countries is a concern. Resource allocation for the implementation of activities remains the biggest challenge especially within countries with lower incomes so experts recommend that basket funds be established at National levels to fill the gaps in funding availability (Miller et al., 2014). Accordingly, Gumru and Fritz (2009, p. 212), who made an analysis of the Action Plans conclude that, the main challenge to overcome in the implementation of UNSCR 1325 is the lack of knowledge about its existence and content.

Some of the criticisms stemming from the available literature on the furthering of the WPS agenda identifies factors such as lack of accountability, lack of coordination and cooperation between actors, confusion over gender and gender mainstreaming and the masculine culture of peacekeeping missions (Siider, 2013, p. 11). The African Union has for a long time experienced lack of long term sustainable funding for its peace operations. According to the report of the Secretary-General of the United Nations on strengthening the partnership between the AU and the UNOAU on issues of peace and security (A/70/357-S/2015/682), the need to mobilize resources within the continent will enhance African ownership and agenda setting of peace initiatives taken by the African Union and is key to the successful implementation of its mandate (S/2016/780). Perhaps it is relevant to question the extent to which the provisions of these documents are transformed to programs measurable on the ground for women facing security threats as a result of conflict situations. What stands the significance of the numerous legal frameworks if the reality is that women still face the threat of violence without the political goodwill of the states, they belong to adhering to the law which is meant to protect them. Research indicates the factors that contribute to the dilemma of women not participating in peace building processes affects the society at large by risking political instability, justice and development as well as socio-economic disparities (Afshar, 2003; Hendricks, 2011; Klot, 2007; Potter, 2008; Ringera, 2008). It is

important to bear in mind that different countries experience different challenges in the implementation of their NAP’s and as UNIFEM stipulates:

“inclusiveness is necessary to ensure the legitimacy of the decision-making process to encourage a broad base of participation and to make sure that sustainable peace and development possible” (UNIFEM, 2005).

The APSA institutions have their own challenges that they continue to confront in addressing the peace and security situation on the continent. This has consequently led to certain criticism by international partners and other stakeholders who observe that the objectives and aspirations of the PSC have failed to regulate existing regimes that are perceived to be authoritarian and semi authoritarian, thus a bottleneck for meaningful reform to take place for conflict resolution on the continent (Williams, 2014, p. 154).

2.9 Conclusions

In this chapter, the different frameworks to encourage and strengthen women’s role and participation in peacebuilding at international, continental, regional in addition to the national level were examined. This chapter further delved into the history of the development of these various legal frameworks and the debates surrounding their implementation and use. In doing a chronological analysis of how such legal frameworks at all levels evolved, the chapter raised the question as to whether the documents are just rhetoric or a practical achievement for women in peacebuilding from an international platform to address the issues of peace and security.

The chapter has also looked at the relevance of the peace and security framework of ECOWAS as well as examining the relationships between the AU, the UN and the Regional organizations and how they synthesize their efforts towards peace and security. The political agenda of these organizations plays a crucial function in determining the future of their cooperation, nevertheless it is clear that if the issues of peace and security are to be addressed then Regional organizations should be supported if they are to make meaningful contributions to continental peace. Evidently these challenges do present a convincing reason for the continued collaboration of all parties as stakeholders towards attaining a peaceful region for the populations living in the region.

Literature revealed that there still exists a glaring gap between the continental and national levels, specifically between the AU and national governments, and the reality of the lives of the women involved in peacebuilding work at the grassroots level. It is clear that the AU approach is more state driven than people driven. This polemic appears to be a major setback in the efforts to ensure the meaningful participation of women hence making the implementation of these instruments difficult.

The next chapter will look at the historical context and overview of the conflict in Casamance in detail and the structural and proximate causes as well as analyze the effects of the conflict on the population. Further analysis of the socio-political and economic consequences of the conflict not only in Senegal but also the neighboring Gambia and Guinea-Bissau states will show the interstate connection of the conflict and the stalemate that has accompanied the peace talks.

Chapter 3: Historical and political context of the region of Senegal, The Gambia and

Guinea Bissau

3.1 Introduction

In the preceding chapter the dissertation has examined existing legal frameworks at three levels, International, continental and regional that are related to women and the recognition of their role in participating in peace processes. It has attempted to link the relevance of these documents to the reality of what women do on the ground. The analysis of the documents raises the question as to whether the documents are just empty rhetoric or real achievement from an international platform to address the issues of peace and security inclusive of women who use the platform of UN 2000 to find legitimacy and recognition for the peacebuilding work they do.

In this chapter the focus will be on the historical context of the countries and conflict as well as the factors that have contributed to its continuity and intractableness. The chapter will also address the relations between Senegal and two of its neighbors, Guinea-Bissau and The Gambia, and how these relations over time have been affected by the conflict. It will also look at the grievances of the population as they perceive the conflict and the state’s handling of the armed struggle since it began.

3.2 History of the region

The West African sub-region has been plagued by long history of conflict and there is no one primordial factor that can explain the causes. Unfortunately, it is that the human tragedy and economic impact that these conflicts produce that have long term effects on the population. This is evident in the number of people fleeing as refugees and those coming from Africa made up at least 26 percent of these figures (UN High Commission for Refugees, 2014). However recent data from UNHCR 2016 report shows that the on-going war in Syria has displaced more civilians and forced millions to seek refuge in Europe raising the number of individuals displaced to 65.5 million (UNHCR, 2016). The report by the Goreé Institute describing the conflict and security context in West Africa gives an overview of the historical and geographical circumstances which have shaped the conflict in Casamance. The report informs that the French colonizers in the 19th Century desired the unification of Senegal and Gambia then known as the Senegambia, but this was rejected

by the British who were then colonizing Gambia. This directly impacted on the conflict system of the Senegambia zone, whose epicenter is located in the Senegalese region of Casamance, also includes Guinea-Bissau, because of its common border with Casamance and its involvement in the conflict system (Gorée Institute, 2012). Studies point out that one of the characteristics of the conflicts on the African continent is the complex sub regional magnitude that they assume when they erupt such as in the DRC and Burundi now, as well as in Angola and the Mano River countries of Liberia, Ivory Coast, Guinea and Sierra Leone before (UK, DFID Report 2001). De Jong and Gasser (2005, p. 217) point out that in the case of Casamance, the failure of the conflict in disrupting sub-regional stability has proved detrimental to its resolve.

Colonial domination, development aid, economic structural adjustment and international law, along with security and peace-building reforms, in- and outward migration, and the expansion of media technologies, have all influenced societies in the Upper Guinea Coast region (Knorr & Kohl, 2016). Temudo’s argument is that, in order to understand the political crisis in West Africa, one has to recognize the post-colonial state and the political and economic liberalization as well as social processes that involve local and international actors (Temudo, 2008, p. 246).

Historically, the three countries not only had different colonial powers but also gained independence at different periods. Senegal negotiated its independence from France in 1960, whereas The Gambia, already autonomous then, obtained its independence peacefully from Britain in 1965 and Guinea-Bissau after a protracted conflict with Portugal gained independence in 1974 (Gorée Institute, 2012). The conflict has therefore added to the complexity and the fragility of the relations between the three neighbor states. Da Costa notes that Guinea-Bissau has been accused of serving as a safe house, staging post and major weapons supplier for separatist rebels (Da Costa, 1991, p. 53). The Casamance conflict takes place in a state that Woocher describes is, “a state with the reputation for being a democracy in Africa and enforcing liberal economic policies proposed by the World Bank and IMF as well as a ‘peaceful’ country” (Woocher, 2000, p. 342). Although described as low intensity and not having attracted significant attention by scholars writing in English, the conflict nevertheless remains principally worthwhile of examination especially because it has resisted resolution. Numerous authors appreciate the different ways in which social, economic,

political factors have woven together to protract the conflict in a relatively democratic and stable African country (Fall, 2010; Gehrold & Neu, 2010; Ndiame, 2017). Others have mapped out the chronological development of the conflict (Evans, 2004; Foucher, 2007; Marut, 2010; Thomas- Lake, 2010).

Amnesty International observed that in April of 2015, the Senegalese army exchanged fire with The Mouvement des forces Démocratiques de la Casamance (MFDC) armed group, which has been backing the call for the secession of Casamance from Senegal for the past three decades. The report confirmed that there were casualties on both sides. In July of 2016, there were abductions and ransom demands after armed men held hostage twelve men in the area of Sédhiou for four days before finally releasing them on ransom (Amnesty International, 2015).29 In January 2018, twenty loggers were killed after an ambush by armed men and although the MFDC issued statements condemning the killings, some sceptics still suspect the group to have a connection with the incident (Economist, 2018).This has raised concerns from organizations such as the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights who noted the ‘failure of authorities to protect freedom of expression and arbitrary arrests and detentions (AFR 49/1464/2015). Tandia evaluates the conflict from several dimensions which include the various attempts at resolving the conflict by successive administrations, the unprecedented level of violence, and the propaganda by the media as well as interest in the area by civil society organizations and donor agencies in various capacities (Tandia, 2013, p. 220). 3.3 Guinea-Bissau’s context

Guinea-Bissau became independent in 1974, after a 13-year liberation struggle against Portuguese colonial rule by the ‘Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde’ (African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde - PAIGC), which had been formed in 1956, and was led by Amílcar Cabral until he was assassinated in 1973 (Ferreira, 2004, p. 47). The country’s political and institutional fragility is persistent: four coups d’état have taken place since 1974, the latest one in April 2012. The dismissal of three governments in less than one year (between August

29 See also Amnesty International, Senegal: Climate of Terror in Casamance, London. (New York Amnesty International 1998); Amnesty International, Senegal: Widespread use of torture persists with Impunity while Human Rights Abuses continue in Casamance (London Amnesty International 28 February 1996. 58

2015 and May 2016) is just one recent example of its continuing instability. According to socio- economic indicators, the country is one of the least developed in the world, ranking 178th out of 189 countries surveyed in the Human Development Report (UNDP, 2019). Indicators show that the country has been in political turmoil for many years, with economic and social challenges that have left the country without an economic program or budget for the last two years (Bappah, 2017). According to a strategic assessment mission dispatched to Guinea-Bissau by the United Nations Secretary-General in 2014, the root causes of its instability lie in four factors identified as; interrelated political-military dynamics, ineffectiveness of state institutions and the lack of rule of law, poverty and lack of access to basic state services, impunity and human rights violations (Carmignani & Cavalcante, 2016, p. 3). This has led to the rise in the country’s poverty levels which experts from the World Bank estimate using household survey data to be at around 65.7 per cent (Barry & Wodon, 2007).

3.3.1 Genealogy of political unrest in Guinea Bissau

Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde were the only two Portuguese colonies in the West African region. Because it attained its independence through an armed struggle in 1974, Guinea-Bissau was different from its French colonized neighbors of Guinea and Senegal which did not have to fight a war of independence. The lack of natural resources and the small size of the territory did not motivate the Portuguese colonialists to build a politically and economically viable nation.30 After the assassination of the Guinea Bissauan leader Amilcar Carbral in the January of 1973 the dream of creating a state with two nations Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau was never materialized by his predecessor João Bernardo ‘Nino’ Vieira nor embraced by the population thus making it difficult to implement after independence (Temudo, 2008, p. 248). The author who has researched extensively on Guinea Bissau further notes that the country has for a long time been plagued by unending power struggles based on ethnic divisions and patrimonial loyalties. Economic liberalization policies and reforms impacted on the state and eventually led to the post- independence political crisis of the civil war.

30 For an in-depth insight in the political history of Guinea-Bissau since independence see Guinée-Bissau: Besoin d’Etat, an International Crisis Group Africa Report No 142, 2nd July 2008. 59

As a consequence of the growing gap between government and the people, Guinea‐Bissau has been ridden by political instability, a bloody civil war (1998‐99), and numerous coups or coup attempts (Kohnert, 2010, p. 6). Viera may have been an independence hero but Gilles, a researcher on political governance in Africa argues that, Viera did not have the skills to propose a social, economic or political project for Guinea-Bissau thus resorted to consolidating power through a one party state machinery and exploiting the ethnic factor in the country (Yabi, 2010a, p. 16). Despite the multiparty elections which took place in 1994 with the overwhelming support of the population for institutional change and democracy, not much had changed for the population despite the democratic transition. The country was still unable to implement economic reforms and the state was constantly paralyzed by workers strikes as well as having no choice but to use the limited state resources to maintain the army (Yabi, 2010a, p. 17).

The military was over the years perceived by the population as a historically legitimate actor in the politics of the country but in reality, has proved to be a major factor in the destabilizing of the democratization process (Kohnert, 2010, p. 7). Ferreira suggests that, the solution to dealing with the bloated military would be, to initiate processes of demobilization, reintegration and social reinsertion of former combatants for the sake of internal stability and security of the country (Ferreira, 2004, p. 54). Politics in the country have been riddled by power struggles among institutions, individual leaders, ethnic and peasant groups all playing a role in the political arena (Forrest, 1987, p. 116).

The interest that ECOWAS has shown in Guinea Bissau was reflected in different initiatives which made it possible to temporarily calm-down tensions without dealing with the root causes of structural instability and political violence in the country, at least between the years 2005-2010 (Yabi, 2010b, p. 5). The Protocol relating to the mechanism of conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security passed by the heads of government of ECOWAS in 1999 is an institutional and regional mechanism for conflict prevention and management. The implementation of its decisions is mandated to the mediation and Security Council (MSC).31 It was therefore under its umbrella that ECOWAS sent its mission in Guinea Bissau (ECOMIB) to

31 The Protocol has already been discussed extensively in the preceding chapter. 60

intervene but later had to pull out after several contraventions of the ceasefire agreement between the factions of Nina Vieira and Brigadier Ansumane Mané who was the former chief of armed staff. In 2016, at the 49th Summit of the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of states and Government, the members again decided to send a mediation mission under the leadership of the Guinean President Alpha Conde and President Bai Koroma of Sierra Leone which led to the signing of the Conakry Accord (Bappah, 2017, p. 8).

3.3.2 The question of Casamance and the MFDC

The challenges of cross-border peace and security in Africa are very real. After the scramble for Africa and the creation of ‘states’, many communities were divided on borderlines which then affected the populations involved in a geo-political pattern that continue to be the cause of many inter-state conflicts. The territorial sovereignty of some African countries has come to be disputed by rebellions or factions which want to restore the status quo. The border that Casamance shares with Guinea Bissau has served as a crossing point for refugees or internally displaced persons fleeing the conflict in Casamance. The strong cross border links between Senegal, The Gambia and Guinea Bissau have generated complex patterns of displacement in a relatively small geographic area (Evans, 2007, p. 63).

Regional geo-politics between Senegal and Guinea Bissau have played a major role in defining the relations of the two states and can be traced back to the post-independence period in Senegal under the presidency of Senghor. Evans repeatedly draws attention to history by pointing out that Senghor was pro-West and weary of the PAIGC’s socialist ideology and therefore did not support its liberation struggle (Evans, 2007, p. 77). When the secessionists took up arms in Casamance in 1982, the government in Dakar blamed the Guinea Bissau government of sympathizing and helping the rebels to destabilize the country. Despite the allegations Guinea Bissau tried to reassure Senegal that it was impartial, but Senegal drew parallels between the rebellion in Casamance and the revolutionary struggle in Guinea Bissau (O. Faye, 1994).

Jean-Claude Marut conjures the “specter of the union of the 3Bs” in the following description:

“a territorial aggregation along the axis of Bissau, Bignona in Casamance and Banjul in Gambia - as a strategic preoccupation in Dakar based on Diola ethnicity and shared history of the Mandinka kingdom of Gabu” (Marut, 1996, p. 84).

Massey traces the period in the decade of the 1990’s when four French tourists were abducted and the Senegalese government took the opportunity to launch a full scale offensive against the rebels that led to the militarization of the border area between the two countries (Massey, 2004, p. 78). He further draws attention to the period in January 1998 when the MFDC was accusing Guinea- Bissau of lending military support to the Senegalese. At the same time, Senegal voiced suspicions that, despite the accord, arms continued to flow from the Guinea-Bissau army to the rebels. This military rapprochement notes Marut resulted in a strip of Guinea Bissauan territory being taken under the control of Senegalese troops but was a situation which the Guinea Bissau government accepted albeit out of political expediency (Marut, 1996, p. 86).

3.3.3 The seventh June war

The war that took place in Guinea Bissau between 9th June 1998 and 7th May 1999 was considered by some analysts a ‘proxy war’ which involved Senegal and The Republic of Guinea and allegedly of France too, which was intended to control the conflict in Casamance (Gaillard, 2000, p. 241; Rudebeck, 2001, p. 32). It was also considered one of the longest coup d’états because the perpetrators refused to take power (Marut, 1996). Distrust by the government in Dakar, of the intentions of Guinea Bissau added to the already strained relationship between the two states. Senegal also accused the Guinea Bissau Government of smuggling arms to the MFDC rebels especially when in January 1998, a shipment of weapons from the Bissauan army was interdicted en route to Casamance. However, the Bissauan government persistently denied any involvement in the incident 32 (Massey, 2004, p. 78). A large population of the Bissauan’s sought refuge in Casamance where they were welcomed by friends or relatives (Marut, 2000, p. 2).

32 For a more detailed description of this period, see report written by Andrew Manley for UNHCR, Manley, A., Guinea Bissau/Senegal: War, Civil War and the Casamance Question, WRITENET for UNHCR/CDR, November 1998 (UNHCR/CDR REFWORLD databases), and articles written by Miguel Martins and Gérard Gaillard. Martins, M., Le conflit en Guinée-Bissau: chronologie d’une catastrophe, L’Afrique politique 1999: entre transitions et conflits, Paris: 62

Marut further argues that, the junta under the leadership of Ansoumane Mané, who coincidently happened to be Gambian too, got the support of the Casamance separatists and they did send men to fight alongside the insurgents. This had the inevitable consequence of giving them a chance to acquire more weapons thus arming themselves well against government forces form Dakar (Marut, 2000, p. 4). When fighting broke out on the 9th of June 1998 in Guinea Bissau following the suspension of Brigadier Mané from his post as well as his public accusation of the presidents’ involvement in arms smuggling, he proclaimed himself president. Meanwhile Senegal and Guinea dispatched 1,300 and 500 troops respectively as part of an intervention that the Senegalese dubbed ‘Opération Gabou’ whose mission intended to defend a democratically elected government (Massey, 2004, p. 78). The title given to the Operation ‘Gabou’ is expounded by Marut (2000, p. 3).33 This was also known as the ‘seventh of June War’ and the consequences of this intervention was considered a military disaster for Senegal and seen as an ‘invasion’ by the population of Guinea Bissau who considered the Senegalese presence an impediment to peace negotiations (Economist, 2019). Unfortunately, the Senegalese army did not achieve its objectives of crushing the separatists but instead the separatists managed to return to their base with more arms (Marut, 2000, p. 5). At the same time Amnesty International documented a series of human rights abuses committed by Senegalese, Guinean and loyal Bissauan troops fighting for Viéira (Amnesty International, 1999). Diédhiou has researched on the Diola identity and culture in Casamance, and notes that, in the month of March 1995 the Senegalese military together with their French counterparts launched a siege and occupied the village of Youtou in the Department of D’Oussouye. This was after the

Karthala, 1999, pp. 213-18; Gaillard, G., Guinée-Bissau: un pas douloureux vers la démocratie, Afrique contemporaine, No. 191, 1999, pp. 43-57. 33 The title is paradoxical as Gabou was the name of a former empire which disappeared in the nineteenth century and which straddled Guinea-Bissau, Casamance and the Gambia; it was one of the most favoured arguments used by Casamançais separatists to challenge their region being part of Senegal and to advance the idea of “the union of the three Bs”: Banjul (the Gambia), Bignona (Casamance), Bissau (Guinea-Bissau). Between 1982 and 1989 this project had an ephemeral existence in the form of the Senegambia Confederation. Cf. Gautron, J.-C., La Confédération de la Sénégambie: entre l’union et le protectorat?, L’année africaine, Paris: Pédone, 1982, and, more recently, Sall, E. and Salla, H., Senegal and the Gambia: the Politics of Integration, and Hughes, A., L’effondrement de la fédération de la Sénégambie, in Diop, M.-C. (ed.), Le Sénégal et ses voisins, Dakar: Sociétés-Espaces-Temps, 1994. 63

abduction of four French nationals, the residents sought refuge in Guinea in the villages of Bujin, Ejaten and Eramé. This was just one of the many incidents where civilians were displaced during the duration of the conflict (P. Diédhiou, 2017, p. 85). Massey (2004, p. 95) criticizes the intervention of ECOWAS by arguing that the regional umbrella body did not act impartially in its mediation as it ended up supporting Viera who was a highly unpopular leader therefore becoming an actor and a hindrance to the peace negotiation. This highlighted an institutional weakness in conflict management within the body, although it is notable that the conflict management capability of ECOWAS has since then improved.

In the year 2000 when Senegal held elections and Abdoulaye Wade was elected president he made efforts to restore diplomacy between the two states and by the end of his presidency had succeeded in exercising considerable influence over its small neighbor, Guinea Bissau without further military interventions (Foucher, 2013, p. 5). The attacks by the Bissauan army on MFDC leader Salif Sadio a former ally who was forced to evacuate his base in Ziguinchor, explains Foucher was again also an indicator of the new alliance between the two states thereby effectively putting Casamance at the core of this relationship (Foucher, 2013, p. 7). Sadio tried to maintain the pressure in Casamance despite the death of Mane and the signing of new agreements between the Senegalese government and the civilian wing of MFDC (Marut, 2000).

3.3.4 Drugs and arms

Another contentious issue between the two states is timber logging, firearms proliferation (Small Arms and Light weapons, SALW) and narcotics/drug trafficking especially at the border area with Casamance. Armed conflicts and natural resources can be directly related in two main ways: armed conflicts motivated by the control of resources, and resources integrated into the financing of armed conflicts (Le Billon, 2001, p. 580). In the case of Casamance the conflict has created a conducive environment for the border area to be porous thus a haven for these traffickers and rebels to generate incomes and sustain their rebellion as well as disrupt efforts at restoring peace. They take advantage of the instability to make personal profits. These States do not have adequate resources to police these borders nor control activities which are highly organized transnationally across continents thus making the war against this criminality a complicated one for governments to win.

Over the years West Africa has become a major trafficking corridor for narcotic drugs destined for Europe a problem identified over a decade ago with rising political and economic tensions in the region. This is a big problem for the region because it constitutes a threat to security and governance. Coupled with recent developments on the fight against terrorism, jihad and transnational crimes such as money laundering especially in the Sahel region cross-border area has compounded the problem for governments as a new security threat to the stability of the region. It with these developments that ECOWAS in collaboration with the UN and EU made recommendations to address the issues (Addo, 2006, p. 2).34 The author further draws attention to the small arms trafficked across the sub region and eventually end up being used by rebel combatants or criminal gangs. He further points out that in the case of Senegal, The Gambia and Guinea Bissau destabilizing activities stem from the arms circulation partly by MFDC and partly by the result of the weapons stockpiled during the Liberian and Sierra Leone civil wars respectively (Addo, 2006, p. 6).

The potential for socio-economic and political relations to improve between Senegal and Guinea Bissau depend on the political stability of Bissau. Imports from Senegal and Fishing from Guinea Bissau provide mutual interests for the two countries to collaborate on for the future.

3.4 The Gambia’s context

Geographically located in the Western Cape of Africa, The Gambia is a 300km area of land which follows the River Gambia inward from the Atlantic Ocean flowing through Senegal. The Gambia at its widest point is 48 kilometers and cuts Senegal into two, with the Casamance region to the south, making it the smallest country in mainland Africa.35 With a population of about 2 million people, the ethnic composition is made up of Diola, Mandinka, Wolof and Serer among others. The Gambian economy relies substantially on its role as entrepot for government revenue as well as tourism as a source of income (Golub & Mbaye, 2009). Hopkins whose research focuses on south-north and south-south refugee movements draws attention to the fact that having been

34 See SC/8037 press release “ Security council calls for Regional Approach in West Africa to address such cross- border issues as child soldiers, Mercenaries, Small Arms”, New York 26 March 2004. 35 CIA Fact Book, 2017.accessed 5 September 2018. 65

colonized by the British until it gained its independence in 1965, Banjul the capital was bought by the British from the Portuguese in 1816 as a new base in which to enforce the Abolition of Slave Trade Act of 1807 (Gail Hopkins, 2015, p. 44). She further notes that the effects of the conflict have caused a large portion of the population to seek refugee status in The Gambia after their lives have been disrupted by the constant hostilities between the MFDC and Government Forces (G Hopkins, 2013, p. 82).

3.4.1 Senegambia confederation

Nordlinger, (1983) notes that, in 1981 Senegal and Gambia formed a nominal confederation that lasted until 1989. The scholar further elucidates that the agreement stipulated that the two countries remain sovereign while integrating security and communication, as well as, work towards a common foreign policy and economic union. This situation occurred after the then Senegalese President Abdou Diouf sent troops to The Gambia to save Presidents Diawara’s government form a coup. However, the Union was short lived as Gambia withdrew from the confederation as it proved to be merely ceremonial and unsatisfactory for both states. The collapsing of the Confederation increased tensions between the two countries especially with Senegal accusing Gambia of allowing the secessionists MFDC to use its territory (Global security.org).

Evans and Perfect trace the colonial history and the contemporary geopolitical relations between the two countries and explore how the past shapes the present context of the ongoing conflict and what the future holds for both countries (Evans & Perfect, 2013, p. 60). Until December 2016, The Gambia was under the presidency of Yahya Jammeh who had stayed in power for 22 years. He ascended to power through a bloody coup d’état effectively ousting President Diawara in 1994 and ruled by decree after suspending the constitution. He transformed himself into a civilian and formed the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) and controlled the country through intimidation, repression and politicized security (Sanyang & Camara, 2017, p. 6). President Jammeh shares his Diola ethnicity with the large majority of the Casamançais his birthplace is on the Gambia-Casamance border leading to suspicions that he lent his support, moral and practical, to the MFDC rebellion. (Massey, 2004, p. 87). During the Guinea Bissau civil war President Jammeh on the 16th of June visited Cape Verde, Mauritania, Guinea and Senegal in order to canvass regional opinion on the crisis. Historical, ethnic and personal links, as well as

humanitarian concern, prompted Gambia’s diplomatic intervention. However, the prime motivation was an overarching interest in sub-regional security (Massey, 2004, p. 86).

In addition, his critics say that he had a strong and influential hand in both the crises in Casamance and Bissau where he perceived himself as the ‘God sent messiah to liberate the Diola people’ from their oppression (Sanyang & Camara, 2017, p. 17). The authors’ further report that, the arms recovered from the separatists after clashes with the Senegalese military can be traced back to the shipments from Iran through Banjul (Sanyang & Camara, 2017, p. 9).

3.4.2 The dilemma of crime, border politics with Casamance

Guéye (2015, p. 55) describes Senegal, The Gambia and Guinea Bissau as ‘contagious countries’ in West Africa because of the problem of organized crime and its impact on governance and security for the region as well as a threat to the economic stability of the countries. The scholar further identifies the organized criminal activities to be drug, human and arms trafficking and smuggling, cattle rustling and money laundering. The issue of arms has caused tension for the government in Dakar and Banjul for as long as the conflict in Casamance has persisted. As mentioned before, the Senegalese government has on many occasions accused Banjul of aiding and abetting the separatists in Casamance.

The ethnic groups living and found around the border of Casamance and Gambia are mainly the Diola as well as the Serer, Fular and Mandinka, among others. Before colonialization, the communities from both divides lived together in the territory as there were no geographical borders. The Diola in Senegal and in the Gambia share the same language and culture therefore strong ethnic ties, as well as history and can therefore be said to be one people. Many Senegalese from Casamance area live in Banjul and cross over to their villages in Senegal to visit relatives and attend social events such as weddings and funerals. Several villages scattered on the borderlines began to fill up with populations as people sought land suitable for wetland rice as well as fields for growing peanuts, millet and grazing animals as early as 1945 (Nugent, 2007, p. 236). Illegal timber logging is the most challenging issue for both countries, as Gambia is accused of logging from the forests in Casamance. The worlds demand for timber products exacerbates the destruction of endangered trees as well as exploitation of poorly managed forests especially in Africa, Asia and Latin America. This is evident in the rapid depletion of forest cover in most 67

developing countries where corruption and poverty are a double sword for environmental and conservation efforts. The collusion of unscrupulous multi-national companies in an industry that is estimated to be worth millions of dollars makes it a challenge to regulate the trade. This followed a report in the newspapers in March of 2018 that at the end of 2016, Gambia had been the second largest exporter of Timber to China even though the small nation barely has forest cover.36

Since then the Casamance has lost an estimated 1 million trees to illegal logging and the government in Dakar has put up measures to curb the logging by for example, suspending the issuance of timber licenses, recruitment of more officers for the forestry and water departments as well as stricter penalties for loggers (International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2019). The report further states that, this intricate network of international timber traffickers, poverty among the populations residing on the borders and lack of human and logistical resources by government are all factors contributing to the worsening situation.37

The government has put in measures to curtail this illegal logging by having a forest management plan. These measures may look good on paper and are commendable, but the reality is that unless the government improves the socio-economic situation for the population so that they do not have to resort to logging as a source of income, this problem will not go away any time soon. Secondly, the conflict in Casamance makes the border area with Gambia accessible to the rebels to trade in timber as a source of income for their activities. Unless their grievances are addressed in an environment of genuine political goodwill, the measures put up by government may just be political rhetoric and an eventual environmental catastrophe for the region as a whole. With the new government in The Gambia under President Bara, talks of restoring diplomatic ties after years of strained relations between the two countries gives hope for the future of the two countries as they commit to becoming economic and political allies for the mutual benefit of their respective states.

36 The Torch, ‘Gambia, Senegal agree to combat illegal timber logging, cross-border crime’. March 2018. https://torchongambia.wordpress.com/2018/03/13/gambia-senegal-agrees-to-combat-illegal-timber-logging- cross-border-crime/. accessed 18 November 2019. 37 For an insightful and detailed analysis of the socio-economic situation in Casamance see Evans, M. (2003). Ni paix ni guerre: The political economy of low level conflict in Casamance. Background research for HPG Report 13. 68

3.5 Senegal’s context

The northern and southern regions of Senegal were under both the French and the Portuguese. It was in the 15th Century that the Portuguese first invaded Senegal and Casamance and thereafter opened the way for other European colonialists to exploit its natural reserves, slave labor and land as they did in other parts of Africa. It was only in the 18th Century that the French were able to control Senegal after it defeated the British in its quest to control its natural resources (Fall, 2010, p. 5). Coming under French control after it was traded with Portugal, the Casamance belonged to the French Rivierés du Sud which is an administrative region that is presently the coastal area of Guinea (Tombe, 2016, p. 27). With a land mass of 197,161 square kilometers, the world development indicators of the World Bank country profile 2017, Senegal’s has a population of about 16 million inhabitants and continues to have a population growth of 2.9 per cent and its current GDP is 14.68 Billion US dollars. The geographical landscape of the country is flat and low-lying in what is known as the ‘Sahel’ belt in the North, and green and lush because of higher rainfall in the south.38 Perceived as stable politically in the region and growing economically, the population has several ethnic groups with the Wolof being the majority with about 40 per cent and the Diola making five percent whereas other ethnicities such as the Serer, Fula Mandinka, Soninke and other peoples constitute the rest of the population.39 Despite the majority of the population being Muslim, the colonial assimilation policies have helped in peaceful coexistence of the population.40 Little is still known about the longest conflict in West Africa despite its humanitarian and geo-political ramifications as well as human displacements and social marginalization (Evans, 2009, p. 509).

3.5.1 Casamance

Situated in the region south of Senegal just beneath The Gambia and the Gambia River to the East, Casamance is not well developed economically nor in terms of infrastructure though there is great

38 Encyclopedia Britannica; Cape Verde peninsula. See URL https://www.britannica.com/place/Cape-Verde- Peninsula accessed 19 May 2020. 39 Encyclopedia Britannica; Cape Verde peninsula. See URL https://www.britannica.com/place/Cape-Verde- Peninsula accessed 19 May 2020. 40 Central Intelligence Agency, World fact book: Senegal Available online at URL: http//: www.cia.gov/publication/factbook/geos/sg.html. accessed 14 February 2019. 69

potential for the area because of its natural resources. Ndiame’s insights on Casamance ‘presents the paradox of the persistence of deep poverty and enduring armed conflict, in a region well- endowed with natural resources, and which has benefitted from numerous development interventions over the years’ (Ndiame, 2017, p. 9). The Diola make up the majority of the sixty per cent population in the region. Lambert has contributed extensively on the debates in the region and observes that the 'Casamance question' acknowledging that it has long plagued Senegal and is a thorn in its side (Lambert, 1998, p. 586).

The sentiments for regionalism in Casamance have posed a threat to the integrity of the territory of Senegal because the advocates seek to secede from the country. For a country that is portrayed as relatively stable and democratically strong, the conflict in Casamance hangs like a dark cloud over the country. There are factors that can attribute to the assumption that Casamance is socially, politically, economically, and culturally different from the rest of Senegal. This is so because unlike Senegal’s other regions, Casamance on the eve of the Berlin conference was ceded to the French by the Portuguese in exchange for Rio Casini which is in present day Guinea-Bissau. Lambert further recalls that the British having annexed Gambia under its rule left Senegal in an ‘uncomfortable’ position of being virtually bisected by another country (Lambert, 1998, p. 588). The Lusophone influence in Casamance cannot be ignored and forms part of the connection of the conflict with Guinea-Bissau.

Martin Evans has focused on war economies and notes that the conflict has largely concerned Ziguinchor region and only from 1995 onwards did it move eastward into western parts of Kolda region, particularly Sédhiou department (Evans, 2004, p. 2). Ziguinchor region is divided into three departments, again named for their chief towns: Ziguinchor and Oussouye departments south of the Casamance River, both bordering Guinea-Bissau; and Bignona department to the north, bordering The Gambia (see sub-chapter 1.2.1 Background on the region and conflict). Evans equally continues his research on the economy and the livelihoods of the population in Casamance notes that livelihoods have “suffered as insecurity has stifled agriculture, trade and tourism. Infrastructure under-investment worsened when guerrillas began the widespread use of anti- personnel mines in 1997, prompting several major donors to leave” (Evans, 2004, p. 42). This however should not support the debate about Casamance being marginalized economically

because of the conflict, but, as Marut clarifies that Casamançais were deeply integrated participants in the Senegalese economy until the economic restructuring of the 1980’s which eventually led to the conflict situation (Fent, 2018, p. 119).

