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Negative Markers in East Cree and M Ontagnais

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Negative Markers in East Cree and M Ontagnais Negative Markers in East Cree and M ontagnais MARGUERITE MACKENZIE Memorial University of Newfoundland 1. Introduction In this pap r I will outline the distribution of negative morphemes in several dialects of the Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi continuum. Most descriptions of the occurrence of the two main negators, one for Independent verbs and another for Conjunct verbs, are seen to be too simple. In certain dialects one or the other of the negators may occur with verbs which carry both Independent and Conjunct inflection. The choice of negator may be more a function of syntactic pattern than of verbal (inflectional) morphology. The continuum of Cree-Montagnais-N askapi dialects which stretches across Canada encompasses a significant amount of variation. Within the continuum, dialects have traditionally been distinguished on the basis of the reflex of Proto-Aigonquian */: 1 y for Plains (PC) and East Cree (EC), 8 for Woods Cree (WC), n for Swampy Cree (SC), most Montagnais (MT) and one Naskapi (N) dialect, I for Moose Cree (MC) and two dialects of Mon­ tagnais, r for Attikamek (AC). These dialects are themselves sub-grouped into two major varieties on the basis of the palatalization of Pre-Cree k to s before front vowels. This phonological change separates all the western dialects from Plains to A ttikamek into one group of non-palatalized di­ alects, sometimes referred to as Cree proper (Pentland 1984) and a second eastern group of palatalized dialects which included East Cree, Montagnais 1 The orthography used in this paper is that of the original sources. Proto­ Algonquian *l is represented as •t in words which will show the expected reflexes (1, n, r, a, y) in the sub-dialects. 0 in the non-palatalized dialects is the equivalent of u in East Cree, Montagnais and Naskapi; e written as fin Woods Cre and as a in N askapi (and northern East Cree) reflects pronunciation in these dialects. The affricate [c] is represented as c in the non-palatalized dialects, eh in East Cr e and N askapi, and tsh in Montagnais. In final position the affricate has become t in Montagnais. 274 NEGATIVE MARKERS 275 and N askapi. Nevertheless all the dialects form a classic dialect chain, as described in MacKenzie {1980). On the basis of this phonological process of velar palatalization, and subsequent changes brought about by the process, the Quebec-Labrador dialects {excluding Attikamek) constitute a coherent sub-grouping. When, however, evidence of morphology, syntax and lexicon is considered, a major set of isoglosses within the palatalized dialects separate the East Cree speak­ ers of eastern J ames Bay from the l\1ontagnais speakers of south-western Quebec and Labrador. The two Naskapi dialects are transitional between the larger groups, patterning somewhat more closely with East Cree. In this paper I will present evidence to support the argument that, for the system of negative markers, East Cree and Naskapi pattern more closely with the non-palatalizing dialects such as Attikamek and 1\-foose Cree, rather than with Montagnais. The situation described for Plains Cree by Wolfart (1979), for Moose and Swampy Cree (Ellis 1983), for Attikamek {Beland 1978), for East Cree (MacKenzie 1980) and for Naskapi (Martens and Chase 1983; Ford 1982) seems to be relatively straightforward - there are two markers for all di­ alects: a variant of nama is used with Independent order verbs and ekii with Conjunct and Imperative order verbs. For Woods Cree Starks ( 1987) points out that the same two markers are used but different patterning with Independent and Conjunct verbs occurs. In Montagnais, however, the nama marker is replaced by apu which requires a Conjunct, not an Independent verb (McNulty 1971, Ford and Bacon 1977; Clarke 1982). Occurrence of apu and ekii with both Independent and Conjunct verbs is reported for Montagnais by Drapeau (1984, 1986) and Baraby {1984). The earlier descriptions have implied that verbs with Independent suf­ fixes and their negator ( nama or apu) occur only in a main clause while those with Conjunct endings and· the negator ekii are found in dependent clauses. Negation has not been an explicit focus of grammatical descrip­ tions of Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi until quite recently (Starks 1987) . In this paper, Starks points out that for Woods Cree the nama negators, while occurring only in a main clause, do occur with both Independent and Con­ junct verbs, depending on the type of syntactic structure. The ikii negator also occurs in both main and subordinate clauses but only with a Con­ junct verb. As well, an additional negator atuch/ atut has been recorded for the palatalized dialects. Negation in the Cree-Montagnais-N askapi dialects appears to be a complex situation which bears increased study. 