Jean-Claude Marut argues that the conflict in Casamance should not be seen as one based on ethnicity as the two protagonists (MFDC and government) with the government demonizing it as ethnic and the MFDC exalting it, but that its roots lie in the economic and developmental inequalities in an area considered rich but the population poor (Marut, 2010, p. 28) . This has been attributed by what Marut terms as expropriation of urban and coastal land by the government to ‘northerners’ who consider themselves superior to their ‘southern’ backward forest countrymen thus reinforcing the sentiments of being ‘othered’ (Marut, 2000, p. 11). Aissatou fall asserts that the Casamance identity is marked primarily by its culture rooted in the past and defined by an unchanging geography. She emphasizes the differences in values and beliefs between the two main regions of Senegal, the “forest people” of Casamance and their northern counterparts from the “arid zones” (Fall, 2010, p. 9).

3.5.2 Post-independence and the 1980-s

Foucher analyzes The Mouvement des forces Démocratiques de la Casamance (MFDC) and notes that it was essentially an elite led regionalism, calling for the inclusion of Casamançais in the new African political leadership of French Senegal in the late 1940’s and early 1950’s. This he attributes to the agitations which emerged within the post-world war II political liberalization of the French empire. He further argues that the movement then did not have a separatist agenda nor claim to specific identity as of the time it was formed and that it was later that political factionalism took root and influenced the political scene (Foucher, 2011, p. 85).

Humphrey and Mohamed also trace the contemporary regional politics of Casamance to 1947 when a group of multiethnic leaders formed the Mouvement des forces démocratiques de la Casamance (MFDC), aimed at representing the interests of the region. The authors argue that the failure of the state to invest in the region and not living up to the promise to make Casamance the breadbasket of the nation were just some of frustrations that the leaders used to take advantage of the sentiments of the population In addition, the future leader of the MFDC, Fr. Augustin

Diamacoune Senghor,41 in a speech delivered in August 1980, drew on colonial history to lay the ideological foundations for rebellion by asking:

“By what right did France, at the moment of Senegalese independence, attach Casamance to that country? Casamance has no link with Senegal, neither a historical link, nor an economic link nor an ethnic link. It was simply for bureaucratic convenience [for the French] that it was administered together with Senegal”42 (Humphreys & Mohamed, 2003).

Presently, the MFDC is factionalized into different groups and most of the rebels also locally known as ‘maquisards” (guerrillas) are in hiding within the borders of Guinea-Bissau and The Gambia. This cross-border movement of people and goods say Evans, has complicated the conflict situation in Casamance because it has come to include rebels and arms finding their way into the different countries (Evans, 2004, p. 3). The author has earlier traced the growth of the movement from a peaceful protest that was repressed by government, sent underground only for it to emerge as a full blown rebellion (Evans, 2004, p. 2).

3.5.3 Post 1980-s until the late 1990-s

With growing frustrations against the state for their failure to fulfill the promise of economic prosperity and the land tenure disputes that the administration 43could not resolve agitated the population to make demands towards the government. These demands came in the form of

41 Father Augustine Diamacoune Senghor a catholic priest, whose father was also active in the BDS was the spokesperson for the MFDC and also Secretary General. From 1980/81 he wrote letters to the Senegalese authorities, distributed pamphlets and held conferences. Father Diamacoune also resonated with what Aline Sitoé valued, that is unity, freedom and solidarity. Further readings see: De Jong; 1999, Diallo,; 2005, Fall,; 2010, Da costa,; 1991. 42 Diamacoune,“Message de la Reine Aline Sitoé,” MFDC Archives. 43 Evans analyses the estimated time that the grievances started, and important element was the land tenure dispute arising “from application of the 1964 loi sur le domaine national. This gave ownership to the state of all land that was not formally registered (in effect most land), privileging those more able to register legal title – often nordistes benefiting from government patrimony – over local traditional owners, often Diola or Mancagne. Urban growth, agricultural development and hotel construction for the expanding tourist trade led to protests against land expropriations in Ziguinchor and the coastal resort of Cap Skirring”. Further reading on this rebellion and others see Foucher 2002a. 72

peaceful protests. Events in and around 1997 took a turn for the worse as regional antagonism contributed to the already existing problems. The conflict took a violent turn when the MFDC started using landmines and attacking the civilian population (De Jong, 1999, p. 5). Several studies provide a general insight into the causes of the conflict and some researchers who have analyzed its political, economic and social dynamics (Barbier-Wiesser & Pisani, 1994; De Jong, 1999; P. Diédhiou, 2017; Diop & Diouf, 1990; Evans, 2004; Fall, 2010; Geschiere & Van der Klei, 1988; Lambert, 1998; Marut, 1996).

Vincent Foucher has extensively researched on the conflict in Casamance and has dealt with the sociology of armed mobilization and the dynamics of the peace process there. He proposes the following questions as to the claims for separatism by the region. First, he posits whether it is necessary that one has to take into consideration the socio-economic and political inequalities that were experienced by the region which formed the initial agenda for the MFDC before breaking up into factions? He further asks if the separatism is about a specific identity of ethnicity (Diola) which is narrower and more nationalistic or a Casamançais identity which would include other tribes other than the Diola.

Foucher answers these questions by concluding that: “rooted as it is in the networks of Diola literati, the MFDC has not so far been able to go beyond its Diola core and because the state and its resources (ﬁrst of all, education) have come to matter so much for the Diola, the post-2000 revival of the Senegalese state has had a tremendous impact on how the conflict has evolved” (Foucher, 2011, p. 100). Hopkins points out that the possibility of the opposition speaking with ‘one voice’ in a peace negotiation remains the fundamental obstacle to long term peace and stability (G Hopkins, 2013, p. 82).44

441991 Peace Treaty between MFDC and Senegalese Government signed in Guinea Bissau; 1992 Casamance Peace Commission held in Guinea Bissau; 1993 Peace Treaty signed in Ziguinchor; 1998 crisis meeting held in The Gambia between Gambia, Senegal and Guinea Bissau; 1999 peace talks in Banjul resulting in the short-lived January 2000 Resolution; 2003 peace talks resulting in peace deal and amnesty for MFDC; 2004, new MFDC leader rejects Senegal’s amnesty; 2007, ECOWAS produces a conflict prevention framework. The more recent attempts at peace were supported by the then President Jammeh of The Gambia, and the then President Wade of Senegal and mediated by Guinea Bissau and ECOWAS. (Sources: Gambian newspapers 1982-2007.) 73

By the 1990’s the rebellion had turned into a full-blown insurgency and the government of the then president of Senegal Abdou Diouf in response sent government forces to combat the rebels thereby militarizing the conflict (Evans, 2003). As a result, the rebels went on an offensive and attacked military targets as a way of retaliation (Marut, 2000, p. 13). The MFDC was composed of young unemployed youth who had abandoned school, mainly from peasant families, and from all religious backgrounds therefore clearly debunking the allegations by government that it was a religious faction of the Christian southerners against the Muslim northerners (Marut, 2000, p. 13).

3.6 An imagined community with separatist aspirations?

Benedict Anderson’s book “Imagined Communities”, has been significantly instrumental in theorizing the concept of “the nation” as a social construct in which members perceive commonality with others, even when they cannot know them. This popular conceptualization of a nation, in essence what Anderson says, is that the community “has to exist in the imagination of the members which then is construed as a first step in the creation of a nation” (Anderson, 1991). The relevance of imagining ourselves in a community or belonging to a community is essential to our right to live in a certain territory which then grants the people rights to claim sovereignty over that ‘nation’ as a ‘politically constructed notion’.

The concept of nationalism cannot be divorced from the debate surrounding the nation. As the historians Ernest Gellner, Eric Hobsbawm and Benedict Anderson posit “nation and nationalism are products of modernity and have been created as a means to political and economic ends”.45 The debates on nationalism as a political ideology have always generated divergent views and authors such as Gellner steers his argument in the direction that’ nationalism has become the key principle of political legitimacy in our time’. Although his theory has been subjected to diffuse criticism it still remains robust but was later challenged after appraisals by authors like O’Leary

45 Further readings on Nationalism See: Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (revised edition, 1991 London: Verso); Anthony Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986); Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). 74

and McGarry, who criticized Gellner for refusing to treat nationalism seriously as a political doctrine (O’Leary, 1997, p. 203).

In the case of the Casamance, authors explain nationalism in the colonial context thus its peculiar background and peculiarities. Lambert points out that there is a distinction in the political ideology between ethnicity and nationalism and that the latter was effectively ‘delegitimized’ by the OAU preferring a territorial model of nationalism. He further explains that this means that the narrowly defined interests of an ethnic group are not considered legitimate for political mobilization (Lambert, 1998). Although postmodernists and constructivists diverge and see nations as a creation of elites and as a creation of an organic process, respectively, they converge with regards to postcolonial societies and agree that colonial powers created the contemporary ethnic divisions in order to maintain their power (Tombe, 2016, p. 10).

De Jong opines that although ethnicity cannot provide a referral point to understanding African politics, ethnic affiliation is relevant enough to influence political behavior (De Jong, 2002, p. 204). The MFDC justify their separatist intentions for seeking independence from Senegal as early as 1982 in the demonstrations that resulted in several deaths and injuries to the population. According to Foucher, most of the literature on the separatist struggle in Casamance tends to explain the nationalism from the perspective of the regions estrangements and distance from the state (Foucher, 2011, p. 84).46 However, the author pursues the question of Casamance nationalism from the angle of the intensity of the links between the state and Casamance, and traces the roots of its nationalism to the somehow ‘complicated and messy’ history of the formation of the MFDC. He argues that the experiences of education and unfulfilled expectations play a vital role in the nationalism narrative (Foucher, 2011, p. 90). After the MFDC split into two factions, the Front Nord and Front Sud, the Font Nord entered a pact with government while the latter resolved to continue fighting (Nugent, 2007, p. 239). Foucher (2007, p. 7) argues that, the MFDC is unique among the violent sectarian movements and war-oriented movements elsewhere in the continent, given its poorly developed “war economy” and weak external support structures.

46 In this thesis the terms self-determination, separatist and secession will be used interchangeably but not meant to infer any derogatory meaning. 75

Most of those who are educated move to the north of the country to search for employment with the state in jobs in both the private and public sectors. There are also women who have traditionally moved to earn incomes informally and work as house helps in Dakar and other cities in the north. This source of livelihood has encouraged a lot of young women to become ‘migrants’ seeking economic opportunities and these incomes have sustained families and benefited the women. The downside of these migrations is however evident in the deserted villages where only elderly people and children are left to fend for themselves as most young people move to bigger cities searching for greener pastures.

Initially during the beginning of the rebellion, the population did have sympathy for the rebels and voluntarily backed their cause by offering food and shelter as well as monetary contributions. However, with time the relationship between the MFDC and the population has more or less deteriorated because of several factors. One is the fatigue experienced by the population after several years of unresolved conflict that has left several displaced, killed and impoverished. Another reason is that the rebels started using violence and coercion on the people as well as committing crimes and banditry on the same population they claimed to be fighting for. In the same light, government forces sporadically raid villages in the pretext of looking for rebels and bandits. This has led to a lot of resentment as the population feel that they are on the receiving end of both the rebels and the government forces with the constant harassment in the cycle of never ending violence.

Are the Casamançais therefore an imagined community that seeks to be but cannot be a nation? Scholars like De Jong have questioned the extent to which the MFDC has attracted followers beyond the Diola ethnic group, and whether the rebellion can be classified as nationalistic. He argues that the movement was initially dominated by the Diola but in fact does not get the support of all the Diola, and further states that the movement can be justified to be ‘ethnicized’ as repression from the state united the Diola in armed opposition (De Jong, 1999, p. 8). In an inspiring book on the relative lack of meaningful separatisms in Africa, Englebert (2009, p. 156), argues that Casamance separatism has stalled because it has been essentially ‘illusory’ as they have been using the separatist claim to seek incorporation into the Senegalese state.

Mark Deets who is researching on the space, place and culture in the Casamance, describes the imagined community from a sports perspective where he links the separatist movement and the famous football club in the area, Casa-Sport. The scholar’s narrative traces the contours between ‘imagining and performing the Casamançais nation separate from Senegal’ when soccer and separatism was gaining prominence in the 1970’s. According to his research on the use of the Nema stadium in Ziguinchor by the population as a place where they could air their political grievances against the Senegalese state, he analyses the relationship between the imagination and the place. As well as using the ‘Nema’ stadium to play soccer by their club which was represented in the Senegalese premier league provided justification for their separatist intentions. After all, according to Deets (2016, p. 359), the supporters of Casa-Sport were the same supporters of the MFDC, thus the stadium represented a political space for them. The MFDC therefore tried to construct the Casamance in the stadium against Senegal thus linking the space to Casamance nationalism, but concludes that, the stadium was in fact a place for multiple, simultaneous and national imaginations (Deets, 2016, p. 371).

3.7 Structural and proximate causes of the conflict

The Casamance conflict is assumed to have been triggered by various factors which have so far been, unable to fully explain why there has been a lack of integration and utilization of existing empirical data that can assist in formulating functioning policy interventions to resolve the stalemate. Statistically, Sub-Saharan Africa has been identified as the home to the largest number of conflicts since the post-cold war era. According to UNICEF, unlike the 1960’s and 1970’s where most of the war related deaths were in Asia, these now occur in Africa (UNICEF, 2019). The Armed Conflict Survey 2015 published by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) estimates that the number of deaths caused by conflict had risen to over 180,000 and millions displaced. Collier and Hoeffler also note that the rise of conflict on the continent has prompted attention to the security situation and the rise of rebel movements which threaten populations which are already living on the margins (Paul Collier & Hoeffler, 2002, p. 13). Corresponding literature on rebel or guerrilla movements and their relationships to the societies they are found in have attributed their motivation to rebel to be associated with among other factors economic incentives, coercion and ethnic mobilization (Clapham, 2007; Paul Collier & Hoeffler, 2002; Herbst, 2000). 77

Based on similar arguments Jeffery Herbst who is professor of Politics and International Affairs investigates the role that rebels play in organizing a violent threat to the state and concludes that economic agenda is more explicit in revolts now than was before 1989 (Herbst, 2000). Furthering this argument, Keen from a political scientist perspective suggests that in the post-cold war period, ‘war has increasingly become the continuation of economics by other means’. However, the author makes the exception of pointing out that ideologically committed leaders such as Mao Zedong and Ché Guevara banned economic violence among their forces thus managing to produce highly disciplined movements (Keen, 1998, p. 33).

3.7.1 Analysis of the conflict in Casamance

Conflict’s classical definition in the oxford dictionary is ‘a serious disagreement or argument, typically a protracted one’. It may be argued that both the states of being at conflict and at peace are relative to the conditions associated with the dimension of the situation. In politics, conflict is more explicitly defined. Conflict is said to exist when two or more groups engage in a struggle over values and claims to status, power and resources in which the aims of the opponents are to neutralize, injure or eliminate the rivals (De Jong, 2005). Armed conflict is defined as ‘a contested incompatibility that concerns government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one is the government of a state’(UCDP, 2018). The definition implies that armed conflicts are domestic and fought within an existing sovereign state (Kalyvas, 2007, p. 416). Theobald (2016, p. 14) opines that these armed conflicts are about a clearly defined territory and population as well as defined authority.

Depending on local circumstances conflicts usually have several root causes and cannot be clustered or explained in a general way. So as to fill the gap in existing literature, a critical examination of both contemporary, and historical events is necessary to be able to draw the relationships between the different dynamics of each conflict. By analyzing the synthesis between economic, political, environmental factors as well as acknowledging deep historical factors, the chapter sheds light on understanding the genesis of the conflict in Casamance. This may also assist in moving beyond mere rhetoric to institutional practice in conflict prevention programs.

In Casamance the conflict has prolonged for more than three decades and the underlying reasons have been attributed to the political and economic marginalization of the area in terms of development and historical grievances that date back to pre-colonial times.

3.7.2 The women of Casamance in times of conflict

The question may arise as to how women affect conflict, peace and security. In times of conflict women and children bear the burden of war and thus the women’s roles shift from the feeding, rearing and healing to include becoming breadwinners and principal decision makers for the family. With the men away, they have to shoulder these responsibilities thus in their various ways contribute to how the conflict progresses. There is also the reality of women being active stakeholders in the escalation or de-escalation of conflict that cannot be ignored. Goldstein (Goldstein, 2009) points out that, ‘masculine war roles depend on feminine roles in the war system, including as mothers, wives and sweethearts’. Women play an active role in armed conflicts as cooks, porters, health workers and as administrators and spies (Rajivan & Senarathne, 2011, p. 115). In none state armies abducted women and girls are forced to become wives and sex slaves of the combatants (Mazurana & Carlson, 2004).

In the case of the conflict in Casamance, the women’s role during the early stages of the rebellion can be described as crucial to the formation of the rebel army because it was the Priestesses of the sacred groves (Usana) that conducted the oath taking ceremonies for the combatants. Once the oath is taken it can only be reversed in another ceremony. De Jong (1999, p. 9)points out that women certainly contributed to the guerrilla activities through discretion with the men’s actions. The priestesses are said to wield supernatural powers and conduct these oath taking ceremonies for the young men in the sacred groves of the forest. These groves are important locations in Diola villages and only accessible to initiated adult men and adherence to the rules of secrecy is paramount (De Jong, 1999, p. 21). One of the renowned historical figures in Diola tradition is Alioune Sitowe Diatta, who was a prophetess and considered a resistance heroine by the Diola and was also considered an important part of the MFDC ideology (De Jong, 1999, p. 12).47 In this

47 For more insights into the life of Alioune Sitowe Diatta see, .Baum, Robert. West Africa’s Women of God: Alioune Sitowe and the Diola Prophetic Tradition, (2016) Indiana University Press Bloomington Indiana. 79

aspect the women can be said to have been instrumental in the initiation of combatants thus creating what De Jong refers to a ‘rite of passage’ for the combatants to take up arms.

Authors comparative analysis on African insurgencies concludes that’ forest rebels in both colonial and post -colonial state adapt the idiom of initiation so as to make it compatible with their politico- military objectives’ therefore a common practice with African insurgencies (De Jong, 2002). Unlike other insurgencies where women have participated as combatants, there seem to be little or no evidence showing women’s physical participation in the military wing of MFDC. To redeem themselves after initially supporting the rebels, the women opted to form peace organizations from the grassroots as their contribution towards facilitating peace building activities. This is evident in the numerous women groups and organizations or associations existing within Casamance and outside focusing on peace work.

3.7.3 The role of colonization, ethnicity, politics and economic marginalization

3.7.3.1 Colonization The early warning or action model proposed by Davies and Gurr regard the structural causes of violence as ‘background conditions’ or ‘tensions’ which they say form the long term risk assessment of a potential crisis (Nathan, 2002, p. 193). French West Africa colonial rule officially lasted 65 years, from 1895 to 1960. Empirically, military expansion lasted from 1854 to 1903, pacification from 1854 to 1929, and effective occupation from 1904 to 1960, hence it was officially created in 1895 as a federation of colonies of West Africa, though conquest was not yet achieved as the federal government became effective in 1904 (Huillery, 2009, p. 179). When the French took over Casamance agricultural production was mainly in rice production. Although the imposition of peanut agriculture by the colonial administration was resisted by the population, it was an important source of revenue for the French exchequer which needed the raw material from the colonies for their own industrialization process.

The late integration of the region of Casamance to French rule may be considered a factor that has contributed to the conflict. Historian and analysts attribute the ethnic and cultural composition of the people in the southern part of Senegal as hugely diverse and regional identity plays an important role in identity politics therefore contributing to the factors surrounding the conflict (Gehrold & Neu, 2010, p. 80). On the other hand, Awenengo posits that: 80

“the idea of a separation of the Casamance from the rest of Senegal arose during the process of decolonization… and therefore that the claims of the current armed independence movement are in fact part of a longer, more ambivalent history in which a separatist imaginary of the Casamance took shape” (Awenengo, 2020, p. 67).

3.7.3.2 Ethnicity The political discourse surrounding the conflict has been largely dominated by the local media and the politicians from Dakar and Casamance peddle the rhetoric describing the conflict as having religious connotations therefore effectively undermining the seriousness of the situation. The common complaint by the media is that Dakar dispatched what the media nicknamed the ‘Casamance men’ who sought to buy peace by paying off rebels rather than by addressing the root causes of the conflict for a long time (Reuters News). This has resulted in further fractionalization of the rebel groups as the ‘cash and kind’ offers lure some of its leaders and further distracts the efforts to a sustainable solution to the conflict.

To reduce the conflict to ethnicity or religion is an injustice for the overall population of the Casamance who have had to bear the consequences of this conflict. Analysts do not deny that religion plays a part in the narrative considering that to this end, this literature addresses the religious phenomenon from two main angles: the influence of maraboutic or coniferous Islam and the resulting tension with Catholicism on the one hand, and the role of "sacred groves" on the other hand (P. Diédhiou, 2017, p. 65). However, the reality is that using religion as a scapegoat to the real problems does not in any way alleviate the situation. Other scholars attribute the ‘wolofization’ of young Diola by the influence of language, music and dressing since independence is a source of concern especially to the older generation as they see it as a threat to Diola culture and may result in its relegation to the back.

3.7.3.3 Economic marginalization In Sub Saharan Africa the combination of the political exclusion of specific communities and ethnic groups in relation to a shared group perception of deprivation that results from political decision making has become an explosive cocktail that underlies many violent conflicts in the continent (Douma, 2006, p. 59). The continent is faced with the challenges of chronic corruption and Poverty and there is a notable disparity between the few elites who control the usually scarce 81

economic resources, as well as the rest of the population which is often alienated and discriminated from having access to the same resources. With rising populations and the competition for land for development, grazing fields as well as low agricultural capacity of rural dwellers coupled with unpredictable climate changes has seen a rise of rural urban migration into cities where young people are seeking for employment. It is therefore livelihood crisis that drive most young men to seek alternative sources of incomes coupled with rising food insecurity and a general feeling of being disaffected with the future, that drives them into joining rebellions. This perhaps gives them a sense of belonging and purpose for their life.

In his in-depth analysis of what drives violent conflict in Africa, Douma illustrates with the example of Casamance and identifies that the loss of control over important resources as a factor that can trigger conflict. As for the case of the Diola, land, which they use for cultivating rice, that has now been expropriated by the state and fishing which are of cultural significance to them, have been contentious issues in the history of the conflict. He further notes that other moves such as the lay-offs of local population from the public sector where the locals were replaced by ‘foreigners’ from the North left a large part of Diola youth unemployed therefore forcing them to return to their villages. In conclusion the author attributes socio economic marginalization, impact of the new constitution on land distribution, and expansion of modern economic activities such as tourism that have marginalized the local population and raised resentment towards government thus escalating the crisis (Douma, 2006, p. 66).

Resource allocation determines how a region will develop especially within the context of how African politics are played out. Using kleptocracy and neo-patrimonialism to run states has cost many a nation immense loss in human and natural resources. In Casamance there is general lack of infrastructure and development mainly because the conflict has hampered advancement of the area and also the state has been perceived to marginalize the area thus leaving the people languishing in poverty and lacking in basic infrastructure such as roads, health facilities and schools.

3.7.3.4 Politics Politics are always central to why conflicts occur and can determine how they will end. Natural resources and the struggle to control them have an impact on these conflicts. Macartan Humphreys

researching from a political scientist’s view, utilizes the resource- conflict link to describe the rebel greed hypothesis and seeks to understand the relationship between resource dependence and violence (Humphreys, 2003). In the same discourse highly influential research by the scholars Collier and Hoeffler at the World Bank suggests that, countries whose wealth is largely dependent on the exportation of primary commodities, a category that includes both agricultural produce and natural resources are highly prone to civil violence (Humphreys, 2003). Nevertheless, this does not explain the conflict in Casamance. Clearly there are no natural resources that the rebels can expropriate to fund their activities apart from the illegal activity of timber logging. Secondly there has not been sufficient evidence to indicate that the rebels are being funded by external sources other than previously alleged involvement and sympathy from the government of Guinea Bissau. The only explanation according to critics is the lack of political goodwill by the government to address the grievances which will help to end this conflict. The state has sufficient means to end the confrontations but because it underestimated the capacity of the MFDC to continue the resistance, this therefore resulting in an unnecessary prolongation of the crisis. The allegations that the state is paying of faction leaders also undermines the efforts towards finding a peaceful and sustainable solution. With the third democratically elected president Macky Sall (2012-present) also pledging to address the conflict this is yet to be seen. President Sall is currently in his second five year term yet there have been no significant steps taken to have an open and honest dialogue about the issues in the region, and the people in Casamance cannot yet put to behind the nightmare of the conflict.

3.7.3.5 Internally displaced persons (IDP’s) Conflict brings with it human consequences such as casualties and mortalities. It also displaces huge numbers of people who escape the insecurities that the conflict has presented (R. Cohen & Deng, 1998; Hampton, 2014; Stickley & Stickley, 2010). The conflict in Casamance has also resulted in populations moving across the border to The Gambia and Guinea Bissau in search of safe spaces for their families. Internal displacement affects the most vulnerable among its population which end up being the women, elderly persons and children. Malnutrition and sexual and gender based violence become threats to the safety of these groups. With no legal status these IDP’s become the target of traffickers and as Birganie (2010) observes, the countries that they

retreat to do not have the capabilities or enough international support to sustain them they end up having their human rights violated in addition to their displacement.

In Casamance the conflict has displaced hundreds of families48 and destabilized the economy of the region. The conflict has also to a large scale affected the local population caught up in the hostilities between the state and the insurgents. Figures from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center49 for 2018 show the total number of displaced people in Senegal to be about 22,000. An important observation though is that between the years 2013-2018 there were no new cases of displacements. This is because by 2013 the violence resulting from the conflict had de-escalated and there were fewer reportages of civilians being displaced from their homes.

3.8 Conclusions

This chapter has focused on the historical and political development of not only the conflict in Casamance but the actors and the spoilers who continue to play a role in its continuance. Recapping the pre-colonial and postcolonial histories of Senegal, The Gambia and Guinea Bissau, the chapter has traced the intricate overlapping of the histories of the three countries and how each country has played a role directly or indirectly in the current conflict. In the analysis it can be concluded that all the factors contributing to the intractability of the conflict have to be resolved at each level as a way of addressing how best the conflict can be ended. Socio-economic grievances, political dynamics, environmental factors and historical injustices are some of the factors identified in understanding the genesis of the conflict. It is evident that as long as the border tensions remain, grievances of the population are unaddressed, poverty and frustration especially of young people if not tackled, and rampant insecurity as a result of banditry and crime on the rise will continue to affect the attainment of sustainable peace in the Casamance.

It is better for the state to address these underlying issues and engage all parties involved constructively to ensure the return of peace in the area. Unless and until governments show

48 Chris Simpson &Mamadou Diallo, between war and peace: forgotten conflicts-Casamance. August 3, 2015. Retrieved from https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/feature/2015/08/03/between-war-and-peace accessed 14 June 2017. 49 URL: https://www.internal-displacement.org/countries/senegal accessed 2 April 2020. 84

commitment as well as show and act with political goodwill, then the conflict in Casamance will continue to be a problem for not only Senegal but also its neighbors. Dialogue and addressing the insecurities that the population face can be considered a starting point towards resolving the crisis. This will need the collective efforts of the community and the state by involving all stakeholders so that a compromise may be found if peace and development for the region is to be achieved. In the next chapter the empirical analysis will examine the role of women in Peacebuilding and how the use of traditional methods for conflict resolution is practiced among the Diola of Casamance.

Chapter 4: Women and politics of peacebuilding

4.1 Introduction

Having traced the historical development of the conflict in Casamance in the previous chapter, this current chapter seeks to highlight how politics directly or indirectly affects women’s participation in peacebuilding in Casamance. A section on how women mobilize themselves for peacebuilding activities will focus on their success and challenges. Furthermore, the chapter will examine the traditional methods of conflict resolution used by the women groups in Casamance and analyze the impact on the community on peacebuilding efforts.

4.2 Where are the women?

Conflict is a public interest concern and if there are parties willing to intervene towards its resolution processes then there is a need to engage directly with all stakeholders. Ogadimma and David (2017, p. 2) in their work present lessons from conflict contexts such as Sudan and Sierra Leone and highlight how women were able to break through ‘prejudiced gendered cultural institutions’ to be able to participate in peace processes through their collective resilience and participation in the public space in a compelling manner . The authors writing from a sociologist perspective argue that in order to change the existing gender images and the role of women in public space, it is necessary to go beyond political tokenism of including women for meaningful participation and instead engage women in changing the public perception of their role as a strategic entry point for the implementation of the UNSCR 1325 (Ogadimma & David, 2017).

Women have also informally engaged in mediation collectively while networking as groups through adding voice as well as pressure through dialogue which has proved instrumental in bringing parties to the peace table. Due to their experiences, they understand the cost of conflict, therefore taking it upon themselves to say enough is enough. One such case is the women groups in Rwanda which were extremely critical in facilitating dialogue between the Hutus and the Tutsis after the genocide. Murungi (2014) analyzes the situation in Rwanda and concludes that women negotiated peace settlements with their menfolk as well as became active participants in the peace and reconciliation programs run by the Unity and Reconciliation commission. These efforts were rewarded with sustainable peace which steered the country towards forgiveness and reconciliation.

Scholars and experts of International peacebuilding continue to appreciate John Lederach’s (2015) assertion that understanding conflict and advancing methods that can resolve it needs the recognition and respect of the cultural knowledge of a community. Funk contends in the same vein that, every cultural community has its own vernacular language for conflict and its resolution with values and beliefs that give the cultural knowledge legitimacy and significance (Funk, 2012, p. 398). All members of society are affected directly or indirectly by conflict and the ultimate desire for peace becomes a societal responsibility that may act as a driving force for change and establishing genuine and sustainable peace.

UNIFEM in a study carried out between January 1990 and January 2015 examined what a ‘gender perspective’ in peace agreements might mean and produced data from 1,168 peace agreements involving 102 conflicts (Bell, 2017, p. 5). Literature on peace work recognizes the various ways women engage in peace processes such as through mediation teams as well as delegates of negotiating parties. Conteh-Morgan, a political scientist who has researched on Political transitions and democratization in Africa argues from a Constructivist position, that community based grassroots peacebuilding should involve the large segment of the society that actively participates or are victims of conflict so as to foster human security (Conteh-Morgan, 2005, p. 79). The social burden that conflict places on women has driven them to shouldering responsibility for matters that are traditionally considered the domain of men. The example of two women groups that successfully used mediation to achieve the end to the conflict illustrates that the society approach to conflict resolution is a positive initiative. Some researchers have argued that involving women in conflict resolution can help to prevent those societies from being submerged into conflict in the future.50 Verveer, who is executive director of the Institute for Women, Peace and Security at Georgetown University, and Anjali Dayal an Assistant professor at Fordham University, argue that women are the key to peace and advocate for the United Nations to pursue meaningful peace settlements by “formally linking Track 1 and Track 11 peace processes”.51 The authors argue that connecting the

50 Why women should have a greater role in peacebuilding. 26 May 2015. URL: https://www.weforum.org/agenda/authors/liezelle-kumalo. accessed 17 June 2018 51 Foreign Policy Women Are the Key to Peace. https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/11/08/women-are-the-key-to- peace/ accessed 19 November 2018. 87

formal and informal tracks is “essential to ensure that women’s voices are heard”. These processes are diplomacy methods adopted by the UN as a result of the complexity of the various interstate and intrastate conflicts to try and resolve these conflicts. Mapendere (2000), a researcher in the field presents a discussion on the importance of clarifying the definitions and concurring with De Magalhae͂ s definitions (1988) describing Track 1 Diplomacy as:

“Track II Diplomacy coined by Montville is referred to as ‘unofficial, informal interaction between members of adversary groups working to develop strategies towards negotiation that might help resolve conflict” (Montville, 1991).52

In recent decades research continues to show that women’s groups are able to meaningfully influence peace processes notes Olivia Holt-Ivry. The author who is a former director of Inclusive Security contributes to the debate by saying that in more recent studies new research reveals that women’s groups can help by bringing the warring parties to the peace table and defining the terms of the ceasefire for sustainable peace.53 In advocating for the case of inclusion of women, Holt- Ivry et al suggest that when women participate in peace processes, they frequently raise issues of gender equality and women’s rights thereby effectively contributing to strengthening the representativeness and legitimacy of the new political order that follows (Olivia, Muehlenbeck, & Barsa, 2017, p. 7).

Why support women in peacebuilding?

The discourse on the role of women in peacebuilding has not evolved much in the last two decades when women organizations were making the same demands towards greater involvement in the peace efforts. In 1999 women who had grouped themselves were adding a voice and were demanding that it is only through the improvement of health, education and development that the march towards any peacebuilding can begin. Today, three decades later, not much has changed for the communities living in Casamance. Apart from a decrease in attacks, the problems of marginalization as well as socio economic grievances continue to be the real problem that plagues

52 Extensive literature on Track diplomacy is available see Volkan, 1992, Stain and Lewis, 1996, Agha, et al. 2003, Kaye and Dassa. 2007. 53 URL:http:/Foreignpolicy.com/2018/08/24/women-make-peace-stick. accessed 9 November 2018. 88

the area. The interest of women in mobilizing the community for peace has been instrumental in raising awareness and continues to contribute to responding to the conflict. De Jong has long emphasized that the fact that traditional institutions are constituted by anthropological knowledge does not make these practices less authentic (De Jong, 2005). In further support of this argument, the author emphasizes that, there is ‘a place for tradition within environments that are usually associated with modernity’ (De Jong, 2007). He explores how the complexities of rituals can be affected by the changing practices in society especially the nature of these (mystical) ceremonies. Although his works focuses on male initiation rituals in particular, it can be used to mirror how ceremonies are perceived especially in their context of secrecy. Meanwhile Foucher and Beck (2009, p. 96) contend that, there is a need to analyze the context of the use of these traditional methods while acknowledging that there is a need to use them as complementary to other conventional methods in promoting conflict resolution.

I argue that supporting women is supporting peace because it becomes a big deal in the communities that these women work in and every effort adds to the overall peacebuilding process. Fieldwork conducted in both rural and urban areas of Senegal for this research indicated strongly that the population in Casamance feels like the conflict has been polarized as ‘them versus us’ or Senegal and Casamance’ issue. Most of the respondents expressed the opinion that if only the conflict in Casamance was treated as a ‘national issue’ rather than a ‘regional issue’ which does not affect the greater geography of the country then a solution would have been found a long time ago. Public opinion is further convinced that unless and until the people of Senegal acknowledge the problem in the region is a problem affecting the whole country, and are more proactive in finding a solution, then the situation of no peace no war will prevail. They partly blamed the media for being biased in their reportage.54

It is necessary to point out that in the earlier years of the conflict until the mid-2000’s, the media coverage on Casamance was mainly state operated newspaper and television. This therefore had the effect of depicting the conflict in negative terms and demonizing the entire region which in a

54 Focus group discussion, 5th September 2018. 89

way contributed towards the attitude that people in the ‘north’ have about Casamance55. On a more optimistic note since the media became more democratized and new private media houses engaged more directly with the population, a different perspective to the conflict has emerged and influenced the events surrounding the conflict. It has provided a ‘voice from the inside’ as the population would like to describe how the local radio and television engages in the dialogue.56

The ramifications for supporting women in peacebuilding efforts go beyond benefiting a community as it can transcend to national and regional levels. The dynamism that women have as a group can contribute to peacebuilding agency through their sharing of experiences, obstacles encountered, and lessons learned to add a voice and bridge the overwhelming absence of their political participation. Porter (2003, p. 258) notes that, peace and justice are connected and integral to peacebuilding processes and women peace-builders at the grassroots levels such as in Casamance understand the process to involve healing, forgiveness, justice, inclusivity plus reconciliation as a way to promote dialogue.

4.3 Popular mobilization by women

Most researchers in the field of gender and development agree that when women are empowered and possess basic rights and opportunities, then there is the likely hood that this can have positive effects on the economy (Byrne, Matyók, Scott, & Senehi, 2019; World Bank, 2018). According to a recent study by the International Monetary Fund on the economic gains of gender inclusion, the presence of women in labor force creates diversity which is beneficial to economic growth (Ostry, Alvarez, Espinoza, & Papageorgiou, 1998). This inclusion can have a positive outcome as women gain financial freedom and are able to contribute to the economic improvement of their families.

With a view to ensuring that peace building is effective citing the example of Casamance, the participation of women at the domestic level becomes an important intersection between the realization of durable peace and the failure to achieve this peace. Theodora- Ismene Gizelis who is professor at the Department of Government, University of Essex in the United Kingdom

55 Interview, 27 August 2018. 56 Interview, 1st September 2018. 90

accentuates the negligible importance that women’s work in peacebuilding has received in research despite their active participation in peace work (Gizelis, 2011). The author further notes that social networks and civil society play an important role which is equally overlooked by the more visible humanitarian operations conducted by agencies such as the UN. How can women group interventions therefore be used to achieve sustainable and durable peace in Casamance?

The analysis from the research suggests that women have always come together to financially empower each other albeit in an informal manner. In one of the focus group discussions held in Ziguinchor the respondents had formed a self-help group that enabled them to save money which they used to complement other economic sources. One of the respondent57 informed me that each month the women in her group numbering forty, saved five thousand francs each which was then collected and distributed to a different individual every time. She further explained that when she received her share of the payment, she was able to start a poultry business which now provides her with an extra income. This avenue where women are able to come together provides a space for them to discuss issues affecting them as women and an opportunity for them to gain knowledge from their peers. Such activities also create an opportunity for the women to discuss issues affecting them as a community and discussing peacebuilding and how they can contribute to it.

4.3.1 Social networks in Casamance

In Casamance it is no exception as women have equally been at the forefront of engaging in peacebuilding activities in the duration of the conflict. Women have been visible in the public sphere of peacebuilding since the 1990’s when the population faced social and economic problems (Hellerström, 2018, p. 5). Women have also always maintained strong bonds among themselves because of the common activities that bring them together as a community. Some of the activities that brings these women together and nurtures not only their personal relationships but gives them an opportunity to help each other is belonging to the various social and economic groups. These groups serve multiple purposes for the women as their shared interests drive them to articulate

57 Focus group discussions, 15 August 2018. 91

their needs in the community. These communities are linked through shared marriage, clan affiliations, religion and ethnicities.

Collective activities especially those related to traditional ceremonies are the most common places to find women harnessing their resources to support each other. For example,58when there is need for a family to send their child for higher education and they have no financial capacity, then the community comes together and raises funds to help the family. It is also at events such as cultural festivals that community leaders take the opportunity to raise issues of mutual interest and since the peacebuilding process has been continuously ongoing in Casamance any opportunity that presents itself to discuss what may be beneficial to the community is welcomed. The women59 come together and volunteer to help with different tasks leading to the various cultural festivals. This show of solidarity creates the bonds that tie the community. It is such bonds that the women find the voice to articulate their concerns. In this process the women create networks sometimes consciously, and at other times unconsciously that they use to address issues that affect them. The positive effect of these important interconnections can be extended to the wider society and are visible when these networks are to mobilize themselves for events. This can be seen among the women groups in Casamance that have come together under the umbrella of PFPC to work together towards peacebuilding by having joint activities and presenting themselves as having the ultimate goal of seeing a peaceful Casamance. The membership of PFPC is diverse as women groups involved in different social and economic activities have come together on a platform to promote peace.

The women groups in Casamance use these social networks to mobilize at the grassroots level which become particularly important focal points that can be channeled for the sake of peace and development for their communities. The underestimated use of the agency of women to empower and engage as stakeholders in peacebuilding in the region has relegated their significant mobilization skills to the rear. Analysis from the field60 suggests that the sidelining of the activities of the women of the bois sacré has been detrimental to the possible resolution of the stalemate

58 Interview, 13 July 2018. 59 Interview, 17 July 2018. 60 Interview, 10 July 2019. 92

between the rebels and the state. As the women of the bois sacré have direct contact with the rebels this crucial link has been underutilized or ignored by the state therefore resulting in the prolonged stalemate in finding a solution to the conflict.

This involvement of women at the micro level of peacebuilding is a critical link to the resolution of the conflict. The respondent informed me that the rebels have trust in the women of the bois sacré and have given audience on several occasions. This is an important observation as the MFDC do not directly have contact with outsiders and only give statements through their spokesperson61. It is one of the reasons that women who actively participate in these social networks refuse to give up their agency to act and therefore continue to be a voice for the others who do not have the platforms to do so. This has led to more involvement of women on the political and decision- making levels although their visibility still remains an obstacle to their full participation in political spaces Research and earlier studies (Achieng, 1998; Henderson, 1995; Sørensen, 1998; Villanueva, 1995) have portrayed women as being principally involved in initiatives towards peacebuilding.

These social networks are represented in different groups and they have activities targeted at their members ranging from purely economic small and medium scale businesses to providing small loans for startups. Other groups engage in capacity building of women for leadership such as the work pioneered by Usoforal. Other groups empower women to develop their farming and agricultural skills to help them get more yields. All these activities that cluster women around common interests and goals have been instrumental in creating strong grassroot networks in Casamance. 4.3.2 Civil society platforms and grassroots activities

Women in Casamance, like other women around the world wear different caps for different occasions. Often women find themselves taking the role of head of household (often in times of conflict or when widowed), mother, wife, leader, mediator, negotiator, peace activists and

61 In October 2019 Abdou Elinkine Diatta, the spokesperson for the MFDC was assassinated by unknown persons as he attended a traditional ceremony in Mlomp, about 40km from Ziguinchor. See URL: https://www.axadletimes.com/ax-africa/ax-west-africa/senegal-a-rebel-leader-of-casamance-shot-by- strangers.html#axzz6DY4N9s89. accessed 3 February 2020. 93

humanitarian and not to mention social workers (Nakaya, 2003, p. 460). These multiple roles that women play cannot be disregarded as each role can have independent impact on the society. The women groups in Casamance have over the years mobilized themselves for the sake of peace for the region. This is evident from the number of women organizations that exist in Casamance and the regional efforts that are visible in consolidating peace62. This participation and commitment of these women groups through their activities reflects the serious-minded nature of how their work seeks to promote women empowerment in terms of acquiring skills, capacity building to improve their economic and social welfare as they cope with how the conflict has affected their lives.

Civil society has had a strong presence in Casamance and is represented by the various local and international NGO’s. The visibility of several projects supported by funding from these organizations has made Casamance dependent on them for social and economic programs ( see sub-chapter 5.5.3 The United States Agency for International Development (USAID)). Thania Paffenholz who researches in peacebuilding and the role of development in conflict settings acknowledges the relationship between peacebuilding and the role that civil society has to play and notes their effectiveness and contribution in the several phases of peacebuilding by way of monitoring, advocacy, socialization, social cohesion, facilitation, and service delivery. In her analysis she further identifies several factors that can be attributed to the success or failure of civil society in their role as intermediaries and observed the existence of an imbalance between implemented civil society activities and their relevance to peacebuilding (Paffenholz & Spurk, 2010). Unfortunately, in Casamance there is no evaluation mechanism that can trace the impact of the civil society involvement. However, USAID63 in collaboration with PartnersGlobal, is currently implementing a project titled ‘Unaam kayraay: engaging civil society for peace in the Casamance’. This project is currently involving the three countries of Senegal, The Gambia and Guinea Bissau with the aim of strengthening the capacity of civil society to raise awareness of

62 The African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS) in collaboration with the Women’s Forum for Peace in Casamance (PFPC), and the Guinea-Bissau Women political platform (PPMGG) organized a women peace table for the first time on 31st October 2019 in The Gambia. URL:https://www.acdhrs.org/2019/11/women-peace-table-consolidating-efforts-for-the-stability-of-peace-in gambia-senegal-and-guinea-bissau/ accessed 10 February 2020. 63 Further information can be found on URL: https://www.partnersglobal.org/program/engaging-civil-society-for- peace-in-the-casamance/ accessed 10 February 2020. 94

peace and security. This project is also consorting with local organizations such as PFPC, TOSTAN and Partners West Africa Senegal (PWAS) towards the creation of national and international networks of women advocates for peace in Casamance.64

Critical analysis of the role of civil society reveals that it is nearly impossible to separate the political capitalization or the material and economic context of those funding these projects as this is intertwined in the development narrative. Foucher (2009) acknowledges that integration of civil society in the efforts to resolve the conflict has created a good opportunity for women’s visibility and boosted gender representation. In Casamance the visibility of the women groups’ efforts is reflected in the various activities that are dedicated to raising awareness on peace and security such as the solidarity marches held during celebrations of the World Peace day on 8th March each year.65

4.3.3 Political mobilization and women empowerment schemes

Women as members of society make their own contributions towards peacebuilding as actors and agents of change despite these efforts being underrated or undocumented. Popular mobilization, participation and leadership by women pushing the agenda for their inclusion in decision-making and politics and creates an avenue for them to amplify their voices. However, the opportunities for women to be at these leadership and decision making levels have been few mainly due to the international, regional and national community’s lack of commitment to involve women more actively (Castillejo, 2016, p. 1). Mindzie whose research focuses on peace and security asserts that the problem of giving women positions out of ‘tokenism’ raises the question of their competence and quality of representation (Mindzie, 2015, p. 4). This can lead to women being taken to be unserious and their contributions watered-down.

Academic research has shown that women on their part have been disadvantaged by their lack of capacity to participate at political level because of several obstacles such as lack of finances, experience in politics, lack of information that can empower them to make the right decisions,

64URL:https://www.partnersglobal.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/UNAAM-KAYRAAY-one-pager-FINAL.pdf accessed 10 February 2020. 65 See URL: https://foroyaa.gm/womens-platform-for-peace-in-casamance-celbrates-world-peace-day/ accessed 10 February 2020. 95

together with patriarchal traditional practices which hinder their general participation in public service (Stam, 2011, p. 339). Religion too, under the control of men plays a significant role in undermining women and oppressing them as a way of preventing them from participating in matters affecting the community. The level of engagement of women in theological conversations or in leadership especially at grassroots level has been documented by Susan Hayward and Katherine Marshall where the authors acknowledge how religious institutions are structurally dominated by men, therefore creating participation barriers for women and diminishing their ability to take action (K. Marshall, Hayward, Zambra, Breger, & Jackson, 2011).

In Casamance as observed above, women have been able to mobilize themselves in social forums and contributed to their community development. The mobilization of different groups under one umbrella such as the case of PFPC reflects the ways in which women are playing a role in peacebuilding in Casamance. Members share the objective of finding a lasting solution to the conflict in Casamance through the joint activities that they organize as a way of advocating for peace. In order for women to build bridges in the community they have to be visible at decision making levels, but the opportunities have been limited as most of those at the grassroots level operate in informal ways, away from the radar of the state or development agencies. Research indicates that it is necessary to incorporate a gender perspective when addressing the role that women can play in peacebuilding and peace negotiations.66

Working across the dividing factors such as ethnicity and religion, the women in Casamance have used their various platforms to advocate for their inclusion in the peace process in a more practical way. Working with civil society fora has provided the women with an avenue for visibility. For example, during data collection I was able to interview some respondents during a public forum organized by the PFPC at one of the local primary schools. During this forum the respondents67 pointed out that whenever such forums were organized it enabled the women to remember the necessity of their participation in the peacebuilding process as a way of keeping the idea of a peaceful Casamance alive.

66 The role of women in conflict prevention, conflict and post-conflict situations has been spelled out by CEDAW in its general recommendation No. 30, CEDAW/C/GC/30, 1 November 2013. 67 Interview, 25 July 2019. 96

Politics and gender exist paradoxically and as some commentators have presented the argument that the study and practice of politics have been masculine undertakings (Squires, 2007). The perception of politics as a cradle for corruption and a sphere where older men dictate what happens initially discouraged the few women who aspired to seek political participation. However, the situation has now changed as more women attempt to grow as leaders beyond their own constituencies. The efforts of women groups mobilizing not only their fellow women but also including other community members in a common struggle to see the end of the conflict in Casamance led to the formation of strong platforms and networks that are agitating for lasting peace in Casamance (see sub-chapter 5.2 Local actors using networks for peace).

The role of politics cannot be separated from the peace building efforts in Casamance as the conflict goes beyond what the community can do to what the state has to do. Ethnographic studies that have been conducted focusing on the social and cultural practices of the Diola in Casamance reveals that rice cultivation plays an important role in the community (L. Diédhiou, 2004; P. Diédhiou, 2017; O. F. Linares, 1970). Linares (2009, p. 54) describes rice as, ‘a symbol of ethnicity of continuity and of all that is traditionally Diola’. My field research coincided with the rice cultivation season and some of the interviews were conducted while the women were out harvesting the rice in the fields. Other scholars such as Baum (1999) discusses Diola religious and social organization as his research in anthropology of religion has been extensive over many years and provides an insight into the social organization of the Diola communities. The author further contends that the community being agrarian practice rice farming and explains that since the Diola are adherents of traditional religion they have shrines for both men and women thus giving both genders equal participation in the community social norms (Baum, 2008, p. 155). Davidson (2012, p. 377), buttresses the importance of rice in Diola lives through his representation in social relations, status and rituals. The author further states that the Diola family is a united front and deeply interdependent. One of the respondents68 explained how traditionally growing rice the responsibility of the men has always been whereas harvesting it is the responsibility of the women.

68 Interview, 13 May 2018. 97

She explained that the men prepare paddies by tiling the soil and women transplant and harvest the rice.

Women’s voices continue to be heard and their grass roots efforts can no longer be ignored. In his case study examining how women in post conflict peacebuilding in Uganda live and engage with their communities, Ochen (2017, p. 15) draws attention to how liberal peacebuilding approach does not necessarily ‘explain or embrace issues of critical consciousness in how women engage the society’. This situation he opines disadvantages women in their efforts at peacebuilding. In the case of the women groups in Casamance the hurdle they face is similarly in the assumption that the work they do remains ‘social work’ within the communities and is not given much importance at political decision making level. The interviews conducted to find out how the women view their contributions towards peacebuilding created the impression that whatever efforts they put in for them may not be noticeable in the immediate present, but their long term goal of interjecting to a lasting peace for Casamance was a motivating factor for them.

4.3.4 Advocacy via inter-faith groups

Religion plays an important role in society for the community in Casamance and forms an integral part of the social activities. Religion has also often been used as a tool to perpetrate violence and conflict therefore distorting the positive role that it can also play. In Casamance the different religious communities interact harmoniously and work together to address issues affecting them. This is done through inter-faith dialogue which seeks to promote action oriented approaches towards managing the peacebuilding process. The majority of the population are Christian majority following the Catholic Church which makes the church as an institution very influential in the lives of the local population. Women from the Christian faith belong to faith based groups which are active in community based work whereas their Muslim counterparts are also focusing on activities that involve fostering peaceful coexistence.69 Following the active involvement of women in peacebuilding activities in Casamance the role of these inter-faith groups has been on the spotlight as a way of women mobilizing themselves for peace. Since 2011, the women groups, which include the inter-faith associations have celebrated

69 Interview, 13 May 2019. 98

the international day of peace with marches, prayers and vigils. This annual commemoration has grown into an important event for women mobilization and an opportunity to demand for peace for the region70. The PFPC continues every year to mobilize women through its umbrella organizations for peace awareness. In September 2019, ‘Unaam Kayraay’ Consortium, made up of the Women's Platform for Peace in Casamance, Global Partner, Partner West Africa and Tostan, organized a march in Dakar on the theme of ‘national convergence for peace in Casamance’.71The president of PFPC was in attendance and reiterated the commitment of women in supporting the peace process in Casamance and acknowledged the participation of women from neighboring Guinea-Bissau and The Gambia as crucial to the success of their peacebuilding efforts.

70 Interview, 19 May 2019. 71 Scoops de Ziguinchor News. 14. September 2019. Casamance/Ndèye Marie Diédhiou, Présidente de la PFPC: L’État et le MFDC devraient négocier très rapidement. https://www.scoopsdeziguinchor.com/article.php?id=5224&&id_rubrique=2. accessed 15 September 2019. 99

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4.4 Traditional methods of conflict resolution and peacebuilding in Casamance

The visibility of tradition opines Foucher (2007) reveals that, alternative diplomacy such as the use of tradition in various forms as is with the case of the women in Casamance has augmented the role that such methods can play on the African continent in peacebuilding efforts. The author emphasizes that ritual associations known as ‘Usana’ in Diola, were first created in the district of Nyefoulene in the 1930’s and 1940’s by ‘older women with mystical powers’ and continue to be active today (Foucher, 2007, p. 61). Lorentzen (2016, p. 3) explains the ‘gacaca’ as a system of transitional justice based on traditional conflict resolution mechanism that was initiated by the Rwandan government in 2002. In the same vein Waldorf (2009, p. 20) clarifies the position of the ‘gacaca’ courts and the intention for their creation by pointing out that in as much as the community court system has been criticized for its lack of meeting the minimum fair trial requirements they were created allow for truth to be revealed and reconciliation and forgiveness to take place.

These methods of conflict resolution have to some extent contributed to initiating reconciliation and fostering peace while to some extent justice is seen to have been served. Clark whose research covers democratic governance and post conflict transitions, has examined how traditional actors and traditional methods have been used by the Senegalese state in 2007 when they appointed a ‘Comité des Sages’ comprised of village elders and religious leaders from the Diouloulou area who on their own initiative had been engaged in a dialogue with the MFDC’s Northern Front’ to be interlocutors with them. This however, she argues caused problems when one of the committee members was murdered and the others accused of accepting vehicles and money from the then President Wade (Clark, 2011, p. 160). As a result, Robert Sagna asserts that, Senegalese government approach of using the Comité des Sages as its interlocutor did not succeed because its base was too limited, elements within the Comité exploited their position for their own benefit, and they used money to buy access to the ‘maquisards’ (Clark, 2011, p. 158).

The authors (Darbon, 1984, 1985; Fall, 2010; Lambert, 1998) give an overview of the role of tradition and how it intervenes on politics although they acknowledge that it may be ‘hard’ to understand how the context of tradition plays a role in the complexities of armed conflict such as is evident in Casamance. The overlap of the usage of the words ‘culture’ and ‘ethnic’ for ‘tradition’

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has an effect on how it impacts the discourse and Marut and Foucher since 2000, suggest that the discourse surrounding the conflict has taken a ‘culturalistic turn’. Marut (2010, p. 50) argues that the role of tradition in the temporary peace in the region is largely attributed to the economic resources available from development projects and not as a result of tradition . On the contrary the field interviews reflect that the population does not agree that the resources are what have solely contributed to the current temporary stability, but rather acknowledge that without the traditional mechanisms that guide the community not much would have been achieved on the way forward. One of the interview respondents confirmed that there are many NGO’s in Ziguinchor and all of them are having different projects, but in her opinion, this has not brought them peace here. She further lamented that money could not solve the problem of the conflict only some people would be getting the benefits, but the majority of the population was ‘fatigued’ with the conflict. She added that after so many years of uncertainty it was time to free their children from this burden of the conflict. She observed that the option of turning to traditions and their fetishes for guidance is what they know and what works for them and that they can never abandon that. She concluded by pointing out that outsiders cannot understand their tradition and how it impacts their lives but that did not matter as these traditions concerned them as locals and not meant to be interpreted by others”.72

Osaghae (2000, p. 213) in examining local conflicts, maintains that more serious conflicts cannot be resolved if the management of less serious conflicts at the lower level is not taken into consideration. Other scholars such as Böge (2011, p. 443) argues that, traditional approaches can take effect from the local through the regional up to the national level therefore producing a domino effect for overall state politics. The next section will evaluate the different traditional methods of conflict resolution used in Casamance to amalgamate the efforts that all stakeholders are contributing towards peacebuilding. This approach by the women groups and other stakeholders in Casamance has contributed in a positive way towards the peacebuilding process in the region.

72 Interview, 15 June 2018. 102

4.4.1 Mystical ceremonies: calling on the gods by libations and prayers

When the women of the sacred groves gather to perform their rituals, it becomes an exclusive space for a certain number of women who have the responsibility to represent the community. All this is by trust and confidence that the community gives them therefore giving them a legitimate platform to act. The ceremonies are not open to the public because of the nature of the tradition that guides its secrecy. Outsiders are not privy to the ceremony nor other categories of individuals such as men, boys, menstruating women or women who have not carried a pregnancy to full term cannot be within the vicinity of the ceremonies. Admission into the sacred groves warrants absolute ‘non-disclosure’ of what happens there. Guided by mystic and ancient tradition the priestesses perform their ceremonies to appease the gods and pray for peace. The peace has been elusive for so long, but the priestess is convinced it is because there have been too many taboos broken, atrocities committed, and the gods/ancestors are unhappy. No amount of dialogue will bring peace she says unless we cleanse the land from the injustices, and the libations are the solution. This utter conviction that the communities place on the ceremonies is what continues to keep the tradition alive73. One of the women tells me:

“…we have preached forgiveness and reconciliation so that those who are in the maquisard can return to their families and we also ask them to agree to talk to government so that this crisis can end…when we make sacrifices and it rains, then we believe that the blood is washed and God will help us find a solution”.74 Böge (2011, p. 432) acknowledges that tapping into the potential that traditional approaches have on conflict transformation could help improve legitimacy and effectiveness. One of the main challenges faced by the women representing Kabonketoor is the difficulty of securing funding. This is because most of the money disbursed by agencies is meant to focus on economic related activities, thus leaving them out to limited or no funding for their activities. This indeed has consequences on how much success they can have. The agencies normally implement projects

73 The section is based on the observations and conversations held because the respondents did not consent to being recorded and I had to rely on the few notes I made as well as what I remember seeing and hearing. I have tried to the best of my knowledge to reflect the true representation of the observations. 74 Interview, 21 August 2018. 103

with timelines and budgets for accountability and this does not work for the group because their activities cannot be measured based on inputs or impact that are quantifiable75. This then disadvantages them in terms of accessing funds for projects because of writing reports for donors as is done with most conventional projects.

Empirical data reveals a descriptive narrative of what it was like to witness one of the ceremonies without breaking the ethical rules surrounding conducting this research. Before the ceremonies take place, the priestess accepts offerings from the community that have been collected as part of their contribution to the ceremony. When I was permitted to enter this sacred grove, I had to accept the conditions that were set prior to my presence there as well as the responsibility given to me by the members to observe, as an outsider in order to understand the context of these ceremonies. This involved taking a secrecy oath just like the rest of the members. Using participant observation to study this cultural and social phenomena, I was able to witness an ancient ceremony that has been performed over time. Sacrificial animals, strict dress code of white, barefooted we all assembled and watched as the high priestess chanted libations. These ceremonies are filled with spiritual commitment and trust which brings people together in the belief that the past and the present will determine the future and the ancestors have to accompany them in that journey. The assumption that those who partake in these ceremonies are ‘animists’ is a misguided one, as the members are also adherents to Islam and Christianity. For the community, their acceptance of cultural norms and values does not interfere with their practice of other beliefs. The high priestess offers sacrifices to the ancestors and ask them to intervene in the conflict situation or any other subject that may have necessitated the gathering. These ceremonies are seen as interweaving the community’s socio-cultural identity as well as fulfilling their agenda for seeking solutions to the conflict. This also translates into agency from the women as actors in the peacebuilding efforts which needs to be recognized by mainstream global north donors who in reality support most of the peacebuilding projects and set agendas for their realization. However, they ignore the legitimacy of this traditional peacebuilding system of incantation and prayers offered by the women.

75 Interview, 29 August 2018. 104

The participation of these women, as non-state actors shows the local agency which they exercise and enables them to plan and execute the ceremonies in a very informal but critical way that may transmit serious social legitimacy to long term peacebuilding. The recognition of local dynamics by those coordinating peacebuilding activities may be advantageous to the success of whatever projects that are being implemented (Mac Ginty & Richmond, 2013, p. 774). The scholars’ comparative analysis of local peacebuilding agency recognizes that orthodox approaches to international peace-support interventions have suffered a crisis of confidence and therefore necessitates the opening up of space for other perspectives, such as local ownership in peacebuilding. In this case recognizing traditional methods of conflict resolution may be an effective strategy for peacebuilding (Mac Ginty & Richmond, 2013, p. 772).

In the same vein, Galvanek (2013, p. 11) observes that “using such traditional approaches in their purest forms would theoretically enable the local actors to exercise their agency, use their voices, and become partners in the peacebuilding process, rather than remain simple beneficiaries”. The women of Kabonketoor depend on the goodwill of the community to raise money which they use to buy some of the animals or whatever is needed to perform the ceremonies76. This is one of the ways in which they raise money for their activities. The involvement of the community is an essential part of this process because it figurately reflects their participation and collaboration with those who are conducting the ceremonies as a way of affirming their consent.

These mystical ceremonies are considered a cultural heritage by the communities in Casamance and are also a form of preserving the local culture from rapid modernization. This was reflected in how the women in the bois sacré ‘jealously guard’ the mystical ceremonies from those they consider not part of them. I would like to suggest here that this type of cultural practice has the potential to influence the political trajectory of the peace process in Casamance and support the argument that this cultural production is also a way of attesting the cultural identity of the inhabitants. These practices can also influence the question of peace at a national as well as public sphere. This became clear to me when I attended the ceremony that served as a podium for expressing Casamançais cultural heritage.

76 Interview, 12 September 2018. 105

The analysis further suggests that, marginalization, both financial and policy, which can be considered as structural obstacles are the obscuring factors backing this lack of legitimacy for the recognition of this type of approach used by the women of Kabonketoor. There is the need for change if the support of traditional approaches to conflict resolution are to be recognized in order to avoid undermining and ultimately sidelining these efforts. Furthermore, the competition for funding by the different women groups through the NGO’s that support their projects limits their contribution to the peacebuilding process. One of the program officers’77 in charge of one of the women groups expressed this concern and considered it as a major obstacle towards the group achieving their goals. This has divided the collective efforts of these women and diminished the effectiveness of their work because the interests and agendas of these organizations change according to the funding source.

The argument here is that this is because most of the activities social and economic are funded by development agencies. The above statement is not used to underrate the role of these women in their peacebuilding efforts, rather it seeks to identify a key weakness on the heavy dependence of the different actors on ‘outside intervention’. In addition, the statement neither intends to undermine the efforts of development agencies in supporting local efforts towards peacebuilding. The analysis suggests that the women need to have a more united approach in addressing how collectively their work can benefit the community in terms of contributing towards peacebuilding process in Casamance.

4.4.2 Peace committees

The idea of involving the citizens in finding solutions to the problems they have through peace committees has become a popular mechanism of intervention for conflict resolution globally. These committees are meant to ‘encourage and facilitate joint, inclusive peacebuilding mechanisms as described by the Nepal Transition to peace initiative.78 This obviously has to be done within the context of the particular case and studies have indicated that securing peace at the

77 Interview, 15 June 2018. 78 URL: http;//www.unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups//public/documents/UN/UNPAN032148.pdf. accessed 19 September 2018. 106

local level leads to sustainability of overall peace processes. Why use peace committees and what is their efficacy? What is their mandate and who sets the objectives? These are just a few of the questions that can rise for analysis. In most cases the composition of these committees is the first step towards their success or their failure because it must include members from all the concerned parties. It has been acknowledged as a difficult balance to achieve but nevertheless essential to try. As I have mentioned before peace committees were established in Casamance by government mandate with the objective of facilitating dialogue and reconciliation (Alvar, 2018, p. 4). However, because of too much interference and political bickering the committees were temporarily suspended before civil society revived them as part of their own participative approaches to conflict resolution. The women groups have revived this approach of using peace committees at the village level as a way of involving the communities directly in efforts of addressing the conflict. The necessity for multiple levels of intervention was the main motivation for reviving these committees and with the emphasis on a bottom top approach made sense to use the method. Talking to a member of the committee revealed that the challenges faced include fear, mistrust or unclear interests of individuals gaining from the position. He further stressed that the members were all based in Bignona were not politicians, lived within the community but had different vocations and were nominated based on their contributions to the community, and members were vetted on integrity of character which was particularly important. Trust too is a fundamental requirement as the members are expected to centrally hold the community hopes and aspirations for peace. The psychological and physical trauma that the conflict has caused on the community will take a long time to heal and what better place to start than with dialogue among the community he said.79 The anger, pain, fatigue and frustration of the community because of the consequences of this long conflict is very evident in conversations held with respondents. The general mood deduced is that people want to take matters into their own hands if it will be necessary to find a way forward a solution to the conflict.

There are those who have analyzed various peace committees (Adan & Pkalya, 2006; Alvar, 2018; Lund & Myers, 2007; Odeendal & Olivier, 2008) and caution that these peace committees ‘cannot

79 Interview, 13 September 2018. 107

enforce peace and are powerless against spoiler force as they often struggle to operate effectively’ (Odeendal & Olivier, 2008). Another concern would be the ‘power’ that these committees wield to ‘coerce’ or influence decisions although the context of the conflict must be considered when concluding about the success or failure of their work. This though, does not dismiss the role that these committees can play in diffusing tensions and jointly contributing to problem-solving. The challenge that most peace committees face is the support for a mandate from either a national or local level as well as facilitation in terms of training and access to resources. More often the setting up of peace committees or what were referred to as ‘Comité des Sages’ is facilitated by a national mandate as well as by civil society, as in the case of the conflict in Casamance.80

Alvar (2018, p. 5) is more critical of the efficacy of these peace committees and raises several conceptual and operational questions noting that there is still a lacuna in literature on peace committees and most literature stems from humanitarian actors whose evaluation processes he says leave little room for critical reflection . He argues that there is a conflict between the kind of models the humanitarian actors use and their reluctance to use existing structures which lack implementation but need to be supported instead of ‘reinventing the wheel’ (Alvar, 2018, p. 21). What is important is that the use of this mechanism despite its shortcomings can contribute positively as a peace initiative. The synergy needed to bring all stakeholders together is crucial for navigating the tricky path towards peace and using sociological and human focused approaches can contribute to achieving this. The PFPC has used the method of peace committees in the area of East Bayot in collaboration with another international NGO, CRS to address the conflict and its link to exploitation of natural resources (Alvar, 2018, p. 21). In some instances, the peace committees are duplicated in some villages therefore resulting in difficulties of coordination of projects or conflict of interests of the different parties, and also affects efficiency of intervention in the long term. This elucidates different reactions from the population as they feel that the civil society has used their conflict situation to benefit without any definitive results on the ground.

80 For further readings about the Comité des sages see Mahling (2011) RIPE OR ROTTING: Civil Society in the Casamance Conflict African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review, 1(2), 153–172. 108

Despite the scrutiny and criticisms that the peace committees have received, the work they do can be counted to have some impact on the campaign for peace in Casamance. The way onward is to address the local conflicts (of natural resources such as land issues) that feed into the larger conflict, by addressing the elephant in the room, that is the political response to the conflict which the civil society does not have the mandate to address but which is the responsibility of the Senegalese state. It is only when the issues are addressed from this point that any feasible move towards peace can be achieved.

4.4.3 Football for peace

Football is one of the most popular sport worldwide and has the ability to bring people together at least temporarily and may be used to express social and political realities. The sport has been used in the dissemination of propaganda as well as exploiting political ends therefore not escaping the sceptics81. Despite the weight of evidence supporting the received wisdom that international football is a catalyst for aggressive nationalism at both governmental and societal levels, Hough (2008, p. 1291) contends that, the positivity outweighs the negativities. In Europe the example of Bosnia is evident where football for peace projects have initiated and sustained contact between ethnic identities (Gasser & Levinsen, 2004). There are those who argue that global sport (such as football) has become, ‘more of a form of show business internationalism that must be distinguished from legitimate international organizations such The Red Cross and Amnesty International’ (Hoberman, 2011, p. 17). Casamance is no exception to this passion for the game.