2 6 fARGUERITE I K ZIE 2. egation of Independent erb 2.1. The nama negator The negator used with an Independent verb in all dial c ( c pt tonta - nais) is based on the particle nama , often wi h the ad it ion of n m ph · ic particle usually wi ~la . Through various phonological proc th pecific dialect forms are as follows (orthography of original publi hed form u d) : Plains (y) nama, namooya \\ood Cree (cl) mwi, mwich, mootha Swampy / Moose (n/l) moona/moola Attikamek (r) nama East Cree (y) nama,namuy askapi (y/n) nama, ama, ma The usage of these particles has been described for Plains Cree by Wolfart (1973:41): "nama, namooya, an.d others based on nama occur with inde­ pendent clauses"; for Moose and Swampy Cree by Ellis (1973:29): "the neg­ ative particle used with the [Independent) verb . .. is moo la"; for N askapi by Martens and Chase (1983:34) a statement may be made negative by adding ... nama and by Ford (1982:13). In East Cree as well, namuy is used by peakers in the southern dialect area, while in the northern dialect the particle ttipii is more frequent. or Woods Cree ta.rks (19 7:27- 29) describes three negators mwtic, mwii and mootha, each with a separate pattern of eo-occurrence based on semantic criteria, used in a main clause. mwac, a general negator, is used w"th facti e erb and negates assertions (1987:27) ; mwa is used with non­ facti e erb , to expr an opinion; mootha is used in contrastive situations, to .modify, correct or contradict, for contrast or emphasis. She also states hat an Independent verb must occur with a nama negator (unless it is a Ju i e construction) . here is, then, general agreement that a verb with Independent suffixes ill be negated by nama . There is, as well, a strong implication in the above tatemenls that verbs with Independent inflection occur in main clauses. Since in most descriptions, examples are given for Independent Indicative eutral forms only, seldom for Dubitative or Preterit forms, the extent of use of this negator is not yet fully known. 2.2. The apu negator In ontagnais, an Independent Indicative verb is negated, not by nama as in other dialects, but by apu, a particle which generally requires Conjunc Indicative eutral verb inflections. NEGATIVE MARKERS 277 EC namuy nipaw he is not asleep MT apu nipat he is not asleep The origin of this particle is unclear and may be relatively recent in the history of Montagnais. Early dictionaries (Silvy 1974; Fabvre 1970; Laure 1988) make no mention of this word but do list nama and ekd. The Montagnais-Latin manuscript of La Brosse (1768) also lists these two ex­ pected particles but has apu written in above the line as abua. Although an exhaustive search has not been made, it seems that the Montagnais texts recorded in the Jesuit Relations as well as subsequently produced religious books do not use apu but rather nama. As well, nama is used by literate Montagnais in two letters written in 1785 and 1795 (Mailhot 1992). It is not until the mid-1800s that apu appears in documents written in Montagnais. Pentland (1984:91) contends that the use of apu with a Conjunct verb reflects original Proto-Algonquian usage and that apu is cognate with Kick- apoo /pai/ 'fail to' from PA /*pwawi/, although this particle is used with an Independent verb. Another explanation, offered by Ives Goddard (per­ sonal communication), that apu is the contraction of the phrase nama tapue found several times in the Montagnais letters described by Mailhot (1992), does not account for its obligatory occurrence with a Conjunct verb form. A possibility advanced in MacKenzie (1980:192) is that apu is borrowed from the Ojibway-Algonquin negator bwd which does require a Conjunct verb. It is known that the area of Tadoussac, where a main Jesuit mission was established, was one of great population mixing. LaBrosse, author of the first books published in Montagnais, mentions that during his time, Proto-Algonquian *1 was pronounced as either /, n or r and that he had standardized it to r. The speculation that there was sufficient contact between Algonquin and Montagnais speakers to allow for borrowing of this construction awaits further historical research. In any case, apu is now the exclusive negator for Independent Indicative verbs among speakers of Montagnais. It is recognized as a marker, in the so­ ciolinguistic sense, by speakers of adjacent Naskapi dialects in Kawawachika- mach (Schefferville) and Utshimassits (Davis Inlet). These speakers will incorporate the apu negative into their own speech when code-switching, even while retaining the phonological features of their own dialect. Another use of apu is reported by Drapeau (1984:31) with the Conjunct Dubitative Neutral paradigm, which is used as the negative correlate of the Independent Indirect Past forms.2 2Recent work in Sheshatshit Montagnais indicates that apu with the Conjunct Dubitative Neutral suffices may also be used this way.
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