Sport plays a big role in rural Africa and generally, young people use sports to keep themselves busy as well as a way of bonding with their friends. Football is a popular sport and young men and women and various social analysis studies have been done covering the sport on the continent Africa.82 In Casamance it is no exception as football is an important part of youth activities. Susan Baller describes football and football pitches or arenas as:

81 Fascism and Football, BBC4 TV documentary, first broadcast 23 Sept. 2003; E. Nash, ‘Spain’s Soccer Coach Sent off by Politician’, Independent on Sunday, 13 September 1998. 82Further readings on football in Africa see, Armstrong, G., & Giulianotti, R. (2004). Football in Africa: conflict, conciliation and community. New York (N.Y.): Palgrave Macmillan. Bailer, S. (2006). Editorial: The Other Game: The Politics of Football in Africa. Africa Spectrum, 41(3), 325-330. Eisenberg, C. / Lanfranchi, P. (eds.) (2006): Football 109

“becoming a playing field for the performance of popular cultures, of youthfulness, gender and ethnicity, and of conflict and reconciliation football pitches offer arenas not only for the match, but also for the production of public spheres and imaginary spaces where social, cultural and political praxis and discourses are created, celebrated and negotiated”(Baller, 2006, p. 324).

Talking to the respondent representing the youth group KEKENDO83, which is an association of students for dialogue in Casamance, confirmed that indeed football matches are an occasion to bring together the community and pass important messages. He further describes how “ when the preparations towards a match are underway there is a lot of excitement among the players and the community because it presents an opportunity for the youth to display their skills and it is during the event organizers’ take the opportunity to encourage the youth to embrace non-violent approach to solve conflict. This the respondent noted is very good and the young people now realize they need peace in Casamance if they are to have a good future and do not aspire to join the ‘maquis’.84 Some of the activities that USOFORAL organize, as part of the programs in line with the PFPC include football matches targeting young men with the aim of cultivating non-violence approaches to addressing conflict. This has become a popular activity and efficient way of advocacy for peacebuilding and has shown a positive change of attitude especially among the youth towards how they perceive the conflict and their own individual contributions in the process.

One of the most popular football team is the Casa sport which is based in Ziguinchor and has played a socio-political role in highlighting the conflict. Its popularity across Senegal has helped it to raise awareness about the conflict and continues to do so. In the interviews held during fieldwork the overall perception that was obvious is that engaging the young people who are most vulnerable to recruitment by rebels in activities that will engage them in addressing issues in a non-violent manner. One of the former players of casa sport Jules François Bocande (ca 1958-

history: international perspectives. Historical Social Research. Special issue, Poli, R. 2006: Africans' status in the European football players' labour market. Soccer and Society 7 (2-3): 278-291. Ralph, M. 2006: 'Le Senegal qui gagne': soccer and the stakes of neoliberalism in a postcolonial port. Soccer and Society 7 (2-3): 300-3. 83 Interview, 1 September 2018. 84 Interview, 14 May 2019. 110

2012) was known to be outspoken about the issue of improving the lives of young people so that they may be discouraged from joining the rebels.

4.4.4 Peace radio: from mouthpiece of the state to voice of the people

Radio continues to play an important role in rural communities and urban settings as well despite the advancement of social media and technology. In Senegal in particular and Africa at large, one still encounters many people receiving information through radio programs. This can be attributed to the lack of electricity therefore televisions are not quite common. Another factor that can be attributed to popularity of radio is the low literacy rates where the population cannot read newspapers or afford them, hence resort to listening to radio programs for information and entertainment. The low cost of buying and maintaining a radio is also an added advantage to the owners because it enables them to be updated on any latest news trends as well as bringing people together to listen in a ‘radio club’.85 In Senegal especially radio clubs are popular because of the admiration of sports such as football and wrestling, and it is common to see people crowded together using a mobile phone or a conventional radio to listen to the commentators of the matches. Peace radios in Casamance represent the voice of the voiceless and the communities recognize the initiative as a catalyst for peace and unity.86

Radio programs act as an outreach tool for the population and is used to transmit information related to health, education, development and peace. Myers (2008, p. 5) asserts that, “radio remains the dominant mass media tool compared with other communication and information technologies and its wide geographical reach attracts large audiences”. There has been a considerable body of research from both qualitative and quantitative studies that support the assertion that media

85 The designation ‘radio club’ applies to both formal and informal groups of residents who gather together to listen to radio programming. In many cases these clubs are comprised of neighbors joining a friend or acquaintance with a radio for a newsworthy event, while in other cases these are more regular, scheduled meetings that allow more members of the community to hear a program and discuss it communally, Cf. Greiner 2010.Further literature covering the Impact of Radio see, Smith Russell, 2003. The impact of hate media in Rwanda. BBC news December 2003. Myers, M. 2008. Radio and development in Africa. A concept Paper International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Canada, P.3. Jamie Bleck and Kristin Michelitch, 2011. Good Morning Timbuktu! The impact of Radio in Rural Islamic Africa, Working paper 4. Colin Fraser and Sonia Restrepo-Estrada, 2002. Community radio for Change and Development, Society for international Development 45(4), 69-73. 86 Interview, 21 May 2019. 111

programming generally and radio specifically can positively alter norms and behavior in listeners and their communities (Aldrich, 2012, p. 38). This has come under severe criticism since the genocide in Rwanda in 1993, and the electoral violence in Kenya in 2007, two among several cases where radio has been inculpated in the violence and hatred that led to the conflict and deaths that followed. This resulted in using radio as ‘hate media’ turning it into a tool for perpetuating violence.

Daniel Aldrich, professor of political science and director of the Security and Resilience Program at Northeastern University acknowledges that despite radios having “encouraged schism and violence they also hold the potential to reduce conflict and increase cooperation”. He further suggests that it is not by simply increasing the availability of radios and peace programming in developing countries but rather by increasing educational, vocational and capacity building projects that can motivate the change in norms and behaviors of listeners (Aldrich, 2012, p. 55). Greiner (2010) commenting on the Peace through Development (PDEV) program designed by the USAID argues that through the medium of radio programs, the USAID has “strengthened local civic culture, improved information flow and strengthened moderate voices in the region”. This shows how radio can be effective in mobilizing social change in communities.

In Casamance ZIG FM a local private owned radio station has been in the forefront in advocating for peace in the region as well as informing the population on critical programs that prompt government intervention. One of their most outspoken journalists has been Ibrahima Gassama who is also currently the Director general of the station has spent most of his career advocating for the end to the conflict in Casamance as well as contributing to meaningful participation, sensitization and mobilization of the communities in Casamance in the regions of Ziguinchor, Bignona and Kedougou. As a journalist Monsieur Gassama explains that he sees it as his duty to inform and educate the general public on the importance of resolving the conflict in Casamance as well as seek a common ground for mediation if possible. At some point he managed to attract attention to himself for reaching out to interview the rebel leader of a faction of MFDC, Salif Sadio in 2007. Mr. Sadio is considered very radical and he was reported to have been killed at that time. Monsieur Gassama is the only journalist who has ever had access to the rebel leader and this encounter naturally caused some outrage with the state. This act prompted the Senegalese government to

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arrest and detain Mr. Gassama87 citing reasons of public security because of the images displayed on a private television channel showing the rebels holding Senegalese soldiers as prisoners, as well as airing an interview with a rebel leader.

During field work, Mr. Gassama recalled the meeting with the rebel leader and described the encounter vividly. He explained that it took several attempts reaching out to the MFDC through his sources that he finally got the chance to meet Salif Sadio for the first time. During the interview Mr. Gassama was able to meet the soldiers that were taken hostage by the rebels at that time and talk to them before their unconditional release. He was later to reassure the families that the soldiers were well and alive contrary to media reports that had reported that they had been killed by the rebels. When asked about the willingness of the MFDC leadership to meet with State representatives so as to pave way for dialogue Salif Sadio was emphatic about the position of the MFDC and their readiness to meet any delegation that the state was to propose.88

In the past it was only the state radio and television that disseminated information and there was censored information that was passed to the public. There was no space for private media to report on the conflict and this was a contributing factor to the conflict duration. In the years 1985-86 Mr. Gassama came up with an initiative which created the program ‘espace de paix’ at Sud FM radio station with the aim of talking about the situation in Casamance and addressing the root causes of the conflict. During the time the program aired he was able to interview both rebels and army generals thereby opening up the space for dialogue and negotiation since they had never met. When the interview was later aired on the radio program there was a mixed feeling from the public as well as the state. Mr. Gassama pointed out that these interviews were keenly followed by both the rebels and the state and a positive step was taken in 2013 when the faction of MFDC led by Salif Sadio agreed to meet representatives of the state at a meeting in Rome, Italy mediated by the group Sant’ Egidio. Unfortunately, this particular meeting was contested by other rebel factions which

87 Article appearing in the online newspaper DakarActu. Après son interview avec Salif Sadio, Ibrahima Gassama entendu par la police. https//www.dakaractu.com/Apres-son-interview-avec-salif-sadio-Ibrahima-Gassama- entendu-par-la-police_a28179.html_12-juillet-2012. accessed 08 July 2019. 88 Interview, 7 August 2018. 113

did not recognize Salif Sadio as their representative. This has up to date caused a stalemate in finding the way forward.89

When he later moved to ZigFm Monsieur Gassama continued hosting other programs addressing the need for peace. Currently Monsieur Gassama is hosting a similar program titled ‘Carrefour de la paix’ aired every Sunday 10.00pm on Zig FM since 2009. The objective of this emission remains to sensitize and mobilize the populace for a solution to the conflict. Since 2015 there has been a ceasefire in the violence from both parties thanks to the weekly radio emissions that provide a voice for all actors affected by the conflict and remains an important medium for all to express their demands. This participatory approach has resulted in positive outcomes in addressing the conflict and bringing the issues into public space for discourse as well as portray the realistic expectations of all actors for a sustainable resolution to the conflict.

The role of the media in peacebuilding in Africa just like across the globe has been under scrutiny in the duration of the conflict in Casamance and the question arises as to the contribution that media can make towards the efforts. With the emergence of new technology that is digital as well as fiber optic communication available through access to internet, the potential to use these tools in harnessing support remains immense. Due to the sensitive nature of conflict situations, the media is usually seen as predatory rather than reconciliatory because of the nature of reportage that is transmitted which is often interpreted to favor one side. Media acting as participants or actors whose interests align with the interests of reconciliation as well as peacebuilding can have a positive effect in any conflict situation. For journalists to represent the ‘middle ground’ in reporting of conflict situations can increase the confidence and trust from the public. This is noticeable in Casamance especially with the emergence of private media. Indeed, it is trust issues that are the biggest threat to media efforts, and it is therefore the responsibility of journalists to use media pro-actively for the promotion of peace.

Important operational implications of using radio is evident in its ability to change the norms and attitudes of all actors involved and sharing experiences that can prove valuable to any

89 Interview, 12 August 2018. 114

peacebuilding process. This may be a way of taking local initiatives more seriously thus giving a chance to peaceful outcomes the bottom top approach.

4.4.5 Wrestling matches: gala de lutte traditionelle (laamb)

‘Laamb’ or the popular traditional wrestling matches as they are called in Senegal, are an important part of the social structure of many West African states. It has become a sport which brings together people with a common passion and has now become commercialized with wrestlers earning millions of CFA’s in cash money as well as promotions and publicity. This has placed it at a near rivalry place with football and is threatening to overtake it with supporters.90 Wrestling champions in Senegal are as popular as other celebrities in the film and music industry. One of the most popular wrestlers and champions of the 2019 season Omar Sakho alias Balla Gueye II or ‘Lion de Guédiawaye’ or ‘double less’ as he is known, is originally from Casamance although based in Dakar. The ‘roi des arenes’ as he is popularly known, has become a symbol of pride for the population in Casamance because they identify themselves with him as representing their voice and their talent. His father was also a local champion, and this influenced his interest in the sport. Balla Gueye has used his platform from wrestling to add a voice to the question of Casamance and has organized what is called ‘caravane de la paix en Casamance’.91 This is an event which organizes a series of traditional wrestling matches in the various regions of the country and the underlying message is peace for the country and victors can take home cash prizes. According to the current sports minister, Monsieur Matar Ba (2012 to date) who was quoted saying ‘when a top wrestler speaks the nation listens’, resonates with any message that is meant to come across to the population. This is an example of how this sport can be used as an advocacy tool which may not necessarily stop the rebels from using violence but rather instill the message of peace.

In Casamance itself the sport is as popular as football and fans are cult like in their support. In the region even women wrestlers are quite common, and it is not surprising to find weekends where different matches are taking place in the neighborhoods of Ziguinchor. The history of ‘lutte’ was

90 New African. Senegal These Are No Laambs! Traditional Wrestling in Senegal, July 2011. URL:https://www.questia.com/magazine/1G1-262584385/senegal-these-are-no-laambs-traditional-wrestling. accessed 7 February 2019. 91URL: https://www.scoopsdeziguinchor.com/ accessed 7 February 2019. 115

associated with farmers where the tale is told by the local community that during the idle season when there was not much work in the fields the farmers would pass time by wrestling for masculinity, dignity and most important of all respect. Back then there were no financial rewards for the game, and it was usually purely done for recreational purposes. ‘Lutte’ was looked down upon and its followers seen as having poor social standing.92

Today the sport has become an important tool that the women are using as part of their conflict resolution mechanism. The sport has evolved over time and since the mid 90’s when the sport became professionalized it attracted members from across the board in society therefore breaking down the barriers of social class. The mysticism that is also associated with these traditional wrestling matches is evident of the general complicity of the population to traditional practices and the belief in them. In any wrestling match, the pre-match shows include a show of traditional and spiritual interventions, where the wrestlers intimidate each other with a show of different concoctions referred to as ‘xhondiom’ prepared by the ‘marabouts’ where they bathe in and drink as well as make several animal sacrifices before and during the match. All this is done with the belief that it will aid them in getting a victory.93

Culturally women have participated in seasonal wrestling as part of Serer and Diola customs and it was especially during the rice planting and harvesting seasons (rice fields festival) that this took place. The respondent who has now taken up the sport professionally explained that it is believed to bring good luck for a bountiful harvest.94 It is in the organization of such matches that the women of USOFORAL take the opportunity to advocate for peace and create awareness for the community as part of their activities in mobilization and sensitization. The impact this activity has shown that since it is a place where all members of the community are gathered there is an opportunity to talk to the community elders and pass messages for the population. Matches are organized for both male and female wrestlers in different villages and the community is encouraged to use the platform to address issues affecting them generally. It has proved to be an effective tool of advocacy around the country and in particular in Casamance.

92 URL: https://edition.cnn.com/2016/12/22/sport/senegal-wrestling/index.html accessed 07 February 2019. 93 Interview, 14 July 2018. 94 Interview, 16 September 2018. 116

4.4.6 Participatory theater: social change through the agency of performance art

The use of theater as a medium of communication can play an important role in widening the depth of conflict resolution strategies especially when reaching out to rural inhabitants. This strategy has been used in other countries such as Rwanda by Search for Common Ground (SFCG), an international nongovernmental organization which has used participatory theater to reach rural inhabitants in their regional and national to address issues of conflict which in their case was related to land issues (S. Smith & Webb, 2011, p. 68). In Casamance the use of theater as a medium of advocacy for non-violent conflict resolution by the women and youth groups has gained popularity in the community. The idea of staging theater to pass on vital and significant messages to the communities has had a positive impact on peacebuilding and conflict resolution in Casamance.95

The process of selecting a thematic focus for the play varies with the issues that arise. In the case of Casamance the women of Usoforal have identified three major concerns; first is the land issue which is contentious especially with the cultural attachment of land to the people. Second is the resolution of conflict using non-violence, also a sphere which touches on the lives of young people. Third is the issue of returning/former rebels integrating in the community. As a tool used for dialogue, theater has the potential to contextualize the reality of a situation and reflect it on its audience. In this way, members of the audience are also active participants in the story therefore giving them the sense of connecting with the message. Cohen who writes on ethical and aesthetic aspects of peacebuilding discerns that, it is critical to give importance to the ‘interdependence and interrelationship’ of the populace and the individuals as they imagine themselves in those relationships (C. Cohen, Varea, & Walker, 2011).

During data collection I was able to observe how the communities relate to the themes. In one of the theater acts organized by PFPC in the commune of Nyassia, the theme of the day was focused on the re-integration of former rebels into the communities. The subject of the re-integration of these ex-rebels remains extremely sensitive because of the perception that the villagers have on

95 Interview, 12 September 2018. 117

the rebels and the often negative experiences that they have encountered. Prior to staging the skit, the actors had already interviewed some community members to get their perceptions about the subject matter and identified which theme will be most relevant for the moment. Most members of the community are skeptical about the sincerity of these former rebels and their claims to have left the movement.

In the skit performed, the protagonist ‘Abbé’ who has decided that he no longer shares the vision of the movement and returns to the village to start a new life encounters several obstacles from the community. He suffers stigma as the community members shun him and disassociate themselves from him. Lacking family and friends in addition to his economic dilemma and no existing social program that can build his capacity Abbé in a way carry’s the cross for the rest of the rebels. He is frustrated by the hostility from the community and nearly gives up hope when he is finally assisted by a member of the community. As a way of addressing how best re-integration can happen, the performance which is comprised of the theater group members and volunteers from the audience manages to convince the spectators that ‘Abbé’ given a second chance can return to civil life and become a productive member of the society.96 This approach of using theater can have an impact on attitudes and perceptions of the community towards how they address and deal with challenges affecting them individually and collectively.

Webb and Smith (2011, p. 68) in their case study of Karongi district in Rwanda note that, the use of participatory theater especially in cases where the communities are on the road to recovery from conflict or post conflict situation has contributed to how communities view conflict transformation. In Casamance the case has been remarkably similar, and the use of theater continues to be a popular medium of changing attitudes and perceptions about how conflict can be resolved. Theater in Casamance has, according to some of the respondents I interviewed, changed the way they see

96 I was part of the audience that attended the theater performance by the theater troupe ‘les jeunes pour le changement’, commune of Nyassia, 12 September 2018. I interviewed members of the theater group and was able to gain some insights in the criteria they use to suggest appropriate themes for the skits.

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their role in conflict and conflict resolution, and confess that before watching the skit they did not consciously realize that they are actually part of the problem and of the solution at the same time.97 The objectives of using participatory theater as an awareness and advocacy tool is popular because its impact on individuals enables them to recognize conflict, as a normal occurrence in everyday life that can be overcome as a challenge. This has had a positive effect on the communities in Casamance that have had the opportunity to experience the theater troupe perform as it has allowed them to gain some understanding into how conflict can be resolved without the use of violence or force. Premaratna (2018, p. 2) proposes that we step back from the mainstream approaches of peacebuilding and embrace local practices such as through the use of art as a tool for peacebuilding.

4.5 Tradition prompting peace in Casamance

Alvar (2018) analyses the efficacy of peace committees in Casamance, which is ‘a strategy for promoting participation of stakeholders, that is, the involvement of the population, using the bottom up approach’ that has been popular with aid agencies and NGO’s. These peace committees, explains Alvar, have been used as models in other post conflict contexts in countries like Kenya, Rwanda, Liberia and Burundi. These committees consist of a designate group of people who are responsible for averting or intervening in conflict at the local or village level so as to avoid the escalation of the conflict to ‘large scale proportions’ in the hope of avoiding the recurrence of armed conflict (Alvar, 2018, p. 6). He gives an example of two local organizations, Usoforal and Women’s Regional Solidarity Committee for Peace in Casamance (CRSFPC) collaborating in commune de Nyassa in Casamance who have used this strategy according to the ethnographic research that he conducted. Despite this, the author remains critical about the overall intentions of the ‘project-carriers’ whose ‘top bottom intervention’ according to him leans towards fulfilling donor or financial partners agenda for development trends. Alvar supports his argument by concluding that, that this has the likelihood of overshadowing an agenda that the population might have on the endogenous way forward and imposing a development agenda which may not necessarily be the same with the locals (Alvar, 2018, p. 7).

97 Interview, 12 September 2018. 119

Considering that in the communities around Casamance women have always historically played spiritual roles as with the prominent example of Alioune Sittoe Diatta and have mediated between disputing factions, gives an opportunity for a culturally specific context of understanding and implementing such approaches. Stam (2011, p. 339) writing on women’s agency postulates that ‘women can use gendered platforms to maneuver their voices into the formal political arena’. This may be important in highlighting whatever method that may bring results beneficial to the community at large.

The fieldwork conducted for this research acknowledges that currently the women of the Bois Sacré are actively engaged in utilizing traditional methods of conflict resolution. According to authors such as Pkalya et al. (2004), and (Bukari, 2013, p. 89), traditional social entities such as chiefs, elders of the community, extended families, lineages, clans, tribes, religious brotherhood, local institutions and ethno- linguistic groups remain important in the resolution process of conflicts. Mezie-Okoye, (2018) points out that the use of traditional methods is based on the idea of compensating victims and forgiving, and not necessarily penalizing the offender as a way of maintaining the peace and harmony of the community. By traditional methods of conflict resolution, I mean those methods that are context specific, have existed and have been used in communities, especially in Africa over time to intervene in internal and external conflict situations. These methods vary from community to community and in some cases are facing the challenges of being replaced by ‘modern’ methods.98 Those who are more critical of the approach, of using traditional methods such as (P. Diédhiou, 2017; Foucher, 2007; Marut, 2010) argue, that using traditional methods to resolve the conflict in Casamance is not feasible because the conflict is not a traditional one per say but rather a modern conflict characterized by political, social and economic grievances. In spite of these opinions, I argue that it is necessary to reflect upon the cultural setting of the communities in Casamance, to realize that there is a strong adherence to traditional practices which transcends religious affiliation as well as ethnic diversity.

98 For the purposes and context of this dissertation the use of traditional methods will be applied to understand the various ways which the communities in Casamance use to resolve the on-going conflict through activities and efforts in contributing to peacebuilding. These methods are not in themselves adequate or complete on their own but are meant to compliment other methods. 120

This approach I opine, therefore, legitimizes the need to turn to traditional methods to resolve issues at all levels and in this particular case address the conflict. There is contention from the traditional practitioners (women of the Bois Sacré) concerning the role that the women in civil society perform as diametrically opposed to the conflict resolution and the credit given or taken for such work. This, I conclude, amounts to local politics of power struggles and should not be an inhibiting factor in the collective need for peace. The most important contribution is the efforts that different actors put into a common goal of ending the conflict and achieving sustainable peace. The women in civil society as recognized by the state, engage in measurable and quantifiable projects that can show results for funding that they may have accessed. This can be justified by reports of activities and action plans as well as projects involving the communities usually targeted towards development and economic empowerment. These women groups work with reputable international organizations which give funding towards development and empowerment for women thus an advantage for future grant prospects. This as a result gives them an edge in terms of exposure to international audience as well as opportunities to showcase their achievements. It should be noted that this comes with a danger of the groups disappearing into oblivion once the funding for projects ends as most groups lack money generating activities that can sustain them post funding.

The women of the Bois Sacré on the other hand, do not have the means to quantify the work they do as it is shrouded in what can be termed as ‘deep mystery and mysticism’ that raises more questions than answers. Consequently, this imposes a challenge for their work to be taken seriously or given the necessary recognition as adding value to the general efforts of their role in peacebuilding. This challenge for resource mobilization as the President of Kabanketoor says accessing international support is often complicated because;

“…the donors want you to give a fiscal and written report on how the money was used...how do we tell them we bought a cow and slaughtered it and that the impact of this cannot be measured with deadlines or immediate results?...”99.

99 Interview, 17 July 2018. 121

The instrumentalization of tradition has been the focus of studies by social scientists (Alvar, 2018; Awenengo, 2005; L. Diédhiou, 2004; Foucher & Beck, 2009), but a deeper analysis of how these social structures influence the dynamics of peacebuilding can still be explored to further explain their relevance in specific contexts. The role that these ‘Usana’ played included purification and initiation rites for the community but also extended to physical mobilization of the public in the first demonstrations that eventually led to the conflict in Casamance. Presently in Ziguinchor and its environs exist about 14 sacred woods among them are those possessed by the women of the MFDC. According to one of the respondents the grove in Mangokouro in Colobane which is the headquarters of the MFDC, was ‘born for a single cause, to pray for the independence of Casamance and is considered a political grove’.100 This shows that the sacred groves serve different purposes and have always been frequented by the population. There are groves planted for political purposes such as the one in Mangokouro as well as others planted to serve social issues such as circumcisions and initiations.

Briefly looking back at the transformation of the ‘Usana’ from what they were considered to be, ‘animist ’associations to their transformation into ‘partners’ in civil society is an interesting development. During the early years of the conflict these ‘Usana’ were suppressed and vilified by the state for their activities which were directly supporting the rebels. However, with the inclusion of civil society as part of the solution to the conflict the state has changed its stance and considered their ’traditional contribution to be of some relevance’.101 From this, I deduce that the state realized that the politics of alienating groups would not help them achieve their goal of reaching out to the community in a bid to look for solutions towards ending the conflict. The state was willing to open itself to different options available therefore incorporating the ‘Usana’ associations albeit reluctantly acknowledging that they may have a role to play which indicates that these traditional mechanisms are best not ignored.

The analysis above raises an important relationship between culture, women and the possibility of conflict resolution. Unlike in many cases where women have been marginalized because of their

100 Interview, 14 July 2018. 101 Interview, 15 July 2018. 122

gender as a result of cultural norms and values, the women in Casamance have turned culture into a tool which they can use to achieve the peacebuilding that they aspire. By using traditional methods of conflict resolution, we see the women appropriating these methods in a way which allows them to take turn the current violence and conflict scenario into a peaceful and sustainable future. This is achieved within the use of sport, media, libations and other ceremonies recognized by the community. To skeptics this may seem far-fetched and illusionary as well as an opportunity to question the very legitimacy of using such methods. However, factors such as the level of community acceptance of these methods as well as the significance it has on the overall objective of finding a lasting solution to the conflict should be commended at the very least. In participating in this way, the women have found a voice and a way to expand their role and contribution to peace processes from a grassroots level. By harmonizing the use of different methods and collectively as women take the situation into their own hands provides a way forward in peace building efforts.

The role that civil society has played in the peace process particularly women association groups, and their access to resources, is interlinked with visibility in politics. No doubt politics is what has been at the root of the conflict and all administrations have used this platform to influence the engagement with the community. Lico (2013, p. 12) argues that, for the women who participate in development work in the communities it becomes necessary to belong to a political party if one is to gain recognition and relevance. She points out that the idea of tradition is lived in everyday experiences of people thus it is used to produce identities and ideas about societal expectations. This is evident in Casamance where the top level leaders of these organizations interact with politicians in their development work which is presumed to be necessary if they are to fulfil the objectives of the communities.

4.6 Conclusions

This chapter’s introduction begins by addressing the necessity for the intervention of women in peacebuilding efforts in Casamance and refers to the existing UN Resolutions acknowledging the role of women in peacebuilding and mediation. The chapter has also focused on the need to support women as they engage in conflict resolution in their communities, their milestones and challenges. The mobilization of women for peacebuilding activities has been analyzed and the findings reflect

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how women use different social and political platforms to get support from the communities they represent. This is attributed to the long history of women mobilizing themselves through various platforms and civil society networks in Casamance.

A look at the peace committees as a space where members of the community at the very local level are identified to lead in efforts of mediation and peacebuilding sheds light on their importance. The interviews reveal that there were some challenges faced with implementation of this method, but this did not deter the efforts at addressing the factors contributing to the conflict even if minimum progress was recorded. Using cultural encounters as mechanism of conflict resolution has been recognized in research and encouraged as an alternative diplomacy applicable on the continent of Africa from Rwanda to Kenya to Senegal. This fact supported the traditional contribution to be of some relevance.

The role that the women of the sacred groves or ‘Usana’ play from the beginning of the conflict and the change of attitude is examined and analyzed to reveal that there was a domino effect which was positive in the society too. This highlighted the relationship between culture, women and the possibility of conflict resolution. An in-depth analysis of the traditional methods used by the women groups in Casamance divulge a mixed approach where the women use their position as catalysts to the process from various angles. The analysis concludes that gender mainstreaming is critical in conflict transformation as all individuals in society can contribute to the successful end of conflict. The data also reveals that the community itself is an integral part of the process because they endorse it by participating when called upon as well as acknowledging the traditions as part of their identity.

The use of various traditional methods for conflict resolution in Casamance such as football for peace, participatory theater, traditional wrestling was analyzed. These methods have been used in the context of Casamance to bring the communities together and as an avenue to talk about the contributions that the community can make towards peacebuilding. The methods that the women groups and others use cannot be applied directly to solve the conflict in Casamance but are used as platforms to advocate for the end of violence and the building of a peaceful society.

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The role of tradition is particularly important although it has been superficially researched in Academia as well as in political practice. In Casamance peacebuilding strategies are embedded in the belief system and the traditional and cultural values of the people which forms part of their day to day interaction. This has been evident in other empirical cases that have shown relative success in conflict transformation where these traditional approaches have been presented autonomously (Böge, 2011, p. 434). Western102 centered thinking has dominated most of the discourse on how peacebuilding is done therefore overshadowing others approaches such as the traditional approach presented by the women in Casamance. This research takes into cognizance the fact that some scholars have criticized these traditional approaches for being inapplicable at the national level for sustainable solution to conflict resolution. The research data supports the use of these traditional methods even if it is not at a large scale level. The next chapter will focus on the networks of stakeholders and actors as an analysis of their relationships in the context of the conflict is examined.

102 This term is used generically here in the context to describe European capitalist social, political and economic order. 125

Chapter 5 : An analysis of actors and networks of peacebuilding in Casamance

5.1 Introduction

The previous chapter reported the empirical findings from the fieldwork and analyzed gender and the politics of peacebuilding in the case of Casamance. The different traditional approaches that the Actors involved take in the overall peacebuilding process has shown that, collectively more can be achieved if there is synergy in the efforts. An analysis of some of the traditional methods used from field work, together with the effect of women’s popular mobilization constituted the empirical findings. This has given some insights into the challenges faced by the different actors in realizing a common objective of attaining sustainable peace. This chapter seeks to further examine the actor network analysis of different stakeholders that contribute to the peacebuilding processes in Casamance. The actors’ interests, incentives, agendas and resources will be analyzed in relation to the impact on the conflict and the efforts towards its resolution.

5.2 Local actors using networks for peace

The conflict in Casamance involves different stakeholders who perceive themselves as having legitimacy to influence or be influenced by the direction of the conflict. These stakeholders’ relationships are important in determining the agenda for peace when considering the incentives that are needed to be put on the table to create the avenue for dialogue. The availability of resources that can be used towards addressing the issues aggravating the conflict is an important step towards consolidating a lasting solution. When addressing peacebuilding efforts in Casamance, women groups have been in the forefront of advocacy and sensitization campaigns directly and indirectly too. The question of whether women’s contribution is important in peacebuilding is not debatable rather it is paramount to address how their efforts may be highlighted and incorporated into other initiatives that exist and may be of importance.

Local ownership of peacebuilding initiatives tends to give them more credibility within the communities that they work in. It is therefore no exception that in Casamance women form the core of these local networks, which connect the local groups to the international donors and stakeholders thus producing the ‘Glocal’ approach to peacebuilding. Susanne Buckley-Zistel, a Professor of Peace and conflict research, at the center for conflict research, maintains this point as

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she considers these local and global spaces to be ‘relational and mutually constitutive and continuously shifting’ (Verkoren & Buckley-Zistel, 2016, p. 19). There is the participation of several actors whose agency may be relevant in the increase of local ownership in peacebuilding processes.

The debates that have encircled research in peace and conflict in particular around the subjectivity of ‘international versus the local’ interventions towards peacebuilding remains unresolved. In the past couple of decades, the discussions surrounding the ‘local’ in peace and conflict studies have generated vast literature with scholars such as Mac Ginty and Richmond (Mac Ginty & Richmond, 2013, p. 763/64) focusing their attention to the local dimensions of peace while acknowledging the assertiveness of local actors and local situations . The authors highlight the obvious obstacles that local peacebuilding face which include power dynamics, norms and representation.

In the case of Casamance the local turn in peacebuilding is influenced by local governance and local ownership of peacebuilding activities. With the presence of several International agencies that support the strengthening of capacity building for the different local actors, there is the likelihood of a conflict of interests in relation to what is the priority of consideration for the local actors. The communities in Casamance already have traditional socio cultural mechanisms and structures that are in place to address issues of conflict resolution. When these structures are overlooked in the process of peacebuilding then there is the likelihood of failure to achieve desired emancipatory peace.

Some scholars opine that, liberal peace entails addressing root causes of conflict through implanting democratic governance and economic liberalism, through a broad range of practices that are in place to intervene in times of conflict (Doyle, 2012; Paris, 2010). I argue here that, applying the notion of liberal peace as understood in the western dominated notion of neoliberal politics and economic policies to the context in Casamance hinders the effective implementation of peacebuilding in a way that can be beneficial to the local context. Emancipatory peace as proposed by Richmond (2015) gives legitimacy to local agency and calls for participatory approaches to peacebuilding. Rupesinghe (1995) and Fetherston (1998) when focusing on the local actors, argue that, they are ‘the primary architects, owners and long-term stakeholders’ of peace. This argument resonates with what is happening in Casamance as the women groups have 127

exhibited long-term interests for sustainable peace, which can be seen through the activities of peacebuilding.

Local networks have diverse methodologies and approaches as well as different objectives and goals for their programs. This diversity enables these networks to incorporate local knowledge, which is essential for understanding the complexities of situations on the ground in their respective contexts. The local networks working at the grassroots level have the capacity to understand the peculiar nature of their communities therefore having an advantage to solve local problems using local solutions thus creating a space where groups can participate to produce change. International organizations such as the United Nations have recognized the contributions that can be made by local peacebuilding stakeholders and therefore encourage the women to use the space provided by civil society to strengthen their peacebuilding capacity. Local ownership is one of the main challenges facing peacebuilding today as it treated with more lip service than recognizing the need to involve locals (Hancock, 2017, p. 257/58).

In Africa, the AU has identified and mapped non-state actors that are and active in conflict resolution as well as mediation and organizations such as FAS and USOFORAL have been well documented. Because of the flexible nature of their approaches as well as knowledge and experiences from the grassroots level, these networks have succeeded in shaping the peacebuilding activities in their various communities. This chapter will look at organizations at the continental level (FemWise-Africa) and country level through grassroots initiatives which are limited to USOFORAL, KABONKETOOR, and Femmes Africa Solidarité (FAS).

The role of donor agencies networking with the local NGO’s will also be examined to understand the socio-economic impact the conflict has on the community. The actors involved in peacebuilding in Casamance have been mapped to show how their relationships are intertwined and consequently affect peacebuilding efforts. This argument will be validated by applying the Actor-Network theory as a conceptual framework where these actors are perceived to have the capacity and power to act, therefore having the agency to influence the social outcome of the conflict situation ( see sub-chapter 1.7.1 Theoretical Framework).

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5.3 Positionality of the various state and non-state actors

In the context of this work, positionality will be used to analyze the position of state and non-state actors and how their power dynamics affect peacebuilding in Casamance. Based on the explanation given by Merriam et al. (2001) positionality is determined by where one stands in relation to the ‘other’. In the case of the actors entangled in the Casamance conflict the shifting of positions based on factors such as interests contributes to the complex power relations between them thus revealing the positionalities and power of the different state and non-state actors. When considering how political and social contexts define identities, the positionalities of these different actors in Casamance whose roles according to the time and space influence the understanding of the conflict, can perhaps help to explain how they may be positively or negatively contributing to the conflict situation.

It is pertinent to examine the different roles and the inputs of the various State and Non-state actors to understand how their actions may influence decision making at the political level, which is the stage at which there has been a stalemate in efforts towards dialogue and action by both the state and the MFDC factions. In distinguishing these actors into the category of state and non-state is intended to categorize the actors according to the capacity and agency. In the case of the interests, motives and issues surrounding the conflict in Casamance, the state actor is the Senegalese government itself, while the non-state actors include the women groups, the youth, the Catholic Church, the MFDC and the media. In the subsequent section an examination of who these actors are will shed light on what their roles are vis à vis the conflict in Casamance. In the subsequent section analyzing the interests and motives of these actors hopes to shed some light on what the assumptions are about the positionality of these actors and their agency if any as well as the trajectories connecting them to the resolution of the conflict and building a sustainable peace for Casamance.

5.3.1 Women groups: issues, agency and interests

These are numerous in number and are all centered on social development projects based on small and medium scale enterprises, as well as projects focusing on empowering mainly youth and women. The partnerships of these women groups with various international donor organizations together with civil society reflects the donor dependency of these groups for the projects that are 129

implemented and inevitably affects the perception of the work they do by the community they seek to help. In the duration of the conflict, women have organized themselves into self-help groups with the aim of doing social projects that are centered on income generating activities. This was necessary because the conflict had caused the economy to deteriorate and therefore forced the women to become caretakers and breadwinners in their households.

The conflict situation in Casamance has also created an avenue for development agencies, which are majority western-oriented, to fund projects as part of the general Millennium Development goals and poverty reduction approaches that are designed to boost economic growth. It is paramount to point out that, this section will briefly seek to assess the general impact of this aid on the economy in Casamance and its long-term sustainability. The issues that women face because of the consequences of the conflict are related to social and economic marginalization therefore limiting their social capital as members of the community in contributing to their overall development and prosperity. If they are to be able to exercise their agency, then, women need to be centrally visible in peacebuilding processes according to Manchanda (2005a, p. 4737). This she argues, is because women’s experiences and needs, being different, have been overlooked by national and International policy makers. Prior studies have shown that, the impoverishment of women as a result of conflict is just one of the co-relation between conflict and poverty. The eruption of conflict in Casamance has forced the women to develop survival and coping mechanisms over time as their positions shifted from being dependents to being providers (Rehn & Sirleaf, 2002, p. 43).

Women groups in Casamance have their interests in seeing the end of the conflict and a sustainable peace reached because it is the only way that they can limit their exclusion and marginalization when it comes to their participation in peacebuilding processes, especially in the public sphere (Moosa, Rahmani, & Webster, 2013, p. 453). The knowledge, ideas and experiences that women generally have can be beneficial if shared with the wider community especially as their role as wives, mothers and daughters positions them to access, and likely influence the society. In Casamance, the traditional setting of the community is already advantageous to women because, they are already traditionally held at a position of respect and their role in the society revered. This

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empowers them to be the educators as well as what was seen as their responsibility in the socialization process of children.

The motivation for their work is encouraged by the experiences that the women have gone throughout the duration of the conflict and a desire to put an end to the economic, social and psychological trauma that they have endured. However, the agency that women have to exercise in contributing to peacebuilding in Casamance is limited by their lack of sufficient capacity building skills, as well as training to allow them access the political and decision making realm. This remains a major impediment to their effective participation in peacebuilding processes. As agents of peace, the women groups use the spaces and places they occupy to transform them into what Björkdahl and Kappler in their peace and conflict research define as ‘peacescapes’ (Björkdahl & Kappler, 2017, p. 2).

5.3.2 Women groups using agency as peacebuilders

In Casamance, women groups are visible through various projects that they are involved in at the grassroots level. These various projects are centered on social and economic activities and involve the community intervention for their success. The analysis from the field indicates that, the perception of the community members for the women groups as peacebuilders is highly regarded as a core contribution to finding a solution for the conflict. The women groups’ efforts towards peacebuilding are considered "voice of the voiceless".103 Several respondents104 supported this assertion as they highlighted the initiatives of these women groups and one of them said… “these women are our mouth and our voice…anytime they are able to overcome an obstacle it gives us hope”.

Further evidence from the field showed that, these women groups act as role models for young girls and other women who aspire to be involved in community engagement and service. For example, a young woman105 disclosed that attending the peacebuilding activities organized by the women groups has inspired her to believe that the role of women is not limited to the home but

103 This was described this way by one of the respondents 104 Interview, 13 July 2019. 105 Interview, 13 July 2019. 131

can go beyond the patriarchal ideology on the role of women in society. This reflects the role that women play in society can be strategic in the context of their work, and in the case of Casamance, with the support of the community positive outcomes can be beneficial to the general community. Women staying in the frontline as they consolidate their efforts towards finding a solution to the conflict in Casamance shows that, whenever women have an opportunity to participate and play a role in peacebuilding then they have the potential to work communally and use existing resources to achieve their goal. Analysis from the field suggests that, the beneficial step towards sustainable peace in Casamance will be to involve these women groups in formal negotiations as important stakeholders. Women’s agency106 is visible in Casamance as has been seen in their participation in peacebuilding activities. The women groups have not only influenced the direction of the conflict indirectly but have also been vocal in the need for dialogue and reconciliation. The definitions of [voice] and agency as discussed in feminist economics strives to explain the inequalities in power for women in both public and private spheres (Gammage, Kabeer, & Rodgers, 2016, p. 3). The women groups in Casamance have realized the potential they have to act as agents of peace and change but lack the capacity to do more. Because of their desire to bring positive social change in their community, the women are using their agency to influence positive change in the community through the various peacebuilding activities they engage in. Gender disparities have been the main challenge for women, but the strategies that they employ to overcome these disparities can only be fulfilled with the support of those that want to sustain the peace and work with the women to achieve it. If the women are to be able to enhance their agency as peacebuilders, then structural obstacles have to be broken down so as to empower them.

The various women groups in Casamance can express their agency through ambitiously seeking the objective of structural gender mainstreaming as a way of empowering themselves to achieve recognition for their efforts in conflict resolution. Discussions with respondents107 who have been involved in peacebuilding for a long time revealed that, in their own experience, the agency of

106 The concept of Agency as used in this research is based on the context of giving women a voice and a platform where their voices can be heard especially in decision making where their involvement and participation is often overlooked. 107 Interview, 25 June 2019. 132

women is ‘fragile’ as it can easily be taken from them especially when they are not equipped with the necessary capacity to avoid being ‘disempowered’ by other actors with different interests.

5.3.3 Youth associations

Young people in Casamance make up the majority of the population and most of them have been born in the period of the conflict. Having experienced the hardships in their individual experiences has contributed to shaping their perception about the impact of the conflict in their daily lives. The conflict situation has also affected the lives of these young people through displacement, lack of employment and other economic opportunities, loss of family assets, especially land and family members. All these factors contribute to the general frustration and disgruntled attitude of these young people, which adds to the perceived and actual grievances of the population. Most have left Casamance and moved to other cities such as Dakar in search of education and work.

An interview with a member of the youth group KEKENDO, the respondent reflected on the situation of youth in Casamance and noted that, most young people have left Casamance because they are looking for employment opportunities, because they feel vulnerable because of the conflict, and to avoid being lured into crime and other illegal activities. People like himself were born in the conflict and know nothing else. This, he thinks is unfair, and questions why he and others, have to suffer this, that is why he says they have come together as youth, to promote dialogue and seek to advance peace in Casamance. He argues that as young people they have to go back and develop Casamance. Ousmane Diemé the president of KEKENDO acknowledges that; running away will not solve the problem or make it go away. He reiterates that, Casamance is where they consider to be home therefore the only solution is to contribute towards solving the problem. The young people are aware that they need the support of the state to achieve peace. He is also convinced that the state, through the political elite should show more commitment to healing the scars of the conflict, by actually doing something concrete instead of using the conflict in Casamance as a political score card every time an election approaches.108

108 Interview, 21 September 2018. 133

These sentiments resonated with many of the young people109 I interviewed and the fears and hopes for the future that they shared reflected the position of young people in Casamance. Some of the activities that they are involved with include collaborating with the women groups, such as Usoforal in their community project on ‘football for peace’ (see sub-chapter 4.4.3. Football for peace).

5.3.4 The catholic church

The catholic church has been a key component in the conflict in Casamance since it began in 1982. The role that its leadership has played has been important and continues to be influential in the peace process for Casamance. Taking a close look at the historical context of the role of the church, there is a narrow distinction between religion and politics as it is of public knowledge that the church has openly been accused of supporting the MFDC in the past. This is tied to the veteran president of the MFDC, Father Augustin Diamacoune (ca. 1929-2007) a Roman catholic priest who until his death was a sympathizer for the political independence of Casamance from Senegal (Foucher, 2011, p. 87).

Foucher having explored the role of the church in the Casamance question maintains that in as much as the conflict in Casamance has different dimensions, the church has nevertheless played an explicit role that cannot be underestimated nor ignored right from the beginning. The author analyzes how religion has had an indirect impact on the history of the region and the conflict and how it has shaped and influenced the ‘diffusion and making’ of an identity of Casamance (Foucher, 2003a). The conflict cannot be separated from the connections of the Catholic Church because of its involvement from the beginning (see sub-chapter 3.7.1 Analysis of the conflict in Casamance). Considering that the region hosts the largest number of Catholics in Senegal, the conflict has stirred sentiments especially among politicians of interpreting the conflict in terms of religious cleavages. Nevertheless, this prognosis has been refuted after research has indicated that religion, in the case of Casamance is not used as a factor for separatism, but that the conflict is based on the socio- economic, political, and geographical marginalization that the population perceive.

109 KEKENDO which is an association of young people for dialogue and development in Casamance studying at the Université Cheikh Anta Diop in Dakar. 134

Religious tolerance has characterized Senegal where, despite most of the population being Muslim, there is relative tolerance and pluralism as well as co-existence among the different communities. The lower Casamance being dominated by the Diola who were mainly animist, has a long history of pre and post-colonial efforts for religion to penetrate. Before the nineteenth century, Islam was rejected by the local people especially because of how it was violently introduced, unlike in the northern part of Senegal where it had been established over a long period. The French colonialists, through their catholic missions also attempted to convert the Diola to Christianity and where slightly luckier than their Muslim counterparts as discussed elsewhere by other scholars (De Jong, 2002; Foucher, 2003b). My emphasis here lies in showing the role of the church historically from the conversion of the Diola population to the establishment of missions around the region as well as the influence of educational missions in the communities. The institutions’ history with the MFDC rebellion has also put it in a precarious position over the years as it has constantly had to balance how it is perceived to deal with the insurgent movement.

Other authors such as Stam, (2011) and Foucher (2003a, p. 23), have discussed the arrival of early missionaries into lower Casamance. Part of Foucher’s argument is that the reason for the propagation of Christianity in the region was to ‘counter Islam’ which was well established in the northern part of Senegal as well as fulfill the dream of having a Catholic lower Casamance. This decision was also prompted by the arrival of ‘state administrators who took wives and Islamized them’ prompting the local mission to establish a Diocese in Kolda. This long presence of the church influenced the political developments of the region and directly cast a role for Father Diamacoune in the leadership of the MFDC at the initial stage of the conflict. The church has on numerous occasions tried to distance itself from the separatist movement despite a number of priests supporting or becoming members of MFDC (Foucher, 2003a, p. 29).

The church since its establishment has played an active role in the social set up, especially in education by opening schools in Casamance and contributing significantly to raising literacy levels of the population. This, according to scholars like Marut, had the inevitable consequence of linking the church to the identity of the Casamançais and continues to do so. The church has come to its defense on occasions that the allegations have been made and often tries to distance itself. The literacy levels being the highest in the country have produced educated people who have left for

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bigger cities such as Dakar and St. Louis in search of employment opportunities. This has resulted in a ‘brain drain’ situation for the region as most of its work productive population has left therefore affecting the development of the area (O. F. Linares, 2003, p. 114).

Although the role of the church has been contested, it has also been credited for several peace initiatives. There have been attempts that have encouraged dialogue in efforts to intervene between the MFDC and the Senegalese government to resolve the conflict in Casamance. The most noted intervention was its role in the mediation between the MFDC and the state in an initiative by the NGO Sant’ Egadio in 2012 just at the end of the presidential term of Abdoulaye Wade. The intervention by this NGO opines Bartoli, ‘helped to solve a difficult problem by introducing and, when necessary, recruiting other players into the process in order to create synergies and, as a consequence, political latitude which he points out was previously absent’ (Bartoli, 2011, p. 228). The church has also supported community development and public drives aimed at sensitizing the population on the need to support the current efforts at finding sustainable peace for Casamance.

5.3.5 The Mouvement des forces démocratiques de la Casamance (MFDC)

The constituency of the MFDC has been discussed previously ( see sub-chapter 3.6 An imagined community with separatist aspirations?) and the aspirations of Father Diamacoune to be the voice of inspiration in the struggles of the people of Casamance considered. As De Jong (1999, p. 9) notes, the MFDC can be rightfully described as a guerrilla movement that initially enjoyed public support but with time lost popularity with the local population because of the violence and hostility of some of its members. Various scholars have documented the movement (Bayart, 2010; De Jong, 1999; Geschiere & Van der Klei, 1988; Lambert, 1999; Marut, 1996) therefore, reconsideration of the literature is not necessary here. The role of the MFDC as actors in the conflict continues to be at the crux of the state of affairs that has resulted in the situation of ‘no peace no war’110, as the movement is polarized with the different factions claiming to be the ‘real’ representatives. This situation has led the local population to be wary of the motives of the movement therefore withdrawing the support they initially had for its cause. The consequence of this has been the

110 The new humanitarian, formerly IRIN news, No War No Peace in Casamance, Senegal 28 July 2015.URL: https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/film/no-war-no-peace-casamance-senegal. accessed 12 April 2019. 136

general mistrust by the population on the real intentions of the rebels, as they seem to be unable to bring their case to the negotiation table. The other reason for this general mistrust and fatigue of the sympathizers with the ‘maquis’ is the constant harassment of villagers by armed groups and seizing of their property such as land and livestock.

5.3.6 Media as drivers of peace

Having previously explained the role of peace radio in the preceding chapter (see sub-chapter 4.4.4 Peace radio: from mouthpiece of the state to voice of the people) the media in this case both print, and television as well popular social media has always found itself in the position of criticism when it comes to its reportage of conflict. Some scholars claim that news media can actually influence conflict resolution, as it does not only transmit news but also acts as a social and cultural bridge for the dissemination of stories (Arno & Dissanayake, 2019). How the press reports a story can influence the public perception and reaction and this has not been exceptional with the reportage of the conflict in Casamance. Weidmann (2015, p. 1130) contends that what is reported in the news and how it is consumed most likely depends on the people it is intended for and can therefore be instrumental in influencing a conflict situation. In the case of Casamance the low intensity and the few and far between casualties the conflict has generated has concealed it from the radar of international media, which I opine, does not interest international media to qualify for sensational reportage.

Estimated figures for the casualties as reported by earlier studies (Humphreys & Mohamed, 2003), place the numbers between 3,000 and 5,000 killed, and 62,638 internally displaced persons according to a census carried out by Caritas in 1998. An important clarification to be noted is that the numbers of casualties continue to rise because of the presence of landmines despite the ongoing efforts and campaigns on de-mining (Evans, 2004, p. 9). More recent data provided by Uppsala conflict data program(UCDP) at the department of peace and conflict research of the Uppsala University in collaboration with peace research institute Oslo (PRIO)111 indicates the number of deaths totaling 1489 between the years 1989 and 2018 with a significant decrease since the year 2004.This may also be attributed to the bias that was perceived to be pro-government propaganda

111 URL: https://ucdp.uu.se/statebased/806 accessed 10 February 2020. 137

during the first twenty or so years of the conflict when the only news reported was through state owned media.112

Fortunately, in the last decade or so the conflict in Casamance has benefited from more open and transparent coverage from voices previously unheard, therefore allowing the discussions to be more in the public sphere and involving the local community. This positive direction propelled the media to evolve its reportage due to the democratization of private media. This democratization of the media has been beneficial to highlighting the situation in Casamance by increasing the space for dialogue.

Gilboa (2009, p. 456) analyses positive and negative media contributions to conflict intervention and resolution and notes the vagueness and sometimes confusion with which terms such as ‘peacebuilding’, ‘peace operations’ and ‘peacemaking’ as used by media may contribute to its biased reportage. In conflict resolution discourse related to media has mainly been associated with peace journalism or peace oriented communication although some scholars like Bratić (2008, p. 491) cautiously point out to the dangerous impact of new electronic media which potentially spreads propaganda. Reacting to the use of social media as a tool of communication, the respondents agreed that they were aware of how news can sometimes be misrepresented but were also in cognizance of the power of this new medium of communication.113

5.3.7 The Senegalese state: sitting on the fence?

As in any conflict setting, the state becomes one of the main actors, which can either exacerbate or pacify the conflict. Salehyan (2007, p. 218), who has written on transnational insurgencies and world politics, poses the question as to why rebel movements that are relatively weaker than the state continues to evade state repression. In his argument the author contends that, while states enjoy a relative advantage in the internal use of force, their power is largely confined to their own security jurisdiction, or sovereign territory (Salehyan, 2007, p. 219). In the case of Casamance the Senegalese state is represented by its institutions and officials that govern those state owned institutions. These officials include the political and ruling elite as well as the military who are

112 Interview, 22 July 2019. 113 Interview, 18 July 2019. 138

instrumental in shaping political and social processes in Senegal. In the threat of rising violence, the state has mechanisms, which it uses to subvert any threat to its existence.114

Corroborating Salehyan’s position on how states use internal power to protect their own sovereignty, the Senegalese government uses violence as a strategic instrument to enforce its legitimacy and grip on power (Lassman & Speirs, 1994). In its efforts to mark its autonomy the Senegalese state uses its borders to what Salehyan describes as defining “its sovereign jurisdiction and geographic territory”, so as to suppress the MFDC aspirations for secession. By doing so the state thereby effectively responds violently to the threat to its sovereignty. Such power dynamics in Casamance illustrates how the state has handled the conflict with the MFDC for the past thirty- seven years as it confronts violence with violence.

Neopatrimonialism as commonly understood with reference to Weber (Pitcher, Moron, & Johnston, 2009, p. 130), is associated with African states such as Senegal where rational legal authority, which scholars agree is the ideal but does not exist in reality due to the nature of the political context in Africa. This is seen to be overshadowed by corruption and clientelism which characterize the leadership of most African countries. In the context and for the purposes of this dissertation, the use of the term neopatrimonialism will be in line with what Pitcher et al describe as ‘an economic logic distinguished by the continual blurring of public service and private gain, with serious implications for economic development’ as advanced by the neopatrimonial school (Pitcher et al., 2009).

However, Mkandawire (2015, p. 564) argues that the concept offers ‘little analytical content and has no predictive value with respect to economic value and performance’. In a political system controlled by an elite whose behavior and interests lie in maximizing their own security and welfare, Theobald’s (2016) analysis points towards neopatrimonialism as hindering development and growth. In their quest to retain power they will go to any length and at any cost to ensure that, the political order remains in their favor as scholars such as Robinson contends (Robinson, 2001, p. 2).

114 The USAID Senegal sub regional conflict assessment report 2009 published in 2012 maps the analytical narrative of the conflict in Casamance. Available on https://www.usaid.gov. accessed 13 January 2020. 139

The context of Senegal is not very different from other African states that have been described as neopatrimonial and as Beekers and Van Gool (2012, p. 15) observe, when politicians perceive the stakes to be high they ‘may engage in contestation, intimidation and often violence’ in a bid to retain or hold power. Considering that the stakes in Casamance are high, elites in Senegal may choose to promote peace and respond to threat to their power by other means. For instance, during discussions at the focus group, respondents115 acknowledged the open secret where the government has used the “divide- and -rule” tactic. This they opined has been the case where the government has been accused on several occasions of paying rebels as a way of creating division among the various MFDC groups. This offer is what Ballentine and Nitzschke describe as ‘economic peace dividend’ although they are quick to criticize it as deeply and likely to compromise peace efforts (Ballentine & Nitzschke, 2003, p. 1). This situation was summarized by the group116 as being a contributing factor to further dividing the MFDC into different factions that are either pro or anti- government with diverse demands and interests therefore complicating the possibility of bringing these factions to the negotiating table and ultimately securing peace for Casamance.

Political scientists theorize the modern state as primarily having the power to prevent domestic unrest and threats to their rule but also recognize that conflict resolution when dealing with rebellions requires the cooperation of neighboring states (Salehyan, 2006, p. 27). As with the case of the conflict in Casamance the involvement of neighboring states of The Gambia and Guinea Bissau has implication for the security of the region as has already been discussed in this thesis (see sub-chapter 3.2 History of the region). The Senegalese state has continued to use ‘hard power’ over ‘soft power’ in dealing with the conflict in Casamance.

Nyes (1990) formulated the notion ‘soft power’ used in international relations to explain a way of differentiating the resources that, for example, states have, which they can use without necessarily resorting to more traditional economic and military power. The author advances his argument by asserting that, states have the ability to get what they want by using ‘attraction rather than coercion’. In the case of Casamance , the Senegalese state from the beginning of the conflict did

115 Focus group discussions, 18 May 2019. 116 Focus group discussions, 18 May 2019. 140

not consider the option of using soft power or what Nye (1990, p. 167), refers to as, ‘co-optive power’ as other forms of institutions, ideologies and culture to resolve the conflict. Many non- traditional actors such as NGOs, multinational corporations, civil society groups and individuals are becoming significant power players (Raimzhanova, 2015, p. 10).

Talking to respondents117 about what they thought would have been the best approach for both sides, it emerged that, the community was aware of how much force the government was using in an attempt to crash the rebellion. They further noted that over the period of the conflict, the government had invested millions of dollars in equipping and strengthening the military. This they said was a ‘misplaced priority’ for the state as it could have used the same resources to develop the area since after all part of the grievances advanced by the MFDC is the developmental neglect of Casamance.

On the other hand, when referring to ‘hard power’ Nye alludes to the use of force especially military in the changing economic and political times worldwide. The author brings to attention the observation that this has become an increasingly ineffective way of achieving diplomacy. In Casamance and handling the insurgency with the MFDC, the Senegalese state can be observed to have resorted to ‘hard power’ which in the long term has been both ineffective and costly. Both the MFDC and the State has suffered losses that could have been avoided. The strategy that the data analysis implies would work better and turn around the situation would be as reflected by the experience of the community during the duration of the conflict, communication and dialogue.

5.4 Local networks for local solutions: tapping indigenous peace resources

This section seeks to examine some of the women networks in Senegal particularly in Dakar and Casamance that dedicate their activities to advocating for the participation of women in peacebuilding processes. Solidarity within the grassroots networks that these women organize has enabled them to tailor their peacebuilding activities according to the context of their individual community situation. The women groups acting on their different platforms have a common goal of negotiating for an end to the conflict. This unifying goal reflects the major interest of the women

117 Focus group discussion, 18 May 2019. 141

groups in resolution of the conflict. The role of the women of the Bois Sacré as intermediaries between the rebels and other interested parties especially the state is an important trajectory in the resolution of the conflict.

The women of the Bois Sacré have a relationship that can be described as ‘mutual trust’ with the rebels as they have different opportunities to interact and gain access to the MFDC. This is a unique and advantageous position for them because no other groups, nor the state, have had the chance to directly communicate with the MFDC without going through their spokesperson. During the interviews, the respondents118 stated that the reason why the rebels chose to communicate with them directly is because their relationship is based on the aspect of cultural attachment. This they explained was due to the fact that the rebels were initiated to go into the forest by the women using mystical and oath taking ceremonies to protect them, therefore creating a trust based relationship. The rebels also need to interact with the women when they have to be cleansed and reintegrated into society when they are no longer serving in the forest. This leads to the question as to why the MFDC would trust the women of the Bois Sacré in particular enough to give them access to them. The answer was provided by the women119 when thy said that the main reason they believe why the MFDC trusts them is because they have no political motivation and they know that the only interests that the women have is for the resolution of the conflict which will be beneficial to the whole community. The issue of politics is at the core of the conflict and the MFDC have always been cautious when dealing with any outsiders. Trust and loyalty are the key factors that allow the women to earn the confidence of the MFDC.

The role of the women of the Bois Sacré as intermediaries can be considered as a bridge between the state and the MFDC for the common goal of peacebuilding. Because these women have no political ambitions that the MFDC perceive may interfere with their own interests, then it puts them at a crucial position which can be beneficial to the peace process. The encounters between the women of the Bois Sacré and the MFDC gives the women more legitimacy not only in their community but also at the state level making them critical actors in conflict resolution and

118 Interview, 17 August 2018. 119 Interview, 17 August 2018. 142

peacebuilding process in Casamance. This is because the women are the main communication link between the state and the MFDC as they rely messages from them to the political class. This link as emphasized above has an important role in the overall peacebuilding process in Casamance as the contribution of the women of the Bois Sacré as intermediaries that use informal interactions to influence the dynamics of the conflict have created a shift. This shift from formal to informal negotiations have been brokered between the MFDC and the women of the Bois Sacré, therefore effectively contributing to social reconstruction and community reconciliation. This shows the agency of the women as peace seekers, and their interests in ensuring the end of the conflict as motivated by a community free of the threat of insecurity caused by conflict.

5.4.1 Commité Régionale de Solidarité des femmes pour la paix en Casamance

(CRSFPC/USOFORAL)

USOFORAL, meaning ‘let’s join hands’ in Diola language, is based in Ziguinchor also known as Women’s Regional Solidarity Committee for Peace in Casamance (CRSFPC). The organization was formed in 1999 with the aim of supporting women in leadership as well as participate in the realization of peace in Casamance. Usoforal, with its membership base mainly within rural areas is a grassroots organization that has been active in Casamance and their capacity building work recognized and funded by various international development partners.

As other research has already focused on how the group has worked with international development partners in its many years of mobilizing women in development and empowerment (Davies & True, 2019; Stam, 2011), I choose to look at the impact of their work towards the overall peacebuilding process in Casamance and how it has influenced how the conflict has evolved over time. Notes from the fieldwork and interviews conducted with members of USOFORAL reflect that the communities fully support the activities of the organization and acknowledge it as an important part of the peacebuilding process. The organization has over time attracted research from the socio-economic perspective of their activities. This research however focuses on the cultural foundations or the traditional focus of conflict resolution methods that the organization is currently using to advocate for peacebuilding. Their strategy is to ‘construit de la paix a la bas’ and the group

143

asserts that they ‘opened the dialogue towards addressing the conflict through their work in the community over a long period of time’.120

Background to the organization

Having started with a few women meeting to talk to communities and opening the dialogue on the conflict, USOFORAL eventually grew into a recognized association dedicated to spreading the idea of peace and development. Because the debates on peacebuilding are inherently linked to those on development and as Murphy (2005, p. 97) argues the development project has been essential to capitalism for its promise of global stability. The organization has been able to reach out to the communities through programs such as leadership skills for women, working with youth towards non-violent ways of conflict resolution as well as other income generating programs aimed at sustainable development. With a permanent staff of 18, the organization has its headquarters in Ziguinchor and has benefited from the financial support of several development partners.

In the year 2013, Usoforal had an annual budget of 312,000€ with 212,000€of the amount dedicated to mediation and conflict resolution programs (AU CMD-CMI-ACCORD, 2013). These funds were supported by donors such as Weltfriedensdienst (WFD), New Field Foundation (NFF) as well as Assembly of Cooperation for Peace (ACPP) (New Field Foundation, n.d). The main objective of USOFORAL is to advocate for peace through empowering women using development activities. These figures are based on the last funding the group had from International donors. At the time of conducting this research the possibility of accessing financial records was problematic and therefore explains the lack of the figures in the data collection.

Some of the activities that have attracted attention include setting up peace committees at the local Government level. Usoforal also participated in the World Social Forum held in Dakar in February 2011 as well as organizing a night vigil of inter-faith prayers for peace in January 2011. The organizations’ approach to mediation and conflict resolution include “adaptation of the general

120 Interview, 16 June 2019. 144

approach of mediation to the realities of our societies” as well as “mapping the conflict actors, displaced people and figuring how to involve them”.121

Based on the interviews conducted and discussions in the focus group with members of Usoforal, it became clear that the women have chosen to try different approaches or methods of peacebuilding activities. How then is the involvement of women using traditional methods a possibility of attainment and endurance of peace in an area where it has seemed to be unattainable? I will discuss these methods in the subsequent paragraphs and pay attention to why it is necessary to acknowledge and consider these efforts as contributing to the overall peacebuilding process. Again, one may argue that it is empirically not possible to measure the impact or success of using these traditional methods, one may agree, but it may be postulated that, based on the community’s appreciation of these methods through active participation and being convinced, is enough to acknowledge the relevance of these methods to the particular context of Casamance.

‘Projet Pagne Noir’

One of the most visible traditional tool that has been used by Usoforal to advocate for peace in Casamance is the ‘gäbil’ or traditional loincloth used by the Diola women. All women possess this cloth because it has always accompanied them in their different stages of life from their birth to their death. Once a child is born, the ‘gäbil’ is used to wrap the child during its naming ceremony. When a woman is being initiated into womanhood, she is wrapped around the ‘gäbil’ as a symbol of passage. It is also during her marriage ceremony where the cloth forms part of her trousseau. In the last stage of life, which is death, the ‘gäbil’ makes the journey with the deceased to the final resting place as the body is shrouded with it. The significance of this cloth to the Diola women was what inspired Usoforal to organize an exhibition in 2005 where they took the story of women through the ‘gäbil’ and wanted to pass the message that it was through the history of the loincloth that the story of women’s role in Casamance can be told. The idea was to show that, since men weave the cloth, it was at the risk of disappearing since these men where leaving Casamance to find work elsewhere, or were joining the rebels in the forest, because of the conflict. The materials

121 Organization Dossier 2018. 145

and the skills for weaving of the cloth, both of which the men are responsible for, if not preserved will lead to the loss of this important traditional cloth.122

5.4.2 Association Régionale des Femmes pour la Recherche de la Paix en Casamance (KABONKETOOR)

Background to the organization

Kabonketoor which means to ‘mutually excuse’ in the Diola language on the other hand, was created in the year 2000 an organization that defines itself by the explicit use of traditional methods of conflict resolution. A few women took the initiative to lead meetings in the community with the aim of dialogue and forgiveness for conflict resolution. This led to the formation of the group, which eventually enlisted membership from women of different ages and economic and social diversity from the community in Casamance. Having its origins among the networks of women in the community and especially a category of women that are ‘traditionally eligible’ to become members, Kabonketoor became an organization that also involved itself in socio-economic activities for empowering women especially agriculture, and rice production. This eligibility was initially restricted to women only especially those who had already given birth to children and were not menstruating at the time of the rituals and also those who hailed from the communities in Casamance such as the Diola and Sose. This is the minimum requirement especially if they have to participate in the mystical ceremonies in the sacred forest or Bois Sacré. However, membership is still open to other women whose only disadvantage would be, not being able to participate in the rituals in the sacred groves. Sacred forests play an important role in the belief and cosmology of the local population therefore it is quite common to find many spaces considered sacred around Casamance.

One of the custodians of the Bois Sacré, an elderly woman in her eighties explained to me some of their traditions and said that these had been passed from generation to generation and everybody respected this. She emphasized that it does not matter if one is Muslim or Christian as everyone follows what the tradition requires of him or her. She went on to reiterate that in Casamance the people trust in these ceremonies and accept them and that too much blood has been spilt on this

122Interview, 12 August 2018. 146

land and it was time to make amends. She recalled how as a priestess of the Bois Sacré she and others initiated the ‘maquis’ to go to the forest although they no longer do so. The women have realized that, helping and involving themselves in supporting the armed group has had far wider negative consequences than they had anticipated, and so now ask the armed group members to come back reintegrate into the community and leave the forest. This process of ‘becoming uninitiated’, as the tradition requires is part of what the women do to build peace.123

The activities that the women of Kabonketoor engage in relation to peacebuilding is their contribution in Casamance to what the president of the association refers to as, ‘independent of the interests of the state or the MFDC agenda’. She further emphasizes that the organization seeks to rather ‘focus on their own interest of peace for all for the sake of the community to end the conflict and create an environment for sustainable peace and security’. Field analysis shows that the women of Kabonketoor have managed to secure the confidence and trust of the rebels and are the only group that have been able to reach out to them in the forest through direct contact124. This is significant because this access has been elusive to all other actors both state and non-state because of the refusal of the MFDC to engage directly in dialogue for the resolution of the conflict.

Kasongo (2010, p. 317) in his analysis of the role of myths as explained by Mbiti (1988) illustrates the important position of women as ‘they are nearly or always mentioned…and in some cases named’. Their position as givers of life is significant in the social order of the community as the women in addition to nurturing life have the responsibility for agriculture, especially rice cultivation in Casamance, which is a staple food for the community. Mbiti further justifies this importance of women traditionally by postulating that, because of ‘their value to society they are more ready and have more abilities to mediate and resolve social conflicts which have been created by man’ (Mbiti, 1988, p. 72).

The organization has from time to time received the support of funds from international partners which include CONCERN UNIVERSAL, OXFAM/GB, Ambassade USA au Sénégal, Ambassade de la Hollande, GTZ, OCENIANUM , USAID/PEPAM, Ambassade Canada, UNICEF, UNIFEM

123 Interview, 21 August 2018. 124 Interview, 9 September 2018. 147

and Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) Sénégal. The challenge, however, was to get the administration of Kabonketoor to give a breakdown of the estimates of the funding as they did not want to reveal exact expenditure by the organization. The management explained that generally these funds were used for the general activities related to social and economic empowerment of the community. The other challenge that the organization faces is in accounting within formal or nongovernmental organization systems where they were expected to produce outcomes from activities. The administration explained that because of the nature of how they conduct their activities their ‘outputs’ are not measurable within specified time frames and this makes it difficult for them to submit written reports for their work.

5.4.3 Plateforme des Femmes pour la Paix en Casamance (PFPC)

The group Plateforme des Femmes Pour la Paix en Casamance (PFPC) was created in September 2010 in Kolda on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the commemoration of the UNSC Resolution 1325. This was prompted when the women groups in Casamance decided to amalgamate all their peacebuilding efforts under one umbrella as a way of strengthening their visibility, voice and role in finding a solution to the conflict (Guèye, 2015). The PFPC is constituted of different grassroots organizations situated around Ziguinchor and its environs whose diverse membership includes faith based organizations, self-help groups, women advocating for awareness about sexual based violence and student associations, among others.

The main activities that the platform involves itself is, peacebuilding through development work and dialogue in addition to capacity building and conflict resolution skills for those involved in peacebuilding.125 In the recent past, the platform has been active and in the forefront in peacebuilding in Casamance and is perceived as representing the voice of the women. In 2012, the president of Senegal Macky Sall was quoted to have said that “I have been looking for and believe to have found […] the secret door that leads to the splendor of cities of peace. You are that door

125 Rapport Narratif 4, 2016. Unpublished manuscript, “Dossier de presentation; Plateforme des Femmes pour la Paix en Casamance (PFPC)”. I obtained these records from the interview partners. 148

[…]. The torch of peace is there: take hold of it to enlighten our relentless quest for peace126. The president was referring to the platforms activities and robustness in the process of involving themselves addressing the conflict situation in Casamance. One of the main campaigns by the platform is seeking to have them included in any negotiations to be brokered between the MFDC and the State.

PFPC works with other technical partners and financers such as Femmes Africa Solidarité, Catholic Relief Services, UN Women, American Jewish World Services and the Ville de Dakar. Accessing funding sources and financial statements was a major challenge as the organization was not willing to disclose their records. This therefore limits the information on budgets and estimated expenditures for the purposes of this work. The social actions for the women mobilizing themselves points for the collective benefit of the community to pool their collective resources illustrates the commitment they have to use dialogue to meet at the crossroad to peace.

The women’s platform is currently involved in a project called ‘Livre Blanc’ which is a collaboration of peacebuilding efforts between the women groups in Senegal, The Gambia and Guinea Bissau with the aim of addressing the question of the conflict and working together towards peace, justice and reconciliation for the region. One of the programs that they conducted in September 2019 was organizing a march and launching of the ‘Livre Blanc Pour la Paix en Casamance: Perspectives des Femmes et Populations locale’ Report in Dakar, as part of an advocacy and sensibilization activity.127 In February 2019, the PFPC organized and requested audience with the presidential candidates just before the 24 February elections, with the aim of securing the commitment of the candidates to resolving the stalemate on the resolution of the

126 URL: http://www.lesoleil.sn/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17318:rencontre-avec-la-plateforme-desfemmes-de-casamance-l-le-senegal-vous-donne-mandat-pour-reussir-cette-paix-r&catid=140:actualites accessed 12 April 2019. 127 Interview, 11 July 2018. The event: “Marche et sortie du Livre Blanc de la Plateforme des Femmes pour la Paix définitive en Casamance”, was covered by the local press including Group futurs media, RTS, Africanews and group média sud and posted on social media such as YouTube. 149

conflict in Casamance. However, and rather unfortunately, because of what the organizers perceived to be a lack of political will, this meeting did not materialize.128

Individuals especially women who engage themselves in working for peace as seen in Casamance face many challenges but because of the solidarity that they forge with others who do similar work, they are able to play a role in peacebuilding. At the grassroots level the role of women in peacebuilding is crucial but is often overlooked in favor of those working within high policy or policy elites (D. Marshall, 2000, p. 5). The women from the PFPC are now demanding a place on the negotiating table, with other stakeholders as a way of contributing to the peacebuilding process with the hope that their inclusion and participation will have positive peaceful effects in Casamance. The role of grassroots organizations may be greatly enhanced by shifting resources to support the work they are involved in. This is exactly what the women groups in Casamance are advocating for as they work towards transforming their perceptions on their role as peacebuilders which is important but often ignored or disregarded.

5.4.4 Femme Africa Solidarité (FAS)

Femme Africa Solidarité (FAS) is a non-governmental organization (NGO) with more than 23 years’ experience in women’s mobilization in peacebuilding. FAS mobilizes women in prevention and mediation processes of conflicts in Africa. The organization was created in 1996, by Madame Bineta Diop, who is currently the Special Envoy on Women Peace and Security of the Chairperson of the AU Commission.129 The decision to establish FAS was taken against ‘the backdrop of erupting conflicts in Africa to respond to the needs of women in conflict as well as to promote their untapped strength in the areas of conflict resolution’.130

128 Skype interview, 16 May 2019. See: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=49_0ZXIXjpo. accessed 17 February 2020. 129 FAS also has an International secretariat in Geneva and a regional office in Dakar together with representative offices in New York as well as field offices in Sudan and DRC. The work they do is extended to the Horn of Africa, the Mano River Region in Liberia, Sierra Leone Guinea and Ivory Coast as well as Rwanda and Burundi (Source, FAS Dossier). 130 FAS 2018. This was part of a panel presentation by Mme Coumba Fall Venn, Director of Pan-African Centre for Peace and Development at the conference organized by the Global and European Studies Institute (GESI) of the University of Leipzig and the Institute for Peace and Security Studies, of Addis Ababa University held in Dakar between 7-9 September 2018 (author‘s notes). 150

Also, FAS has been instrumental in promoting Women, Peace and Security. With the support of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, the organization has succeeded in mobilizing the power of women to forge peace and drive prosperity in Africa131. As part of their initiative to promote the involvement of women in conflict resolution, prevention of conflict, and conflict reconstruction, FAS organized a regional conference in Ndjamena, Tchad in June 2017 with female parliamentarians from the G5 Sahel region. The objective was to fight against violent extremism in the Sahel region as well as to promote women as significant drivers of peace in the region.132

Available financial records show that the annual budget of the organization in 2013 was 2,317,060€ with a total amount of 490,699€ dedicated to mediation and conflict resolution. The unavailability of more recent budget figures is a big problem with relevance to this research as management often was not willing to share their financial records. Due to the constrain to access up-to-date data and information regarding FAS considering bureaucratic and administrative bottlenecks, limited this research the exact amount of money spent on their activities and projects. It is important to note that financial information is usually sensitive and confidential for many organizations and it usually difficult to access such data or information when it is not provided for public use. Therefore, this research utilized only information that was available and accessible. The diversity of donors from Finland, Norway, United Kingdom, Spain and Senegal reflects the urgency of addressing conflict resolution on the continent of Africa. The organization strives to strengthen the capacity of women in building networks besides coordinating and empowering women to increase their political participation for good governance. For instance, in 2016, FAS launched a pilot project to train peacekeepers on prevention and addressing sexual violence in Senegal. The platform of PFPC did not only participated as key actors but were very instrumental in the discussions and training sessions.

In addition, the organization supports and promotes women initiatives in the prevention, management and resolution of conflicts. Likewise, FAS is in the forefront of strengthening the

131 See more at URL: https://www.fasngo.org/. accessed on 23 February 2020. 132 See more at URL: https://www.fasngo.org/. accessed on 23 February 2020. 151

performance of African women in conflict resolution through proposing the engendering of policies, structures and programs on peace and human security (AU CMD-CMI-ACCORD, 2013). The ability of FAS to raise funds for activities can be attributed to the following reasons. First, the organization has a strong visibility in the region. This is linked to FAS’ presence and influence in the manner in which activities are carried out and projects are run. A staff from FAS indicated that the credibility of the institution has worked positively on their visibility and image.133 This in turn has encouraged donors trust and the reason why they work in collaboration with FAS. Second, impeccable integrity of the organization is a contribution factor as to why the organization is able to attract funds from Donors. Data from field work reveals that since their projects are people driven, particularly women, there organization has created a strong network with donor agencies whose goal are to promote and fund such initiatives that strengthen women empowerment.134 A third argument can be linked to the concrete impact of FAS work on the ground and the success stories recorded. This is the rationale behind the organization’s success to attract more funds from donors in addition to gaining visibility as championing peacebuilding efforts in the region.

FAS initiatives in Casamance

In the case of Casamance, FAS has been continually active in addressing the conflict in the region. They have been involved in intervening to build a region that aspires to advance sustainable peace. This has been done through a series of different programs and initiatives that the organization manages in the region. The main objective of FAS in Casamance is to share lessons, good practices, and strategies that have absolute positive outcomes for peace in the region. FAS role has been to build capacity and empower women in Casamance to assume leadership roles in peacebuilding. Evidently, the organization stresses more attention on enhancing the capacity of women and youth to bolster their role and involvement in conflict resolution, conflict prevention, post conflict reconstruction, and peacebuilding in the region.135

133 Interview, 14 May 2019. 134 Interview, 14 May 2019. 135 See more at URL: https://www.fasngo.org/. accessed on 23 February 2020. 152

Unfortunately, for the last five years there have been no direct activities involving FAS in Casamance. In December 2013, FAS organized a solidarity visit to the women in Casamance with the aim of mobilizing the different actors to establish a strategic framework for women’s contribution to peace. Led by the chairperson Madame Bineta Diop, the specific objective of the visit was to express the solidarity of FAS consolidating women’s leadership in conflict management in collaboration with PFPC and other stakeholders as part of their program to mobilize and train women for better involvement in conflict resolution (FAS and PFPC, 2013, pp. 3-5). During the three day visit, FAS and the members representing them from Guinea Bissau, Cote D’Ivoire, Burundi and The Gambia met with different representatives from the State, the traditional rulers and other actors working towards the realization of peace in Casamance. One of the issues raised was the involvement of women in the negotiations for peace processes not only symbolically but also in a way that their contributions will be constructive in charting the way forward for peace in Casamance and the region as a whole.

Currently FAS is working in collaboration with the Pan-African Centre for Gender, Peace and Development (PAC), based in Dakar Senegal to advocate for the participation of youth and women for peace in the Sahel. Another program, which these two organizations launched in November 2018, is the national training program called Institutionalization of Gender in the Armed forces in Senegal. Gaanderse and Valasek (2011, p. 7) in a study conducted to review the security sector and gender in ECOWAS states looking at good practices and gaps in the security sector indicated that gender mainstreaming in West African security sectors is on the rise, but remains subject to a piecemeal approach rather than a comprehensive strategy.

The dialogues and activities organized between stakeholders by FAS is one way of strengthening and supporting gender mainstreaming. The National Gender Strategy for Equity and Equality in Senegal adopted in 2009 mandated the Senegalese security forces to review the internal policies regarding female personnel as more women were recruited to serve in the armed forces therefore making it necessary to have policies that are gender sensitive. For strategic and security reasons it was extremely difficult to have access to budget from the military as this is not made available to civilians. This is in connection to the secret nature of the military which considers national security

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a priority. Also, the highly bureaucratic nature of accessing sensitive information from higher authorities in Africa is always challenging.

Moreover, FAS in partnership with ONUWAS and the AU through the Office of the Special Envoy for Women, Peace and Security, organized a regional conference for female parliamentarians from G5 Sahel to address issues of violent extremism held in Ndjamena, Tchad in 2017. Even though the conference targeted female parliamentarians, other women groups involved in peacebuilding activities like PFPC from Casamance contributed to the discussions at the forum. With the rise of extremism in North Africa and the Sahel, this initiative is timely especially in view of the challenging situations of insecurity across the region that can disrupt peace efforts that have been achieved. Basically, this is due to the increased insecurity in the general Sahel region.136

5.4.5 Network of African Women in Conflict Prevention and Mediation (FEMWISE-

AFRICA)

In an attempt to enhance women’s role and gender dimension of conflict which still remains minimal in peacebuilding processes, the African Union in July 2017 officially established FemWise-Africa through a decision of the AU Heads of State Summit (Assembly/AU/DRAFT/Dec.21 (XXIX)). Following the rising cases of sexual violence against women and children in the course of armed conflict, the AU Panel of The Wise recommended in their action plan the creation of a formal network of women in mediation. This network was identified after a comprehensive study of existing networks and groups working on women’s mediation and peacebuilding. Against this background the African women mediation workshop on the subject, ‘Silencing the Guns by 2020: Women’s Inclusion in Pre-conflict Mediation at the Peace Table and in Social Cohesion’ was held in in December 2016 in Constantine, Algeria.137

136 Reliefweb, Insecurity in the Sahel will not be solved at high-level summits 10 February 2020. URL:https://reliefweb.int/report/burkina-faso/insecurity-sahel-won-t-be-solved-high-level-summits accessed 17 February 2020. Also featured in Vatican News, West African Bishops warn of growing insecurity in the Sahel region. 23 November 2019. See URL:https://reliefweb.int/report/burkina-faso/insecurity-sahel-won-t-be-solved-high- level-summits accessed January 17, 2020. 137 See AU Publication: Conflict Prevention and Early Warning, Peace and Security ending conflicts, sustaining peace. Division of the AU Peace and Security Department. See: http://www.peaceau.org. accessed 18 February 2020. 154

This meeting was organized by the Pan-African Network of the Wise (PanWise) together with the offices of UN Women and the African Center for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) and the outcome of this workshop eventually heralded the creation of FemWise- Africa.138

The AU in its efforts for gender equity set up FemWise-Africa as part of the instruments that it is using to achieve gender mainstreaming within the APSA framework. In this vein, the modalities for setting up FemWise-Africa network was endorsed by the AU Peace and Security Council in March 2017. Furthermore, in the same month FemWise-Africa was endorsed by the UNSC as an integral part of the Arria Formula meeting (FemWise-Africa, 2018, p. 2). The FemWise-Africa structure constitutes of the Secretariat, Steering committee and the Assembly. Membership is based on regional representation from the five regions of the continent including the Diaspora. The network has about 80 members with distinguished personalities, youth and experts in mediation (Ani, 2018).

The organization has five key priorities with one of the main goals essentially enhancing the capacity of African women engaged in conflict prevention and mediation to ensure that their engagement and influence in conflict prevention is relevant and beneficial to the context that they find themselves needed (AU Commission, 2016, p. 26).139 The women working under the umbrella of FemWise-Africa carry out their activities where crisis have occurred and using preventive diplomacy in vulnerable communities and countries therefore giving them a better opportunity to be involved in mediation.

Existing research has indicated that high level mediation has generally omitted women in their delegations and the AU is no exception as it has traditionally sent men, as high level diplomats

138 Institute for Security Studies (ISS), FemWise-Africa set to boost women’s role in peace processes 4 Jun 2018. https://issafrica.org/iss-today/femwise-africa-set-to-boost-womens-role-in-peace- processes?utm_source=BenchmarkEmail&utm_campaign=ISS_Today&utm_medium=email. accessed 7 August 2018. 139 See AU Publication: Conflict Prevention and Early Warning, Peace and Security ending conflicts, sustaining peace. Division of the AU Peace and Security Department. See: http://www.peaceau.org. accessed 18 February 2020. 155

and former heads of state as mediating officials. With the creation of FemWise-Africa, it is expected that women will get a better opportunity to be involved in mediation at the continental level where they will use the experiences they have to add value to mediation efforts as well overcome structural limitations that have been an impediment to their participation. In February 2020 FemWise-Africa participated in a commemorative book launch: “She stands for peace: 20 years, 20 Journeys” which was part of the celebrations to mark twenty years since the UNSCR 1325 came into effect .140

The relevance of FemWise-Africa in the peace and security agenda in relation to the situation in Casamance is seen through the implementation of the NAP’s by the different organizations working in peacebuilding for Casamance. FemWise- Africa, is therefore an important link between the work the women do on the ground, and the realization of Resolution 1325 at the grassroots level through the successful implementation of the NAP’s. Attempts in connecting local efforts to national or higher levels can be a potential pitfall but the existence of platforms such as FemWise- Africa help to bridge that open space between grassroots organizations such as those working in Casamance and the legal frameworks that are meant to help them achieve their goals of peacebuilding. Including women and boosting their voices and their work in peacebuilding.

5.5 The role of international development donors and NGO’s in Casamance

5.5.1 Different actors, different agendas

Like in any developing country, Senegal is host to a number of humanitarian and developmental international organizations and NGO’s that work towards social and economic needs of the country with the aim of meeting the country’s development objectives. Because of the context of colonial history, and more significantly poor governance and plundering of resources have been the predominant factors that have hindered most African countries from accelerated development. There is also the context in which these countries find themselves grappling with post- independence transitions that have resulted in the dynamics affecting the social, economic and political situations of individual countries.

140 For more information see URL: https://twitter.com/femwiseafrica?lang=en #SheStandsForPeace. accessed 25 February 2020. 156

The supposed interference of former colonial masters in domestic affairs of former colonies is also considered a contributing factor for instability. One observation can be attributed to conflict, which can be complex and must be addressed from individual country context. This may be ascribed to border or natural resources disputes, which become both a source of acrimony as well as revenue. High levels of poverty, social injustices and inequalities, and the most endemic of all, corruption, exacerbate the already fragile situation in some countries thus intervention in the form of development and humanitarian assistance is directed at steering the country towards the path of economic recovery and stability. The desire for a country to place its priorities on sustainable development offers the opportunity to allow for economic growth, often dictated by trade and investment, which primarily facilitate the realization of its millennium development goals. Several studies have paid attention to the history of aid programs (Brautigam, 1998; Singh, 2007; Vaz & Inoue, 2007).

Peter Kragelund, Professor Department of Social Science and Business, Roskilde University in Denmark notes that, the traditional North-South cooperation has always dominated the political and economic arena for many decades before the emergence of new cooperation between the South-South. This he notes, has seen increased flow of economic assistance to African countries. This cooperation he argues describes the south-south as ‘non-traditional donors’ whose potential for influencing future developments is formidable and constitutes a significant opportunity for Africa (Kragelund, 2010, p. 4). In describing the origins of the partnership, some authors attribute the South-South cooperation “as closely related to the liquidation of colonialism in the 1950-s and 1960s” (Folke, Fold, & Enevolsden, 1993, p. 22).

In order to achieve developmental outcomes, it is necessary for these agencies to work with government to not only understand the politics, but also the interests and incentives that drive policies related to sustainable development (D. Hudson & Leftwich, 2014, p. 9). This cannot be done in a vacuum and it takes the cooperation of different institutions because, indeed politics does matter as Castles and McKinely (1997) opine. The authors’ state that there is a relevant connection between politics and development as it is evident that to achieve positive development outcomes, it is important that there should exist cooperation between the state and development agencies. For

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stakeholders to participate in the political economy of any given country, there has to exist similar goals and aspirations from the partnerships for the overall benefit of the population.

This section of the dissertation is not concerned with the historical development of International aid organizations, nor their agendas; but is however only examining International donors that have projects related to humanitarian and developmental relevance in Casamance, and their particular agendas, and in particular those directly supporting the women in peacebuilding activities.141 The section will further examine the impact of these organizations on the ground vis á vis the social and economic situation with the conflict in the region. The development NGO’s and International organizations based in Casamance mainly work on the platform of social development related to education, health, water and sanitation, poverty eradication and agriculture. David Lewis describes development NGO’s as:

“an extremely diverse group of organizations which range from large formal, professional, bureaucratic agencies such as the British OXFAM with multi-billion dollar budgets to small informal groups with little or no organizational structures” (D. Lewis, 1998, p. 502).

Ascher et al., (2016) have examined the evolving roles of NGO’s in developing countries and how their practices have evolved with time in providing services to the public. There is the general perception that states are often seen to have failed in the provision of basic services and infrastructure to the populace, or that they cannot do so acting on their own thus creating a gap which is filled by these organizations. Significant contributions to development may therefore be attributed to the NGO’s working with populations in developing countries. However, it is pertinent to note that, there must be a critical level of consultative partnership between the NGO’s/development agencies, and the state, if implementation is to be successful.

141 I make use of the terms development and humanitarian agencies reciprocally for the purpose of this text to mean those actors that are involved in responding to society needs when an intervention that is non-state based is necessary. In Casamance the multitude of agencies working there focus on humanitarian, developmental and social projects and no distinction is made when carrying out projects. 158

In Senegal, most NGO’s and development agencies can be found working in the Northern and Southern regions of St. Louis and Ziguinchor respectively where they are involved in providing technical assistance and service delivery at the local government level. Marie Stopes International, The British Red Cross Society, World Vision International, USAID, The Mines Advisory Group, ActionAid are just a few of the many development agencies on the ground. The agencies working directly with the women groups are mainly USAID, UNOWAS, and SIDA through locally managed organizations. All of these agencies have different projects with the women although some have funded them on a one time basis. For example, the work that USAID does with some of the groups will be expounded further in the coming section.

UNOWAS142 working in partnership with UN Women created, Groupe de Travail Femmes, Jeunes, Paix et Securité en Afrique de l’Ouest et le Sahel (GTFJPSAOS) in 2009 in Dakar as a regional platform for exchanging, facilitating and coordinating activities, exchanging experiences in accordance with the provisions of the UNSCR 1325(2000).143 These activities are related to gender, peace and stability for West Africa through the participation of existing local networks of the countries in West Africa. The relevance of this group to the implementation of UNSCR 1325 is in its dynamic composition that includes different networks and associations as well as youth groups that bring in new perspectives from their angle.144 SIDA partnering with Tostan a local organization based in Dakar funded a program titled ‘peace and security from the grassroots up’ between 2010-2014. Its intention was to explore the potential of building on Community Management Committees as possible inclusive platforms for peace and reconciliation and linking these community-based initiatives to regional institutions.145

142 This office is mandated since 2002 to enhance the contributions of the UN towards the achievement of peace and security in West Africa. For more information on UNOWAS, see URL: http://unowas.unmissions.org 143 http://womencount4peace.org. See also URL: https://unowas.unmissions.org/fr/genre-femmes-paix-et-securite 144 Interview 25 June 2019. 145 Evaluation of Sida’s Support to Tostan (2010-2016) Final Report. Sida Decentralised Evaluation 2017:2. This publication can be downloaded from: http://www.sida.se/publications. More information about Tostan can be found on URL: http://www.tostan.org 159

5.5.2 The role of civil society

The role of civil society in Casamance in advancing the peace talks has already been discussed in earlier research (Clark, 2011; Evans, 2005; W. Faye, 2006; Foucher, 2003a). This section will therefore only reflect upon the actual reality of the presence of these agencies on the ground and analyze the general attitude of the population in terms of assessing their impact on their own economic and social growth. As Richmond and Mitchell (2011, p. 329) note, the tendency among the community to see the presence of these donors as prejudiced, heavy handed and driven by the elite interest groups makes some of their work counter-productive. Respondent’s146 reaction to the development programs pointed to the assumption that these officials are just using these opportunities to advance their own careers and not keen on achieving the objectives of the development programs or projects. When queried about whether the government was monitoring the presence and activities of a number of groups engaged in community advocacy one of the respondents’147 answer to this was that most of the time the people involved in overseeing these organizations and their activities were involved with the political elites and often intensified their activities during election period. The respondent further noted that ‘interestingly as the political elites intensify their campaigns and always use any opportunity to cash in on the conflict, their common parlance that they will make it a priority or part of their electoral promise to the community just ends up with them (the politicians) disappearing up there in Dakar…we see them after four years with new or maybe old unkept promises…this is the sad truth for us here…we have no one with our interests at heart…just politicians and their quest for power and money’. Government recognizes, and takes advantage of what I refer to as, the economy of development work situation in Casamance. In this case, the projects that are being managed by the donors creates activity for the locals, therefore in a way contributing to the lull in violence and keeping the communities engaged in either long term or short term projects. However, this is a very temporary state of affairs which when asked to express their thoughts on this, the local community said they recognized and acknowledge that, there is the need for change which can only happen if the situation is addressed realistically by government.148 The respondents further explained that,

146 Interview, 22 July 2019. 147 Interview, 14 July 2019. 148 Interview, 15 April 2019. 160

leaving civil society to be concerned with the conflict situation without government showing more commitment to solving the issue complicates the already complicated situation in Casamance.

This the analysis shows creates an atmosphere of suspicion, which can have a negative impact on the overall efforts directed at accomplishing positive and socially satisfactory outcomes for sustainable peace and development in Casamance. Besides the mushrooming of smaller clusters of women groups at an alarming rate in peacebuilding activities, there seems to be a problem of duplication of projects because of the different financial donors and the objectives they want to meet. This apparent lack of coherence and coordination by the different players implies that measuring impact of activities becomes challenging especially when ‘results are to be seen’ within specified time frames.

Galvanek (2013) acknowledges the liberal peace approach, which designs peacebuilding initiatives based on the western agenda of peace and exports it to non-western settings, often experience some opposition from the local communities because of the ‘specific norms and values that exist in each context’. To further explain this argument by analyzing the genealogy of liberal peace Richmond (2006, p. 296) argues that, in order to understand the strand of peace he identifies as ‘victors peace’, which he maintains remains an important aspect of liberal peace; one has to ‘acknowledge characteristics entrenched on the notions of enlightenment, rationality and sovereignty which are basically western ideologies’. This supports the argument where liberal peace approach is deemed as not suitable for Casamance, because it is not a society based on western culture.

This can result in problems in trying to implement the liberal peace approach in societies that are nonwestern such as in Casamance. As a way of getting the local actors to participate rather than be persuaded using financial means only, or for the discourse on peace to be beneficial, there is the necessity to take into consideration other factors such as local agency of the community and their societal context. The local actors agency, and in this case the community comprised of those working towards peacebuilding, if this agency is undermined or ignored because their agendas differ from those of the donors, then a fundamental problem is created with conflict of interests arising. Since they also lack the finances to implement their projects, they are often obliged to either resist, accommodate or modify their initiatives in accordance with those funding the project

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(Galvanek, 2013, p. 8). This factor has been problematic for development because it creates a situation where many projects never see the anticipated end result. The author further points out that seeing local actors as mainly victims and recipients of aid diminishes their capacity to act autonomously therefore rendering implementation difficult (Galvanek, 2013, p. 7).

Peacebuilding rationality links conflict to poverty and underdevelopment and often tries to solve the problem by using money as a means of economic recovery. However, this does not necessarily solve the problems, as the money more often than not does not end up with the community as anticipated. It is evident in Casamance, that it rather ends up catering for logistic and bureaucratic needs. DasGupta regarding this, argues that, this creates a society dependent on the government for its largesse and does not translate into significant economic growth overall (2012, p. 19). This is the most visible problem in Casamance as despite the presence of so many development agencies, the general economy is not sustainable, and poverty is high. The dependence of the population on projects initiated by NGO’s and their donor agencies has contributed to the region becoming a ‘donor hub’ with most people depending on jobs created by the projects. This is proving to be unsustainable in the end because most projects have timeframes that they work within after which they are concluded. Sometimes the projects at completion become self- generating and continuous while others fail once the funding is discontinued.149

5.5.3 The United States Agency for International Development (USAID)

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) was created in 1961 with the passage of the foreign Assistance Act of 1961 by Congress. The objective is to support partners to become self-reliant and capable of leading their own development journeys150. It is one of the most visible and prominent development agencies on the ground and its programs cover education, maternal and child health, agriculture, democracy, human rights, peace and good governance. According to statistics provided by the USAID data services, it has spent over $118,472,734 between 2018-2019, implementing programs in Senegal. In Casamance in addition to the health and agriculture programs USAID also has activities that are addressing the conflict there through

149 Interview, 1 June 2019. 150 USAID, May 7, 2019. See URL: https:/www.usaid.gov. accessed 18 July 2019. 162

facilitating dialogue by creating opportunities for the population and civil society to strengthen their capacity at peacebuilding. USAID has also supported the PFPC in capacity building programs that have empowered the women to work effectively within their organization for a more hands on approach to peacebuilding.151

USAID involvement in Casamance is predominantly in reconstruction, reconciliation and rehabilitation activities that date back to the early 2000’s. The first USAID peacebuilding project in Casamance was the ‘Bridge Program’ with an economic component (Coly; 2012, p.200). A respondent from Nyassia who was part of the program explained that collaborating with the Association pour la promotion Rurale de l’Arrondissement de Nyassia (APRAN), USAID organized a cultural weekend as part of a peacebuilding initiative in which members from different rural communities were invited to discuss the state of the conflict as well as sort out possible constructive solutions to the problem One of the interactive ways that these discussions were held was the blending of fun activities such as football for peace (See sub-chapter 4.4.3. Football for peace). Furthermore, a program to rehabilitate abandoned villages and provide microfinance for internally displaced people was established at the time when the conflict was at its most volatile stage. Coly (2012, p. 200) notes that in response to this strategy the MFDC was forced to begin looking for peaceful ways to resolve the conflict in the region. The rehabilitation program called ‘Bridge’ lasted for six years with over 500 villages rehabilitated in the process helping the communities to reconstruct their livelihoods. This ‘Bridge’ program contributed to the pressure for the MFDC to seek peaceful ways to resolve the conflict.

In 2014, USAID launched the conflict management initiative entitled ‘building sustainable peace in the Fogni through livelihoods’. Partnering with United Purpose (formerly known as Concern Universal) to implement a three year program in the Fogni and cross border villages of the Gambia and the northern part of Bignona department in Casamance. This was a 650Million CFA project

151 Interview, 15 May 2019. 163

that contributed to peacebuilding in Casamance by reducing the number of people in the Fogni who are living in poverty.152

Another project launched by the USAID in 2019 was the ‘Subunimaa’ program. Collaborating with the group Union Santé Yalla in Ziguinchor, the program aims to bring together women’s organizations in Casamance and at the regional level in a three year project hoping to assist women empowerment and capacity building. Having four components consisting of capacity building and training; health, strengthening income generating activities and institutional support for Union Santé Yalla in addition to a network community radio program. This community radio known as ‘Kassumay’ FM was founded with the objective of promoting peace and encouraging conflict resolution in Casamance and adding a voice for the community. One of the respondents153 who is a radio presenter with the station said that the existence of Kassumay FM radio network represents a voice of the women as significantly contributing to the peace building process in Casamance. With the support of the USAID the radio is acting as a platform where women express problems that affect their lives and find solutions to such problems. She further explained that the radio platform has contributed to discussions surrounding ways in which the community can strengthen their actions in peacebuilding. Another respondent who is a member of the PFPC asserted that the existence of the radio station is strengthening women’s autonomy and making them aware of the role that they play in the peacebuilding process and for her it was to a high degree an achievement for the community especially the women. Some of the programs that are aired by the radio include live interviews with people working in the public sphere and they are asked questions directly by the listeners calling in. In this way they are able to hear directly from those representing them about the efforts that they are putting in place to find a sustainable solution to the conflict.

152 USAID Project Completion Report; Building Sustainable Peace in the Fogni through livelihood. Development Cooperative agreement no: USAID/D CHA/CMM-APS-OAA-000002. Published May 2018. https://sn.usembassy.gov/u-s-ambassador-visits-regions-casamance/ accessed 20 February 2020. 153 Interview, 4 September 2019. 164

5.5.4 Weltfriedensdienst (World Peace Service)

The World Peace Service supports partners in Casamance in its peace and reconciliation work collaborating directly with Comité Régional de Solidarité des Femmes pour Paix en Casamance (CRSFPC/USOFORAL). As part of their development work, WFD engages with the leading organization in sensitization exercises using medium such as theatre as a way of encouraging open dialogue and demystifying the issues surrounding the conflict. WFD by facilitating the creation of peace committees (4.4.2 Peace committees) has been able to reach the population directly through inclusive participation of all stakeholders.154 It also encourages non-violent approaches to conflict resolution working with youth clubs and schools in an effort to change mindsets and attitudes in young people who will be the future generation of Casamance. This as Madame Cissé disclosed in the interview is also partly aimed at discouraging young people from joining the ‘maquis’ in the forest and supporting armed groups. She further explained that with their partnership with WFD they have been able to implement the sensitization program using community theatre.155

What happens is that a theme is identified; for example, importance of solving conflict using nonviolence and the youth group will arrange a skit that will carry the message of the day. This the group found to be highly effective in easing tension especially when it comes to the issues of land as this conflict has created many internally displaced people who have been dispossessed of their land. This becomes an overly sensitive issue to address because of the cultural and family attachment to land among the various communities here. The theatre is a good way to ease tensions and convey the message, and therefore applying this method has proved to be effective. In this vein, the theater in this regard is one of the most effective methods used to ease tensions and convey messages to the community.

The members of the theater groups156 tell me in their own words their experiences travelling around the different villages and reaching out to the various communities that staging the acts has had a deep impact on them, and from the discussions after the acts, they can see that the messages they

154 See URL:https:/wfd.de/thema/frauen-engagieren-sich-fuer-frieden-in-der-casamance. accessed 24 July 2019. 155 Interview, 17 May 2019. 156 focus group discussions, 13 August 2018. 165

carry also impact on the communities they visit. The transformational possibilities of theater have been proved elsewhere to have had positive impact for the communities.

5.5.5 KARUNA Center for Peacebuilding

The history of collaboration between Karuna Center and the community in Casamance began in 2003 after the tragic ferry accident off the coast of Gambia in 2002. Referred to as the Diola tragedy, the accident resulted in the deaths of thousands of people, many of them young, and considered one of the worst shipwrecks to have happened on the African continent.157 Karuna Center was started in 1994 and is a US based NGO working across Africa, Asia, Europe, Middle East and the Americas, focusing on peacebuilding through dialogue, fostering reconciliation and strengthening community resilience (Karuna Center, 2017). Since 2014, Karuna Center has worked in collaboration with communities around Oussouye (also with the blessings of the king because the area has maintained a history of traditional royalty) to sensitize the population on reintegration of the rebels and former combatants.

The center in the same year facilitated the meeting, which assembled 300 traditional priestesses, who were representing 21 villages and went into the Bois Sacré to formally undo the spiritual protection and vows that the rebels had taken.158 This, according to the officers with Karuna Center was a critical step in their peacebuilding efforts at the local setting because, it is the only avenue available for the ex-combatants to return to the village and integrate with the community. This also had a positive impact for the villages because, the rebels stopped attacking and raiding homes and farms, therefore creating an atmosphere of hope for peace.

In Casamance, Karuna Center has been providing technical and training support to a USAID- funded program related to the peace committees as well as working with AECOM International

157Focus on Geography, Karen Burton, Department of Geography, university of Northern Colorado. See URL: https://focusongeography.org/publications/articles/joola/index.html. accessed 12 May 2019. https://www.news24.com/Africa/News/senegal-ferry-disaster-families-fight-for-justice-15-years-on-20170926 accessed May 12, 2019. 158 Author personal communication with peace activist and program co-trainer at Karuna center, Mathias Bassene, Ziguinchor, 14 September 2018. More information can be found on the website https://www.karunacentre.org/senegal.html. accessed 16 September 2019. 166

Development services159 for designing and implementing peacebuilding training, which brought together Senegalese officials, political arm of MFDC and Civil society groups.160 The organization has also worked with community based organizations to collaborate on various projects related to peacebuilding process.161 In 2013, the Karuna Center in collaboration with the organization, Alliance pour la Paix en Casamance (APAC) convened regional fora to explore how local engagement could best support the peace process.162 The three day ceremonial undoing of the vows gave an opportunity for the women priestesses to assert their traditional cultural practices and to contribute to the ongoing peacebuilding process.163 This was reported in the local media and hailed as a positive contribution by the women.

5.6 An overview of the phenomena of development aid in Casamance

The idea of promoting liberal peace, Mac Ginty (2008, p. 144) critically summarizes to be the, “mechanism for the transmission of Western-specific ideas and practices”, as well as, due to its promoters’ conviction of the practice’s superiority and subsequent dismissal of alternative forms of peace making. This he postulates is the objective of these donor agencies and their agendas. Chandler (2010, p. 22), concurring with Mac Ginty’s critique opines that, the entire approach is not entirely liberal as intervening parties, “must establish necessary institutions and regulations for effective administration” which will guide the implementation of this liberal peace approach. This dissertation will not delve into the discourse about the merits and demerits of foreign aid and development, nor discuss the Liberal peace theory; rather, this section will focus on how the presence of these donor agencies has impacted on the socio-economic situation in Casamance, and women groups engaged in peacebuilding processes in particular.

One of the observations from the field that can be learned in the experience of Casamance is that the presence of many agencies that are implementing projects for development have not

159 AECOM is a global network of experts working with clients, communities and colleagues to develop and implement innovative solutions to the world’s most complex challenges. https://www.aecom.com/about-aecom/ accessed 30 September 2019. 160 See URL:https://www.aecom.com/about-aecom/ accessed 30 September 2019 161 Author personal email communication with Karuna Centre Director, 07 August 2019. 162 Casamance Program report Karuna Center, 22 July 2014. 163 Author personal email with Karuna Center program officer, 17 December 2019 167

necessarily improved the livelihood of the community in terms of economic empowerment. This has also created a sense of donor fatigue too among the agencies because of the lack of political will by the state to negotiate a resolution to the conflict. The state of this intractable conflict whose end does not seem near continues to directly have negative consequences on the population in Casamance.

One of the respondents164 narrated his observations and perceptions about the NGO staff. He commented that these workers move around with their ‘quarte-quarte’[4 wheel drive cars] and sometimes they really do not understand the local way of handling disputes, and they want to do things the ‘toubab’[European] way. He was concerned that the conflict may escalate again because of the resource issues concerning land, which is an important part of their cultural identity. Another respondent noted that, there are also other factors not just the natural resources but also the politics surrounding the conflict has to be addressed, and nobody was actually talking about it. She further stated that, with all these issues ‘hanging’ the prospects of the conflict ending were bleak and so was of the opinion that the NGO’s will ‘continue coming to Casamance and treating them like projects while their situation remains the same and they keep their jobs and live in a safe place’.165

Donors and development agencies: a blessing or a curse for the community?

There is a huge concentration of civil society organizations in Ziguinchor and the surrounding regions such as Bignona, Sédhiou and Kolda. This phenomena can be attributed to the conflict situation that has besieged the area and necessitated the intervention of non-governmental organizations to compliment what the Senegalese state is doing to push for sustainable development in the region. This presence has had an impact on the infrastructural and social development of the region and people in both positive and negative ways. Evident in Ziguinchor is the presence of numerous international development agencies as well as civil society organizations implementing development projects in the community.

164Interview, 11 August 2018. 165 Interview, 11 August 2018. 168

The presence of these mainly expatriate group of ‘consultants’ and program officers are accompanied by a certain economy that has been created to sustain them. This means that these workers rent premises and establish their offices in the area to be close to the projects they wish to implement. The presence of big four wheel drive cars all over Ziguinchor reflects the number of development agencies working there creating an economy, which can sustain their lifestyles.166In addition there are also local people who have become what Lico (2013) describes as ‘development brokers’. These individuals are mainly the women who are already part of the local associations and groups and their main task is to link the grassroots groups with donor funding for development and economic related activities.

In Casamance, the local community has a general perception about the intervention donor institutions will bring about peace and development. The expectations are that, these donor projects do prioritize their work towards finding a sustainable peace in the context of Casamance.167 Unfortunately, the actions of these donors in implementation of peace building and development projects in the region has heightened tensions and increased poverty in the region. The data from the fieldwork suggests that most donor organizations come with their own agendas, interests and perceptions and practices on how to implement these projects which often undermine and clash with local methods, such as the traditional methods of conflict resolution and peacebuilding in Casamance (Mac Ginty & Richmond, 2013).

It raises the question of who exactly benefits from such interventions and also queries the donor strategies directed at the community in terms of empowering them and emancipating them to have the agency to participate effectively. For instance, the poverty levels are very evident in the community in Casamance especially when one considers that the interventions that ‘outsiders’ bring are usually ‘economic incentives’. This situation which repeats itself in several developing countries, has led to increased literature and non-conclusive debates that question the giving of aid as an effective way of poverty reduction (Milovich, 2018). The question as to who benefits will always have a contentious answer, but the communities have come to realize that they need to be proactive in their approach to economic empowerment.

166 Author’s participatory observation in an interview in Ziguinchor, 18 May 2019. 167 Interview, 20 June 2019. 169

Talking to residents of Ziguinchor, data revealed that these ‘visitors’ are viewed with mixed feelings as the impact of these projects on poverty alleviation portrays a different reality on the ground. A petty trader and a resident of Ziguinchor is one of the respondents I interviewed. A mother of four she earns a living selling seasonal fruits and vegetables depending on how much money she has saved and has lived through the conflict experiencing all its manifestations. She expressed her sentiments by pointing out her non-optimism at the current economic vis à vis the presence of the expatriates and CSO workers. She lamented about the workers living luxuriously and driving big cars in the name of development projects. The respondent also confirmed that she had heard from a source that they were empowering women economically although nobody had approached her to ask if she need help. She further assumed that the help was only meant for the educated women. Her cause of disagreement lay with those working in development because for her, they are in Casamance benefitting with the conflict situation whereas no peace has been achieved therefore frustrating the local population.168 This reaction of the local population reflects general fatigue that most residents perceive about outsiders benefitting from their misery.

These sentiments were expressed by the other respondents169 such as Babacar Mbaye who recently graduated from the Université Alioune Seck in Ziguinchor. Still unemployed he commented that despite Bignona hosting several organizations focusing on development, the poverty persists. In his observation it did not seem like living standards are improving for the population because of the presence of these NGO’s. He had strong feelings about the situation and was of the opinion that the NGO’s seem to be unconcerned about the status quo of the situation to remain as it is so that they can continue having their jobs and their luxuries. The respondent sentiments reflected the general position of the community which considers the state to have neglected them for so long coupled with what he termed to be the ‘selfish politicians and their insatiable interests’. Another young person lamented about how the political elites live in Dakar and only return during elections to make empty promises and collect votes again meanwhile young people can’t find jobs, so young

168 Interview, 22 June 2019. 169 Interview, 7 September 2018. 170

people are disillusioned, it’s easy to turn to crime and banditry because these people have to feed their families too he said.170

Mbaye’s statement is an indication that these are the factors that as a result of conflict in most parts of Africa human security is threatened. According to Boone (1990) state power has been used to strengthen private rent seeking, instead of encouraging productive local private investment in order to promote sustainable political cohesion of the ruling classes in Senegal. This argument is also connected to the debate on neopatrimonialism in Africa where I would like to argue that, at least in the case of Senegal and in particular in Casamance, that political elites and ruling officials, buy votes and secure power through clientelist networks and kinship.

The political coalition of key rentier classes usually establish true state patronage and clientelist methods of control which become absolute obstacles to peace, security and development (Boone, 1990, p. 425). In Casamance it is not surprising that the political class and ruling elite have used state power to expand their accumulation of wealth in the region. The then president Abdoulaye Wade brazenly practiced this contentious clientelism during his presidency in the years 2002-2012. Wade established direct contact with the MFDC thus paying off different factions with monetary enticements therefore effectively creating a divided house. This moreover affected the long term plans to resolve the conflict which, until the time of writing this dissertation, has not produced a way forward in its resolution (Evans, 2003).

5.7 The developmental impact of political economy of conflict and peacebuilding in

Casamance

In the following section an analysis of how conflict and political economy are intertwined will be examined and the effect it has on the situation with the case of Casamance. An overview of the actors involved, and their varied interests and motives reveals the complications that accompany communities experiencing conflict situations whether it involves active violence or not.

170 Interview, 14 June 2019. 171

5.7.1 The actors: interdependence, issues, motives and agency

Politics, the economy and conflict are interconnected variables and act in such a way that the breakdown of one leads to institutional or political failure (Keefer; 2004, p.247). With increasing interest in war, the political and social effects of conflict on the economy, analysts between the 1980-s and 1990-s (Azam et al., 1994; Chingono, 1996; Paul Collier & Hoeffler, 1997; UNICEF, 2019) expanded the literature as part of development economy framework (Cramer, 1999, p. 10). Cramer’s analysis on how war affects the economy using the example of sub-Saharan Africa, focuses on the underlying theory of violence and conflict and how economic agendas contribute to the origin of conflicts (Cramer, 1999, p. 10).

In the case of Senegal, precisely Casamance, politics, the economy and conflict are intertwined variables that act in a way that the breakdown of one leads to institutional or political failure. Peacebuilding in Casamance is a process which currently involves diverse actors who’s often divergent and sometimes conflicting interest, values, purposes, institutional forms and modalities of action. The conflict in the region has a huge economic impact not only for Casamance but also for Senegal. It should be noted that the economic agendas of the various actors in the conflict whether national or regional has contributed as well as heightened to the overall anxieties for the communities. Although the conflict in Casamance may not be described as being causally related to resource tensions, over time the MFDC have used the natural resources available to manipulate power and influence the conflict in the region.

This is connected to Collier and Hoeffler (2004) argument that the abundance of natural resources in most developing states like Senegal generates negative development outcomes in addition to triggering conflict. Furthermore, this argument may be used to justify the discourse surrounding natural resources which in the case of developing countries especially in Africa has resulted in disproportionate distribution and consumption for the local communities.

Gurr’s (2016, p. 87) concept of relative deprivation on the causes of conflict corroborates with the fact that "people are more likely to revolt when they lose hope of attaining their societal values, and the intensity of their frustration varies with the severity of depression and inflation". This is evident in the conflict in Casamance where the continued revolt against the state by armed groups has lured young people to join the ‘marquis’ in the forest to become rebels. As discussed previously 172

in this dissertation, the general neglect and underdevelopment of the area since independence has been a contributing factor to the disgruntlement and frustration of the population. In an analysis of the data, one of the youth interviewed171 for the purposes of this study disclosed that one of the reasons that contributed to his brother joining the armed group was mainly because of the frustration of finding a sustainable means of up-keep. Due to frustrations it becomes lucrative for some of the young people to join the armed groups. Equally, the glaring economic inequality in Casamance has acted as a spoiler for the political instability that exists in the region and a motivator for the rebellion to occur. This argument supports the contention that, an economy of war continues to thrive in Casamance because it is currently the only sustainable means of survival for a part of the population.

Accordingly, Collier and other scholars’ discourse on greed and grievance suggests that, circumstances which can induce such conflicts are attributed to high prices of essential goods, unemployment and is analyzed alongside the local dimension of political economy where government has generally failed to make credible commitments to resolving the conflict (Bannon & Collier, 2003; P Collier & Hoeffler, 2004; Paul Collier & Hoeffler, 1997, 2002). For instance, in Casamance circumstances that have triggered conflict can be attributed to high prices of essential goods and to an extent the local dimension of political economy where the Senegalese government has generally failed to make commitments towards solving the conflict.

In addition, armed groups have used the available natural resources to enrich themselves and have used the opportunity to not only engage the state in a rebellion but also loot the resources for their personal benefit (Salehyan, 2006, p. 24). The grievances that the MFDC had against the Senegalese state led to their raison d’être for the use of violence. Economic inequality in Casamance is a contributing factor to political instability and acts as a motivator for rebellions to occur (Alesina & Perotti, 1996; Üskül & Oishi, 2018).

In addition, actors in Casamance are rational maximizers of interests. This argument is buttressed by rational choice scholars like Green and Shapiro (1994, p. 2). In their account, the scholars argue

171 Interview, 16 July 2018.

173

that human interaction is motivated by incentives, constraints and calculations that confront individuals and groups. The setting in Casamance is characterized by diverse groups whose encounters are influenced by the incentives and arrangements that they benefit from the conflict in the region.

When discussing the impact of political economy of conflict in Casamance it is necessary to make an analysis in relation to the struggles for autonomy of the region based on political and social inequalities, as well as the struggle for natural resources by internal groups which is one of the causes of the conflict. Data analysis for the study shows that the region prefers to remain within the Republic of Senegal but, be given more autonomy to administer contrary to the initial calls for separation as proposed at the beginning of the conflict.172 Political sociologists have analyzed what motivates groups or individuals to fight and base their conclusions on the private motivation hypothesis. This hypothesis has its footing in rational choice economics, which postulates that, the “net economic advantages of war to some individuals motivate them to fight” (P Collier & Hoeffler, 2004; Duffield, 1994; Keen, 1998). This it should be noted, is somehow still contested by some of the factions of MFDC which still support the decision to be given independence.

5.7.2 Youth associations: ‘nées à la guerre, la lutte pour la paix continue’

According to the demographic profile of Senegal as compiled by IndexMundi a data portal, Senegal has a large and growing youth population with 60 percent of its population below the age of 25 years.173 This is not surprising for Africa’s youth population continues to grow at a high rate with the United Nations reporting that young people between the ages of 15-24 years make up at least 20 percent of the global population.174 The economic and social challenges that these young people face inevitably has consequences for peace and security on the continent generally and in Senegal with an emphasis on Casamance in particular. As the rise of unemployment and educational prospects present their own challenges, the youth are also affected by insecurity from within and outside their own borders therefore exposing them to migration and human trafficking

172 Interview, 20 July 2018. 173Index mundi, Senegal Demographic Profile 2018, CIA World Fact book. See URL: https://www.indexmundi.com/senegal/demographics_profile.html accessed 1 September 2019. 174 See URL: https://www.un.org/en/Africa/osaa/peace/youth.shtml. accessed on 1 September 2019. 174

as well as terrorist networks, which take advantage of their vulnerability and desperation to lure them into their illegal activities.

Data from the field demonstrates that young people in Casamance face the same fears, hopes and aspirations just like their counterparts in the rest of the world and are troubled by the increasing insecurity and conflict surrounding them.175 The conflict in Casamance has especially affected the young people because of the lack of infrastructure such as schools, which forced most young people to leave Ziguinchor and its environs to attend secondary school in other regions. The raising levels of poverty and mistrust of the state’s promises to bring change by the population, also forced many young people to search for work outside the region and country therefore resulting in some of the villages losing all their young people to clandestine migration.176

An analysis of the data collected further discloses the interests that young people have in ensuring that peace is realized in the region. Talking to the members of the youth association who were born during the conflict, and who have known no other situation, the sentiments expressed revealed anger, frustration, despair at the lack of political will by the state. In addition to what they termed as ‘self-benefiting individualist tendencies’ of the rebel leadership in failing to come to the negotiating table, which in the view of the youth is benefitting the rebels, at the expense of the rest of the population in Casamance177. Despite this, the youth also have optimism and hope for a future that is conflict free in Casamance. This, they do by exercising the agency they have as young people, not only as stakeholders, but as the future generation in Casamance to contribute to the peace and dialogue efforts. In collaboration with some of the women groups such as Usoforal, the young people are involved in advocacy efforts using theater as a means of sensitizing the population to encourage the rebels to give up their struggle and negotiate peace ( see sub-chapter 4.3.2 Civil society platforms and grassroots activities).

175 Interview, 12 June 2019. 176 Guardian newspaper, 9 January 2017 http://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jan/09/dreaming-of-europe- the-last-young-man-left-in-a-senegalese-village. accessed 2 September 2019. 177 Focus group discussion, with members of ‘Kekendo’, who are young people studying at the Cheikh Anta Diop University in Dakar hailing from the region of Casamance and pursuing various graduate and undergraduate degrees. 12 June 2019. 175

5.7.3 The rebel movement: MFDC a mirage for Casamance independence?

Ted Gurr (2016) has made an analysis of communal group mobilization and conflict and observes that, their status, mobilization and political actions vary according to their collective identities. In investigating the Casamance separatism, Faye (2006) observes that, The Mouvement des forces Démocratiques de la Casamance (MFDC) has digressed from its initial agenda of addressing the local grievances, to bearing accusations of profiting on their own interests in the conflict, ultimately losing their support from the local community. As a non-state actor, this pursuance of private interests has further divided and driven the movement into irreconcilable factions with differences among the leadership thus threatening the already fragile ‘no peace no war’ situation. These selfish interests overshadow the overall will of the local population to seek a sustainable peace for the region. The rebels have been accused of profiting from the conflict by the locals especially through accessing the natural resources in the forest and conducting illegal businesses. This may be explained by the relationship of economics and conflict which authors such as Anderton and Cater have explored (2019).

The exposure of these intrinsic and parochial interests of the rebels to profit from the conflict supports the political economy of war thesis as advanced by international relations as well as political science scholars (Le Billon, 2001; Rubin, 2000; Stubbs, 2017), therefore creating networks that can support crime and violence.178 The incentives that these non-state actors have for maintaining the status quo is related to material gains from the activities that they conduct in the areas that they control or are limited of state control. In the case of Casamance, several activities such as illegal timber logging and narco-trafficking provide a lifeline for these rebels in the forest (see sub-chapter 3.7.1 Analysis of the conflict in Casamance). These resource and supply chains are what Ballentine and Nitzschke in their study consider important economic forms of interest for the rebels to continue the conflict (2003, p. 159). The discovery of a new natural resource Zircon, a precious stone used to manufacture jewelry is already being considered a threat to the existing peace. The government has already awarded mining contracts to some foreign

178 Agence de Press Africaine, APA News, Senegal: Dakar gov’t calls for calm, promises security in Casamance, / january 2018. http://apanews.net/en/pays/senegal/news/senegal-dakar-govt-calls-for-calm-promises-security-in- casamance. accessed 22 April 2018. 176

companies, which have started excavation processes. This has been met with serious opposition by the residents living around the area in Niafrang a town sharing a border with The Gambia.179 The mining process will most likely act as a catalyst for a new conflict within the existing conflict. This is already a worrying sign to those involved in peacebuilding as they see this as a developing conflict within a conflict. According to newspaper reports, the mayor of Kayar expressed his concerns on the exploration of Zircon to the agricultural production of the region.180

Metamorphosis of the conflict and the position of the MFDC

Understanding the conflict in Casamance has been explored in earlier studies by De Jong (2005), Faye (W. Faye, 2006), and Lambert (1998). The complex factors contributing to the conflict have seriously affected the region and the country generally over its three decade duration. In addition, the transnational connections between the people in Casamance and their neighbors in Guinea Bissau and The Gambia further advances the obstacles to the resolution of the conflict. The socio- political, economic and historico-cultural dimensions that studies have explored in relation to the causes that triggered the conflict all point to the complexities that exist in the region and the historical grievances that date back to the colonial times (Evans, 2004; Fall, 2010; Gehrold & Neu, 2010; Theobald, 2016).

The direct and indirect involvement of actors in the neighboring Gambia and Guinea Bissau has been analyzed previously in this dissertation (see sub-chapter 3.2 History of the region). In an interview with a respondent181 who is now an elderly person but was part of the civil population

179 ConsoGlobe, Le zircon: Ce précieux minérai qui divise le Sénégal. 1 September 2015. https://www.consoglobe.com/zircon-minerai-senegal-cg. accessed 11 September 2019. Also reported in rfi Afrique, Sénégal: Niafrang résiste face au projet d’extraction de zircon, 04 June 2018. http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20180604-reportage-senegal-niafrang-oppose-projet-extraction-zircon. Accessed September 11, 2019. Another report was filed by, Franceinfo Afrique, Casamance: la paix menacée par une mine de zircon. 28.09.2017. https://www.francetvinfo.fr/monde/afrique/politique-africaine/casamance-la-paix- menacee-par-une-mine-de-zircon_3059177.html. accessed 2 October 2019. 180 Le Soleil, Exploration de zircon : Le maire de Kayar alerte sur les menaces pour l’agriculture. 6 February 2020. See URL: http://lesoleil.sn/exploration-de-zircon-le-maire-de-kayar-alerte-sur-les-menaces-pour-lagriculture/. accessed 27 February 2020. 181 Interview, 26 May 2019. 177

that participated in the demonstrations and also collaborated with the armed group by providing them with food from his farm, he explained that at the beginning when he and others joined in the demonstrations they did not think that the demands they were making would eventually be considered ‘political sabotage’. He further explained that over time the MFDC seemed to have drifted from their initial agitation for separatism to what seems like power struggles and individual material gains. The women in Casamance during the period that the conflict was at its most volatile stage did not escape the consequences of the conflict. Many suffered immensely from physical and psychological trauma and were reluctant to recount their stories during field work.182

This sheds light on how the MFDC has evolved its approach and its stance over the years and how this evolution also affected the conflict to the point that it has shifted its demands from using violent means to a point where the armed group is willing to come to a negotiating table and make concessions. A former member of the armed group183 revealed in an interview that in the early years the MFDC had a united vision of a separate Casamance where self-rule would bring change and provide an opportunity for the region to be independent politically and economically and this was motivation for them to rebel and fight from the forest. In the same vein, a researcher184 who has been studying the evolution of the conflict noted that over the years the armed group has sought the idea of a diplomatic route further explaining that the MFDC used this idea of diplomacy as a way to create a safe space for their group to air their grievances and articulate their concerns and interests at the state level.

This change in position from violent strategy to diplomatic route begs the question as to what brought the change of heart from the side of the MFDC to motivate them to shift their position from a violent to a nonviolent approach? In an interview one of the former members of the movement185 contended that the shift in position is because in his opinion and experience fighting the state, they [the MFDC leadership] came to the realization that dialogue is more beneficial than violence. He further said that through dialogue they are able to request and demand for what they

182 For further reading see: Amnesty International, 2003. Casamance Women Speak Out. AI Index: AFR 49/002/2003). 183 Interview, 29 May 2019. 184 Interview, 07 June 2019. 185 Interview, 26 May 2019. 178

want from the government unlike resorting to violence which has not yielded any results for them and has only further divided the group. In recent developments gunmen shot and killed Abdou Elinkine Diatta, a leading figure of the MFDC and its spokesman at the time of his death. However this incident did not seem to trigger any violence in retaliation from the MFDC.186 The MFDC did not make any public statements as a follow up to the incident which caused a speculation as to the position of the group after this incident and the state of the leadership of MFDC generally.

The issue of self-determination as envisioned by the armed wing of the MFDC (Attika) is evidently a contentious issue that the Senegalese state does not want to consider. When agitations that led to the conflict started in 1982, the infrastructure and socio-economic environment was already suffering neglect from the state and the situation only got worse over time. After several years of demonstrations and opposition, the MFDC resorted to attacking military posts and those civilians they suspected of cooperating with government. Government on its part used excessive force through the military to try and crush the rebellion not to mention the arrest of hundreds of civilians especially those from the Diola ethnic community on suspicion of being sympathizers with the armed group (Gehrold & Neu, 2010, p. 81).

The situation deteriorated over the decade of the 1990-s when violence escalated from both the armed group and the state with high fatalities and displacement of civilians. This was also linked the strong stand that each side took on their view of the conflict which resulted in the population being caught up in the exchange of violence, further isolating the region and the people from the rest of the country. The lack of a disarmament, demobilization and reintegration program (DDR) by the Senegalese state is one of the challenges that is affecting the resolution of the conflict in Casamance. Unlike in other countries where the state faces rebellion from armed groups, there are usually programs such as the DDR program set up as a way to find a middle ground towards resolving the conflict. This situation, the lack therefore of any consensus from the Senegalese state to the MFDC remains puzzling. Apart from the obvious lack of dialogue between the two actors that can likely result in some form of concession from both sides, the only visible achievement is

186 Africa Research Bulletin, Senegal. Top rebel figure killed. 15 November 2019. See URL:https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-825X.2019.09138.x. accessed 20 February 2020. 179

actually owed to existing efforts at the community level that initiatives to encourage rebels to abandon the movement and reintegrate into society are conducted through projects funded by development agencies and non-government organizations. The capacity for this initiative to be implemented at a larger scale is therefore limited by lack of funds as well as lack of political will from the Senegalese state.

All the factors mentioned therefore seem to be justifiable incentives on the part of the armed group to continue its rebellion. It is challenging to know the current motives, interests and demands of the MFDC, which makes it difficult for any formal mediation or negotiations to take place. Those involved in peacebuilding perceive the MFDC as reluctant and stubborn to make compromises for the sake of peace.187 The interviews with some maquis188 also revealed that as long as the injustices that the population perceive continue then there can be no achievable peace. They were of the opinion that peace and justice are not two different things but are rather intertwined where the absence of one makes the other impossible to achieve.189 Unless an attempt is made to address the injustices and seek practical ways of attaining justice then this state of ‘no war no peace’ will continue to prevail. Authors such as Rudolf (2017, p. 188) argue that the Senegalese state in its post -colonial period has been unable to integrate the citizens (in Casamance) into the ideal national narrative of one people, one nation thus feeding into the perceptions of marginalization projected by the MFDC.

5.7.4 The Senegalese state interests and motives

The Senegalese state and its institutions, in this case the military, is an influential actor in the intrastate conflict in Casamance. The political interests that have permitted the conflict to drag on for over three decades makes it clear that the state has not been transparent enough in efforts towards creating a permanent peace in the region. Brown & Stewart (2015, p. 1) while investigating the underlying economic and political causes of conflict emphasize that individual and group motives usually have global plus domestic ramifications which can impede or expedite

187 Interview, 26 June 2019. 188 For a more in-depth analysis of the composition of the Maquis cf. Martin Evans, (2004). Senegal: Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de la Casamance (MFDC), (AFP Briefing Paper, Chatham House), 6 189 Focus group discussions, 11 May 2019. 180

peacebuilding. Nevertheless, in Casamance the conflict transcends domestic sphere to affect its two regional neighbors of Guinea-Bissau and The Gambia. Stewart defines disparity in groups’ access to economic, social and political resources as “horizontal inequalities in contrast to the traditional ‘vertical’ inequalities that happen to groups” (2012, p. 196). These inequalities have contributed to the initial start of the conflict and have escalated over time due to the inability of the Senegalese state to negotiate for meaningful change and peace.

The impoverishment of Casamance has led to inequitable economic growth that is visible in the region, plus the decline of the provision of essential social services such as health, education and security in general have also marginalized the population to access their basic rights. The poor infrastructure of roads and general neglect of the region has led to the existing socioeconomic inequalities. The state has not taken adequate action to address most of these concerns therefore losing the confidence of the population.190 Data from the field affirms that the conflict has cost the state large sums of money to keep the military in place in attempts to quash the rebellion over its duration in Casamance.

One of the respondents made the observations about the permanent presence of the army in designated posts. The opinion of stakeholders indicates that whereas the state would have utilized those funds to develop the area as an incentive to the population and a show of political goodwill, the government instead keeps investing in keeping the army in place.191 This is a sensitive issue with the local population, which regards the presence of the state as represented by the military as serving its own interest while compromising on the general welfare of the community.192

The tensions between the military and the civilians have affected the security operations in the area because of the general suspicion, mistrust and fear of this state institution. Presently, the state is addressing this by involving both parties in dialogue and open communication in an attempt to change attitudes and mentalities in the conflict zone as a strategy to regaining confidence of the population.193

190 Interview, 26 July 2018. 191 Interview, 19 July 2018. 192 Interview, I9 July 2018. 193 Interview, 18 September 2018. 181

The military’s agenda for peace in Casamance in relation to the conflict remains undefined or hidden because of the duration of the conflict. This ‘sitting on the fence’ attitude by the state has only increased the suspicion that the population already holds against it. Taking into Consideration the nature of the conflict, and how underreported it has been despite the magnitude of the consequences it has caused in the lives of those who it continues to affect, the Senegalese government has not been perceived to do enough towards resolving the conflict by the local community. Data shows that the residents in Casamance feel that the resources that the state has invested in keeping the army in place could have been put into better use to solve the current stalemate between the state and the rebel movement. The young people opined that, the resource allocation is misplaced considering how much difference the money would have made if it were invested in infrastructure such as schools and hospitals. Furthermore, the population also directs its anger at those stakeholders such as the political elite and the politicians who have not shown serious commitment to practical solutions to the peace process.194

Analysis from field notes reveal that the Senegalese government has little interest and no clear strategies to address the current grievances of the population. One respondent195 opined that equitable allocation of resources and political inclusion may be the only foreseeable solutions to peace and security in Casamance. This he insisted can only be achieved by ensuring that the resource allocation and political inclusion process can result in justice and eventual peace for the region and the country in general. The respondents generally linked justice to peace and were convinced that the latter cannot be achieved before the former.

5.7.5 The media

The public sphere in a democratic setting is characterized by freedom of speech and expression. In recent times, technology has transformed communication and therefore media can influence governance and accountability through its public advocacy. As discussed earlier, the role of the media in Casamance has over time transformed from mainly state owned, to the government allowing other stakeholders to open up private media companies. Most researchers in the field

194 Focus group discussions, 11 May 2019. 195 Interview, 19 July 2018. 182

agree that, media can act as both informer and watchdog for the society (Bratić & Schirch, 2007; Malakwen, 2014).Traditionally, media constituted of radio, television and newspaper but now includes social media platforms such as Tweeter and Facebook that are equally powerful platforms for communication and accessible to different generations. These new technologies for communication have transformed how people access and participate in the dissemination of information.

In the case of Casamance, the media has in recent times intensified its campaigns towards sensitizing the population on the benefits of having peace and working with all stakeholders and practitioners in addressing the conflict. In order to engage the population in its peace efforts, the media has to have inclusive public participation in the political process. The various private media outlets especially through radio programs have used this to enhance awareness about the situation of the conflict and its consequences on the population. The media in Casamance has been working consistently with the civil society and women groups to promote their work and spread their messages. The interest in the peace agenda in Casamance reflects a commitment to working with other stakeholders for the peace and stability of the region. Data analysis shows that many people in the community tune into radio programs broadcasts from the various private media and keenly follow those programs that talk about the conflict and the local solutions to resolve it196. The role that it has played of demystifying the conflict has contributed in a symbolic way to the perceptions and attitudes of the locals towards peacebuilding in Casamance. In a discussion with one of the community radio presenters197, the journalist asserted that the media could play a strategic role in promoting national cohesion in Casamance citing the case of radio Kassumay FM acting as a ‘voice of reason’.

The relations between the actors identified in this research in Casamance and their capacities to affect the conflict and foster peace continues to have a significant role to play in the peacebuilding process. How the state has been interacting with the different stakeholders in handling the conflict has determined their success and failure in addressing the aggravating causes of the conflict. It is

196 Focus group discussion, 11 May 2018. 197 Interview, 10 June 2019. 183

evident from the data collected that there as varied interests as there are incentives that each actor brings to the scene. Unless and until a unified peace agenda is identified and used as a roadmap by all stakeholders towards peace in Casamance, the situation is unlikely to change.

5.8 Conclusions

In general, the conflict in Casamance over the last few years has seen a de-escalation of violence and a relative cease in hostilities between the government forces and the MFDC armed group. The tireless efforts of the local networks, with the support of donor agencies and community based organizations have contributed significantly to the relative peace experienced in Casamance now. The chapter highlighted the different networks involved in peacebuilding as well as the donor agencies supporting their activities. The local networks existing in Casamance are in the forefront of conspicuously bringing the attention of the state to the plight of the local population and the burden that the conflict has placed on their shoulders.

In this chapter as well as the preceding one, I have highlighted the different traditional methods that the women groups and other actors use for conflict resolution. The actors and the local networks involved in peacebuilding points to the assumption that the role they play continues to affect the social and political status of Casamance. Analysis from the field suggests that, the presence of these networks provides the much needed lifeline to support peacebuilding work in the region, without which the conflict would have far more negative consequences.

Furthermore, it became clear through the analysis of the various actors, their interests and agendas that, their actions overtly or indirectly affect the conflict. This therefore points to the assumption that, all parties involved can synthesize their energies towards finding a sustainable solution to the conflict. The cost of the conflict and the nuances of the community that the lack of political goodwill by the Senegalese government raised the question of the interests of parties involved vis à vis resolving the stalemate especially between the MFDC and the Senegalese state. The chapter further revealed that the media has become an influential partner for the peacebuilding process through their advocacy efforts using community radio.

An analysis of the developmental impact of the political economy of the conflict disclosed the complexities of the conflict in terms of short term benefits for those profiting from the conflict and

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the after-effects for peace and security in Casamance. The illicit economies thriving as a result of the conflict proves the difficulty in charting a certain future for the region as alternative income generating activities have to be in place so as to dissuade those using the resources in Casamance for their benefit can explore other options for sustenance.

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Chapter 6: Research findings and general conclusions

6.1 Introduction

Since the year 2000 there has been an increasing interest on research in Casamance which has helped to develop public debate on various aspects of the region. Previous research and studies have focused on the economic consequences of the conflict as well the rural urban migrations of civilians. In Casamance the conflict has prolonged for more than three decades and the underlying reasons have been attributed to the political and economic marginalization of the area in terms of development and historical grievances that date back to pre-colonial times. Due to the low-level intensity and fatalities, it has attracted minimal international attention. On the other hand, historians and anthropologists have also explored the linguistic and ethnic identities of the communities in the region. Other scholars have focused on conventional methods of peacebuilding and conflict resolution. However, little emphasis has been put on the role that women play in peacebuilding particularly using traditional methods and knowledge of conflict resolution. In this dissertation, I have endeavored to unveil a more distinct picture of the use of traditional methods of conflict resolution by the women groups in Casamance. Furthermore, this dissertation conceptualizes the definition of traditional methods as provided by Zartman (2000, p. 7) who contends that, it is “those methods of conflict management that have been practiced over an extended period, and, have evolved within African societies rather than being products of external importation”. These methods are not in themselves adequate or complete on their own but are meant to complement other methods used generally for conflict resolution.

The analysis of the causes and factors contributing to the existing conflict in Casamance can only be cursory as the focus of the dissertation was examining the different methods used by the women groups to contribute to conflict resolution. The main findings of my dissertation evolve around a number of points. It should be noted that I only presented and reconstructed the findings on the basis of the empirical analysis of the research study. These methods employed by the women groups in Casamance complement the community’s advocacy efforts at the local level and may not necessarily be comprehended in the broader sense of peacebuilding because they are peculiar to the community that applies them.

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One of the ways that women groups use tradition is through the performance of mystical ceremonies. These ceremonies are considered a cultural heritage by the communities in Casamance and are also a form of preserving the local culture from rapid modernization. This was reflected in how the women in the Bois Sacré ‘jealously guard’ the mystical ceremonies from those they consider not part of the community.

The case for the inclusion of women in peacebuilding processes has been the subject of academic debates in the past and has been reiterated by the United Nations in its Security Resolution 1325 (UNSC Resolution 1325). In this dissertation, I took a closer look at the methods that these women groups embraced to carry out their peacebuilding activities as well as the historical, social and cultural context of their political and social circumstances. I was able to show that the mystical ceremonies performed by the women of the Bois Sacré hold a significant importance to the communities in Casamance and are, alternative methods of conflict resolution which contribute to the overall peacebuilding process in this protracted low intensity conflict, and to the advancement of peacebuilding.

The research question in this study probed ‘how women’s use of traditional methods of conflict resolution has contributed to peacebuilding in Casamance’. The starting point of the analysis was the categorization of the different methods of conflict resolution that are currently practiced in Casamance. These methods include but are not limited to using cultural activities such as traditional wrestling matches to advocate and sensitize the communities on conflict resolution. Together with transmitting awareness campaigns on peacebuilding through radio broadcasting, the forming of peace committees has given the responsibility to the community to identify conflicts that are off shoots of the main conflict especially in relation to land issues. Some reasons to support women in peacebuilding is built on efforts of searching for a gendered solution to include women’s work into mainstream peacebuilding processes. A critical examination of how these methods are applied by the involved communities reveals a high level of participation of the women groups as part of everyday activities of its members.

Furthermore, I re-examined the historical role and position of the region in terms of the economic, political and social influences and showed how this has contributed as a geo-political factor to the continuation of the conflict. The sidelining and neglect of the area since Senegal gained 187

independence from France, coupled with issues of land dispossession and repossession reflects the conflict on the everyday lives of the civilian population. I presented only a brief overview of the prevailing causes of the conflict as background to understanding the current situation as earlier research has already addressed the same.

I have addressed the gap in the intellectual debates on the role of women and the use of traditional methods of conflict resolution for peacebuilding purposes. I have also shown how, when women synergize their work, their efforts can result in positive outcomes for the community. In the case of Casamance, it is evident that, irrespective of the different platforms that the actors belong to, their approaches are based on the social and cultural contexts of the communities that they work with. Furthermore, because of these activities, a condition of ‘negative peace’ as described by Galtung (1969) prevails over Casamance as there is a drastic reduction of violence and, overtime, the situation has assumed an uneasy stability where no war no peace prevails. The involvement of men and youth in the activities balances the efforts of the women in an attempt to bring some gender balance and harmony to society. This research in Casamance has shown that it is possible to bring forth awareness on these alternative approaches which can add value to the work on peacebuilding generally. I have taken into cognizance the fact that conflict resolution is a complex process and, socio-cultural practices do not necessarily provide the solution, but can be acknowledged as a relevant contribution in finding one.

The theoretical and methodological framework employed to guide this research was the Actor Network Theory (ANT). Adopting the ANT approach for this study accounts for the presence of actants, which Lewis and Westlund (2015, p. 23) refer generally to “material objects that are notable for their association with human actors and the activities they undertake in conjunction with such objects”. This research borrows from this view and has connected how the actants and the actors together with their practices to form the various networks that contribute to peacebuilding in Casamance. I have used this methodological framework to show how the interactions of these different actors form these networks that impact on the conflict, its resolution and the on-going peacebuilding activities. Linking the actants (in this case; the mystical ceremonies, the traditional wrestling matches (laamb), or theater group performances) with the women groups (as actors with agency) allowed the research to understand the relationships of these

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various actors and their agency and at the same time provide a basis to use it as a conceptual framework to explain these various entanglements.

I have employed a case study approach precisely by focusing on the different women groups in Casamance. The choice of this case study allowed me to generate and in-depth analysis and various understanding of the dynamics of conflict and peacebuilding setting in Casamance. In doing so, this case study, which is contemporary in nature, allowed for multiple use of data collection processes. The approach further enabled me to demonstrate how women can use traditional methods to contribute to peacebuilding. The considerable amount of information extracted from respondents personal experiences have supplemented information from ongoing debates and research relating to women and peacebuilding and provided rich narrative data for the analysis. The semi-structured interviews offered flexibility for the participants to interact therefore, generating data which was helpful for clarification of information. On the other hand, focus group discussions facilitated the research by allowing spontaneous questions and comparing the diversity of various experiences of the participants.

6.2 Research findings

This dissertation yielded six main research findings which will be elaborated below. These findings are based on the empirical research conducted in Casamance and lay bare the challenges and successes of the various actors as they navigate the peacebuilding arena in the context of the conflict. The dissertation borrows the concept of ‘social navigation’ as adopted by Vigh (2006) to illustrate how the actors navigate the conflict using their agency as social groups.

Finding 1: Women groups as catalysts for peace in Casamance In the course of this dissertation, it became clearer that the women groups play an important role in the community and acted in multiple roles as mediators as well as stakeholders in the peacebuilding process in Casamance. Despite their ordinary roles as wives, daughters and mothers, women have not been deterred from becoming ardent peacebuilders and have continued to be in the forefront of peacebuilding. This study agrees with Hendriks (2017) that including women in peace processes can contribute to long term stability and security.

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Findings in this research demonstrate that, the women’s groups in Casamance use of traditional methods of conflict resolution has positively shaped the peacebuilding setting in Casamance. By analyzing the traditional methods of conflict resolution that the communities use, this thesis has shown that peacebuilding efforts can be attributed to the different strategies applied by the women groups in the community to create awareness and advocate for peace. Contemporary conflict resolution and peacebuilding has focused on peace talks between conflicting parties. However, in the context of the conflict in Casamance there have been no formal negotiations between The Mouvement des forces Démocratiques de la Casamance (MFDC) and the Senegalese state. It is in the light of this situation that the women decided to use alternative ways of conflict resolution and peacebuilding as their own contribution to the community, by using traditional methods and knowledge. The use of mystical ceremonies, football and wrestling matches, peace committees and programs on radio by the women groups reflects the role that culture, and tradition play in the communities in Casamance.

For example, the use of football matches organized across the different communities is an avenue through which the community is sensitized on peacebuilding. The matches also create an atmosphere of harmony among the community, therefore giving the women groups the opportunity to promote the idea of discouraging the youth from joining the rebels. During half time, women group representatives take the chance to give speeches on the dangers of joining the militia. On the other hand, wrestling matches, which are also an immensely popular cultural sport in Casamance, have been effective in bringing the community together by using the gatherings as a platform for advocacy and sensitization on peacebuilding. During the match intervals the women organize several activities such as inviting youth groups involved in peace advocacy to address the spectators. The approach of using peace committees has created a sense of local ownership of the peacebuilding processes and boosted communities involvement at the grassroots level. For instance, the composition of these committees which transcend ethnic, religious affiliations to forge towards a united purpose, of peacebuilding, allows for the communities to take ownership of the peacebuilding process.

Findings from the interviews reveals that such methods are not only significant but also strategic, symbolic and sustainable ways of peacebuilding for the communities in Casamance. These also

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show that the role women play in conflict resolution by reinforcing and reproducing situated practices of conflict resolution can be attributed to their knowledge production. The women are in the forefront in participating in peacebuilding: their role is also critical as they are not only reinforcing but producing the knowledge in peacebuilding which has often been undermined if not neglected in conventional knowledge in peacebuilding processes. This corroborates with Richmond and Mac Ginty’s (2013, p. 773) discourse on the ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding, grounded in the identification of the prominence of local actors agency. According to the authors, these actors carry opinions that ‘translate as agency’ and have key knowledge to what causes conflict, what must be done and how this can help the local context.

The women groups in Casamance possess ‘on the ground’ knowledge which in turns helps to strengthen ownership and give legitimacy to the work they do. For example, because women are active in overseeing community based projects, this makes them visible in the areas they work in, so if they need to self-mobilize for an event then they use the networks that they have formed to strategize and extend their agency as stakeholders for peace. As a result, they are able to make an impact on peacebuilding. It is noteworthy to agree with Remenyi (2016) that the mere inclusion of women in peacebuilding processes does not automatically make their contributions or activities relevant to achieving sustainable peace. However, studies continue to indicate that peacebuilding without involving women is less likely to be effective and measuring the impact of their involvement remains complex. Due to the role the women groups play in Casamance, they are perceived as heroes because of their commitment to finding sustainable peace, therefore earning trust from the community as well as recognition at the national and continental level.

At the community level the recognition of the relevance of women groups in peacebuilding activities translates into trust and confidence which is visible through the intermediary position between the women of the Bois Sacré and the MFDC. This connection between the two groups stems from the existing bond that has tied them in the mystical ceremonies. For example, when the rebels joined the ‘maquis’ in the forest, they had to be initiated by the priestess. At the point where the men decide to leave, they also have to go back for the ceremony to cleanse themselves and be able to reintegrate in the society. This gives the women the upper hand in accessing the members of the insurgent group, a privilege that only they have because of their role as custodians 191

of the culture. At the national level, the women group Plateforme des Femmes Pour la Paix en Casamance (PFPC), has been the umbrella organization representing women groups in Casamance, in the forefront advocating for the resolution of the conflict and attaining a sustainable peace. The PFPC has succeeded in getting the community to back its peacebuilding initiatives, therefore gaining their trust and enforcing the legitimacy they need to carry their ‘peace for Casamance voice’ beyond their backyard. The perception of the community members of women groups in Casamance has shown that they have not only emerged as strong community actors, but also as catalysts for the resolution of the conflict.

Finding 2: Traditional methods of conflict resolution as indispensable in peacebuilding in Casamance Some scholars contend that one has to understand the dynamic, heterogeneous and complex trajectories that constitute the continent of Africa, to be able to explain how peace and conflict, have affected the social, political and economic transformation of the different countries (Francis et al., 2013) Others have explored indigenous community based conflict resolution processes and how they may contribute to sustainable peace in his research on Mali, Nigeria and Somaliland (Adedeji, 1999). Two approaches, the western conventional and the indigenous traditional, have been used in peacebuilding for post conflict societies. The western-conventional approaches to peacebuilding refer to the use of external bodies and systems to transform countries recovering from civil wars, violent conflicts and natural disasters (Issifu, 2015). This dissertation has acknowledged that communities in Casamance contribute to peacebuilding by applying the knowledge of traditional methods to create an awareness about the use of domestic or communal approaches to address the conflict.

In pre-colonial times, conflicts were resolved through mediators such as chiefs, priests and priestesses, elders and secret cults. Those that have studied the patterns and mechanisms for conflict resolution for conflict resolution in traditional African societies, conclude that, using techniques such as mediation, reconciliation, adjudication and negotiation offer great prospects for peaceful co-existence (Ajayi & Buhari, 2014). However, the advent of colonialism disrupted the existing social structures and relegated their roles to the periphery. This has contributed to undermining of traditional methods and knowledge of conflict resolution generally.

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The findings of my research moreover imply that, it is indeed those activities and the knowledge informing them, that are instrumental in peacebuilding and that these can be strengthened so that sustainable peacebuilding can be achieved in Casamance. The findings of my research further point towards a need for such methods to be harnessed as they contribute immensely to peacebuilding in the societies that practice them. In fact, in Casamance the use of traditional methods and knowledge has been successful because the community has collaborated with the women groups in implementing the different activities in peacebuilding and therefore giving legitimacy to act in their capacity with the local consent of the community. For example, the use of participatory theater as an advocacy tool for conflict resolution cannot be achieved without the cooperation of the community because the theater groups incorporate local participation in their skits as a way of transmitting messages to the community.

The communities in Casamance as agents of peace are participating in the peacebuilding process by supporting their traditional methods of conflict resolution. When the women of the Bois Sacré invoke the help of community members to contribute towards collecting offerings for the mystical ceremonies the positive response from the community is an indication that tradition is recognized as part of their everyday identity. This informal participation has been important in assessing the general attitude towards peacebuilding activities. These socio-cultural norms and values are influential and viable contributions towards peacebuilding in Casamance and reinforce the local understanding and ownership of the process. The results of using these traditional methods may not be quantifiable but that does not mean that they have been ineffective. The use of these methods such as mystical ceremonies, as Werner (2010, p. 70) notes, are likely to make some western sceptics question their rational or scientific logic.

The findings from the interviews and FGD’s support Werner’s (2010) assertion that no system of dealing with conflict resolution is perfect, therefore the most important thing to be considered is the legitimacy and acceptance, in the context of the culture within which it exists. In Casamance these traditional methods of conflict resolution bring together the community for the present, the past and the future, which I term as, the ‘gods and the spirits, all for the wellbeing of the community’. The findings of this research are concurrent with the argument advanced by Böge (2011) where I concur that, traditional methods can also be pursued for purposes of applying a 193

non-state-centric approach to conflict transformation. The author lays emphasis on the fact that these traditional methods cannot be considered the solution to conflict resolution at all times and in all contexts. In my research I acknowledge that in Casamance the use of these methods has not resolved the larger conflict, but I emphasize that this aspect is raising the awareness and participation of the community in the peacebuilding process, therefore advancing the efforts towards a resolution of the conflict.

Finding 3: The disconnect between existence of legal instruments and the practice on the ground I started my dissertation with the assumption that the existence of legal frameworks guiding the role of women in peacebuilding gave access to the women groups to crucial administrative and logistic support. However, in the course of the analysis it became evident that there is an apparent disconnection between the existence of these legal frameworks and their application in reality as more often the different actors are concurrently executing activities based on their different agendas and incentives. One of the findings of this dissertation recognizes that the sheer distance between norms and gendered practices, as well as the depth of marginalization of women in the social organization in Africa. This means that there is a lot more required other than the provision of legal frameworks to address the role and the significance of their participation in peacebuilding. The analysis recognizes their importance as necessary but, notes their inability to have more impact at a practical grassroots level because of the inefficiency of their implementation.

Literature reveals that there still exists a glaring gap in the implementation of laws regulating the role of women in peace and security between the continental and national levels, specifically between the AU and national governments, and the reality of the lives of the women involved in peacebuilding work at the grassroots level. It is clear that the AU approach is more state driven than people driven causing a major setback in the efforts to ensure more effective participation of women, hence making the implementation of these instruments difficult. In the case of Casamance, the women groups have been partnering with both state institutions such as the ministry of gender, family and children, and other stakeholders such as the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) and Femme Africa Solidarité (FAS) in programs for capacity building, advocacy and training for gender empowerment and knowledge on peacebuilding. These efforts are however

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limited if implementation of the National Action Plans is not supported by necessary strategic and emancipatory participation from the target group to make it achievable. The political and economic capacity of the Senegalese state and the context of managing the conflict resolution process in Casamance has not successfully managed to produce any concrete way forward towards resolution of the conflict yet.

The analysis from this research confirms that it is necessary to have a systematic way of linking the legal frameworks to the activities of the women groups in order to create more legitimacy and recognition for their work, in addition to supporting them with logistics and building their capacity as peacebuilders. This approach may yield practical results for those working in conflict resolution and peacebuilding generally. The existence of the UNSCR 1325 provides a platform for women to contribute meaningfully to peace and security from all levels in a way that can be acknowledged.

Finding 4: Actor, Actants, Agency and the impact on peacebuilding in Casamance The agency of actors as spoilers and initiators of peace in Casamance has had a significant impact on the conflict resolution and peacebuilding process. These various actors and their different agendas and interests in Casamance continue to exhibit various power brokering positions that reflect a two dimension observation and evaluation.

My first observation from the findings in this dissertation suggests that, a group of the actors are clearly working towards an agenda of peace, while the other group exhibits unclear objectives towards attaining the peace. An analysis of the behavior of the one group of actors, specifically the Senegalese state and MFDC, indicates that they seem to be hindering the efforts towards a committed conflict resolution and sustainable peace for Casamance. In the course of examining the motives for finding sustainable peace for Casamance, and in addition to understanding the obstacles in attaining the same, this research brings to light additional facts that have contributed to shaping and prolonging the conflict. In understanding what drives the actors in their behavior, the arguments on the theory of greed and grievance in economic agenda of (civil) war (as expounded by scholars such as Ballentine & Sherman, 2003; Berdal & Malone, 2000; Paul Collier et al., 2002) validate the findings in this research. The MFDC leadership has over the duration of the conflict had power wrangles, which have created different factions within the movement. This

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has had adverse consequences for the reconciliation process because, with a divided front, the state has a perfect alibi to use for its laid back attitude towards addressing the conflict.

Given the history of their antagonistic relationship, findings indicate that both that is the state and the MFDC, are using their power brokering position to delay the possibility of a faster negotiation towards peace. For example, data examined for this research shows that, their commitment to solving the conflict, because of their different interests and agendas obscures the path towards the overall peacebuilding process in Casamance. The analysis further revealed that the existence of various factions within MFDC have also weakened the movement and made it difficult to establish which of the factions can be singled out for the state to commence dialogue with.

In Senegal, the state is not very different from other African states that have been described as neopatrimonial, and as Beekers and Van Gool (2012, p. 15) observe, when politicians perceive the stakes to be high they “may engage in contestation, intimidation and often violence”, in a bid to retain or hold power. Reiterating on the patrimonial behavior of states other authors like Bach and Gazibo (2013) opine that , the discourse on neo-patrimonial states in Africa mainly focuses on institutions and their interactions with both the public and private sphere but emphasize that the concept cannot be used exclusively to describe developing societies. The authors argue that the phenomenon exists in industrialized countries which cannot claim to be above the entanglement of the public and private, because this has been conventionally restricted to the failings that have been associated with most African states. The analysis from the field shows that politicians from Casamance have behaved no differently in using this neopatrimonial behavior to pursue their own political interests. Community members complained of the politicians as being ‘seasonal’ and mostly reappear during election periods to solicit for votes and bank on the sentiments of the population by raising the question of the conflict but lack political will to pursue the issue practically.

The findings further reveal that the politicians have not effectively been able to make an impact on the way forward at the national assembly in advocating strongly enough in the resolution of the conflict due to lack of political goodwill. This has frustrated the constituents and diminished their confidence in the politicians whom they accuse of using the conflict to campaign for politics

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every election period. The findings further conclude that, the community then resorted to collaborate with the women groups and other actors working towards peacebuilding in the region, effectively taking the situation into their own hands.

The second observation is that the other group of actors, the women groups and the youth associations are seen to be focusing more on addressing the way forward towards conflict resolution and actively involving the community in peacebuilding. The motives and the interests of this set of actors points towards an effort to create for themselves a space as an integral part of any peace process that may occur in the future. When the conflict began the women groups, especially the women of the Bois Sacré did side with the insurgents in their rebellion by initiating those retreating to the forest to fight as ‘maquis’. As the hostilities increased and the violence took a toll on the population, the women reversed their position to instead convince the rebels to abandon the forest and reintegrate into the community. Mazurana and McKay (2001) assess peacebuilding as a gendered process and contend that it is vital to include women in peacebuilding as they are often the ones who are carrying out these activities at the grassroots level. This research agrees with this argument as the women groups in Casamance have used their different local and regional organizations to engage in peacebuilding therefore effectively placing them as important stakeholders in the peacebuilding process. Although the women may not consciously be aware that they are what De la Rey and McKay (2006) describe as ‘applying the meanings and concepts of peace and peacebuilding’ in the work they do in the communities, the work they undertake cannot be underestimated nor undermined.

Finding 5: Conflict as lucrative in Casamance Wherever conflict exists it is inevitable to have a kind of economy of war that is driven by the different interests of the actors involved. Although in Casamance the conflict has never escalated to the extent that it can fit under the category of ‘war’, the conflict being of low intensity in terms of casualties and fatalities, considering its prolonged nature but has not been immune to the consequences of conflict generally. Gueye (2015) describes Senegal, The Gambia and Guinea Bissau as ‘contagious countries’ in West Africa because of the problem of organized crime and its impact on governance and security for the region as well as a threat to the economic stability of the countries. The scholar further identifies the organized criminal activities to be drug, human

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and arms trafficking and smuggling, cattle rustling and money laundering which contribute to the instability of the region.

Armed groups generally use crime to sustain their activities since there are no legitimate avenues for them to otherwise have access to the natural resources found. Many conflict situations are exacerbated by the availability of these resources which end up becoming what Ballentine and Nitzschke (2003) describe as the ‘resource curse of these states’. An important observation that emerged from the findings is that the conflict in Casamance is not directly linked to resource availability which was not the initial factor that triggered the conflict; therefore, cannot be compared to other countries where resources are the main motivating factor for existing conflicts. However, the conflict has created the opportunity for illegal trade, trafficking and banditry. My findings further indicate that, the existing situation of ‘no war no peace’ has created an illusion of peace but has not tackled the thriving illegitimate businesses that take place in the forest.

Illegal timber logging is one of the main activities that the MFDC insurgent group depends on for sustaining their economy. The world’s demand for timber products exacerbates the destruction of endangered trees as well as the exploitation of poorly managed forests, especially in Africa, Asia and Latin America. This is evident in the rapid depletion of forest cover in most developing countries where corruption and poverty are a double sword for environmental and conservation efforts. The collusion of unscrupulous multi-national companies in an industry that is estimated to be worth millions of dollars makes it a challenge to regulate the trade. In Casamance the depletion of timber trees is turning into an ecological disaster for the community. On the other hand, it remains a motivating factor for the rebels to remain in the forest because they can profit from the illegal logging activities while evading the law enforcement agents. The corruption of some of the law enforcement agents is a loophole for the government because they advance the interests of the rebels and the companies that operate businesses with them. Residents observe that traders, government officials, the army and the rebels all collectively stand to gain with the continuation of the conflict because it gives them time to profit from the crisis. However, if the resolution of the conflict is to happen then all these avenues of profiting from these illegal activities have to be blocked effectively so as to cause an economic handicap to these actors.

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Socio-economic grievances, political dynamics, environmental factors and historical injustices are some of the causes identified in understanding the genesis of the conflict. It is evident from the analysis in Casamance that as long as the border tensions remain, grievances of the population will be unaddressed, together with poverty and frustration, especially of young people, and the rampant insecurity, resulting from banditry and crime on the rise, will continue to affect the attainment of sustainable peace in the region. These factors remain largely unaddressed by the Senegalese state in terms of concrete action supported by polies or legislation, and it remains to be seen how much longer the government will take to turn rhetoric into action.

The political economy of the conflict intertwines with and reflects in the daily life of the population of Casamance. The analysis shed light on how the conflict has produced a chain of so-called ‘beneficiaries’ who are using the conflict to further their own agendas and interests. I took a closer look at some of the international donor and developmental organizations present in Casamance and the impact that their presence has on the local communities. There are mixed reactions to their presence in Casamance as it was revealed in the course of the research. The study shows a trend of ‘entrepreneurship of development activities’ by development actors and ‘peace activists’, who target their projects in the area under the umbrella of poverty alleviation programs. These programs are targeted at economic empowerment of the community especially women groups and the youth but overall do not seem to have a big impact on the wider population as they are unable to accommodate everyone in their programs. The international donors and local NGO’s which can be found in their dozens in Casamance and its environs confirm these phenomena. The findings thus reveal that, those that benefit from these development activities are the already privileged few who are already in leadership positions and connected to networks that work in these communities.

The conflict in Casamance continues to have an impact on the security of the region and the porous borders between the countries makes it difficult for the authorities to have control over some of the areas due to lack of enough infrastructure. Pugh et al. (2004) have explored regional war economies and their analysis points to the fact that the political economies of regional conflicts have been ignored by those formulating policies and also by peacebuilders, therefore resulting in instability and poverty in the region. In line with their argument, I explored how the conflict is affecting the regional peace and security dynamics in addition to the economic stability of Senegal

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and its neighbors The Gambia and Guinea Bissau. The assumption this dissertation makes is that the Senegalese state is focusing on equipping its military along these borders so as to protect its own hegemony in the region and has treated the underlying conflict with less urgency than expected. In an attempt to exert the sovereignty of the state, the Senegalese government has considered the conflict in Casamance a ‘an internal affair’ and has effectively resisted the intervention of any outside actors. This move has effectively managed to underplay the significance of the conflict in Casamance for a long time. However, in recent years more attention has been directed to the region due to the activities of peacebuilding processes especially by the women groups which have managed to bring the attention to the conflict in Casamance.

Finding 6: The Senegalese State: soft versus hard power politics In the case of Casamance, the Senegalese state from the beginning of the conflict did not consider the option of using soft power when dealing with the MFDC insurgency. Nyes (1990) formulated the notion ‘soft power’ used in international relations to explain a way of differentiating the resources that, for example, states have, which they can use without necessarily resorting to more traditional economic and military power. Instead, the Senegalese state resorted to the use of excessive force in their attempt to quell the rebellion. The position that the state took only worsened the situation with the MFDC, thus protracting the conflict to its thirty seventh year. Existing data from the field suggests that the government’s decision to use ‘hard’ power has been an important factor that has contributed to the stalemate in setting up a face to face meeting with representatives of the MFDC. This has also been an impediment to any way forward to resolving the conflict in Casamance.

Talking to some former rebels and those that are currently still conscripted in the military wing of the MFDC revealed that, if only the government had spent the resources they have used for the last thirty years to develop Casamance the conflict would probably not have been protracted for this long. The men also noted that these resources that the state has used to equip the military to fight the insurgency has been a misplaced priority for the state as they could have used the same resources to develop Casamance. In the opinion of these respondents who have been in the frontline of the conflict, it is precisely the neglect and marginalization in the economic development of the region that led to the initial protests that prompted the MFDC to start the

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insurgence. The only way they foresee any progress in conflict resolution and peacebuilding is by the state willingness and commitment to include dialogue if they are to be perceived to have the interest of peace and security as a priority in the region.

The geo-political and geo-strategic backdrop of Casamance puts the Senegalese state under the spotlight because of the history of conflict in the West African region in the last decades. When the other countries such as Guinea Bissau, Liberia and Sierra Leone were engaged in civil wars that impacted on the peace and security of their respective countries , the other countries in the region including Senegal were also affected and had to bear with the consequences of these conflicts in other ways. The region has relatively stabilized since the end of these conflicts but long term stability for the region still depends on resolving all existing conflicts. It is in this context that the conflict in Casamance poses a geo-strategic threat to peace and security if it continues to be unaddressed. The internally displaced population from Casamance that abandoned their homes due to the insecurity have their lives in a limbo as they continue to wait to return to their homes. As they are accommodated in the neighboring Gambia, they also pose a threat to the border security because most of them are unemployed and are easy targets to recruit for the trafficking business.

6.3 Recommendations for future research This doctoral thesis could not address all questions around the conflict in Casamance. During my research, a number of open questions were identified among others the following two. (1) Why is the government using the much-needed resources to keep the army in Casamance? Some recommendations for future research would be for an analysis of why the Senegalese state has spent vast resources to equip the military in the last three decades in fighting the rebellion instead of investing the same in developing the area and finding a solution to the conflict.

(2) Why are young people disillusioned and feel grieved by the state of affairs? This could be a subject of future research where an investigation of the possible factors which continue to motivate the young men to pick up arms and join the marquis despite being victims of this conflict. This phenomenon has not been documented in Casamance and would probably give an insight from another dimension which can help in understanding the issues of peace and security for the region generally, and Senegal in particular. 201

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7.2 Interviews

1 Women group representative, PFPC, Ziguinchor, 03.07.2018 2 Women group representative, KABANKETOOR, Ziguinchor, 14.07.2018 3 Peace committee members, Community members, Bignona, 19.07.2018 4 President, Youth association, KEKENDO, Dakar, 23.07.2018 5 NGO representative, USAID, Dakar, 23.08.2018 6 Administrative Assistant, FAS, Dakar, 24.08.2018 7 Representative of Donor organization, Handicap International, Dakar, 25.08.2018 8 Program Officer, Karuna Center, Sédhio, 02.09.2018 9 Member, Usoforal, Ziguinchor, 09.09.2018 10 Media personality, ZigFM, Ziguinchor, 10.09.2018 11 Media personality, ZigFM, Ziguinchor, 10.09.2018 12 Peace and Security expert, IPSS, Skype meeting, 12.09.2018 13 Former rebel, no affiliation, Ziguinchor, 14.09.2018 14 Former rebel, no affiliation, Ziguinchor, 14.09.2018 15 MFDC member, MFDC, Ziguinchor, 19.09.2018 16 Community member, No affiliation, Sédhio, 21.09.2018 17 Peace committee member, No affiliation, Bignona, 23.09.2018 18 Teacher, École Primaire Ziguinchor, Ziguinchor, 26.09.2018 19 Community member, No affiliation, Ziguinchor, 26.09.2018 20 Wrestler, no affiliation, Ziguinchor , 26.09.2018 21 Program officer, UNOWAS, Skype Interview, 28.09.2018 22 Top Military representative, Ministry of Defense, Dakar, 04.05.2019 23 Gender department, Ministry for health and family welfare, Dakar, 04.05.2019 24 Program officer, UNOWAS, Dakar, 09.05.2019 25 NGO representative, World Education, Skype interview, 11.05.2019 26 Military officer, Senegalese Army communications department, Dakar, 12.05.2019 27 Youth leader, Association of Young Casamance Militants, Ziguinchor, 21.05.2019 28 Senior Officer, Ministry of Justice, Ziguinchor, 25.05.2019

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29 Politician, PDS, Ziguinchor, 27.05.2019 30 Politician, REWMI, Ziguinchor, 27.05.2019 31 Member, MFDC, Ziguinchor, 02.06.2019 32 Youth member, KEKENDO, Ziguinchor, 07.06.2019 33 Priest, Catholic Church, Ziguinchor, 09.06.2019 34 Community leader, Association d’appui aux Initiatives de paix et de développement, Bignona, 13.06.2019 35 Politician, Bokk Gis Gis coalition, Sédhio, 17.06.2019 36 Youth member, Sports and Cultural Association, Sédhio, 17.06.2019 37 Program manager, FAS, Telephone interview, Dakar, 19.06.2019 38 Member, MFDC, Bignona, 23.06.2019 39 Group member, PFPC, Ziguinchor, 25.06.2019 40 Catholic priest, Roman Catholic Diocese of Ziguinchor, Ziguinchor, 25.06.2019 41 Retired military officer, Senegalese Army communications department, Ziguinchor, 29.06.2019 42 Active rebel, MFDC, Sédhio, 03.07.2019 43 Project manager, Catholic Relief Services (CRS), Dakar, 07.07.2019 44 Policy consultant, USAID, Skype interview, 12.07.2019 45 Researcher, conflict studies, UCAD, Dakar, 15.07.2019 46 Researcher, Peace and Security, CODESRIA, Dakar, 19.07.2019 47 Women group representative, PFPC, Skype interview, 22.07.2019 48 Media personality, Walfadjri Media Group, Dakar, 22.07.2019 49 President, REPSFECO, Dakar, 25.07.2019 50 Program manager, ECOWAS Commission (gender development center, EGDC), Dakar, 25.07.2019

212

Focus group discussions held between 2018-2019 at Dakar and Ziguinchor

1. Women of the Bois Sacré, 19 July 2018 and 06 May 2019 Ziguinchor, 2018 2. Peace Committees, Sedhio, August 2018 3. Youth Association, Dakar and Ziguinchor, 11 May 2018 and 01 June 2019 4. Theater Énsamble, ‘les jeunes pour le changement’, Nyassia, 15 June 2019

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Erklärung

Hiermit versichere ich, dass ich die vorliegende Arbeit ohne unzulässige Hilfe Dritter und ohne Benutzung anderer als der angegebenen Hilfsmittel angefertigt habe; die aus fremden Quellen direkt oder indirekt übernommenen Gedanken sind als solche kenntlich gemacht.

Bei der Auswahl und Auswertung des Materials, bei der Herstellung des Manuskripts sowie bei dersprachlichen Redaktion habe ich die Unterstützungsleistungen von folgenden Personen erhalten:

Weitere Personen waren an der geistigen Herstellung der vorliegenden Arbeit nicht beteiligt. Insbesondere habe ich nicht die Hilfe eines Promotionsberaters in Anspruch genommen. Dritte haben von mir weder unmittelbar noch mittelbar geldwerte Leistungen für Arbeiten erhalten, die im Zusammenhang mit dem Inhalt der vorgelegten Dissertation stehen.

Die Arbeit wurde bisher weder im Inland noch im Ausland in gleicheroder ähnlicher Form einer anderen Prüfungsbehörde vorgelegt und ist auch noch nicht veröffentlicht worden.

05.03.2021

Datum Unterschrift

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