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When Is a Cluster Not a Cluster?: a Northern East Cree Case Study

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When Is a Cluster Not a Cluster?: a Northern East Cree Case Study When is a Cluster not a Cluster?: A Northern East Cree Case Study 44 th Algonquian Conference, Oct 25 Ͳ28, 2012 Sarah Knee (Memorial University) [email protected] Background :Two different kinds of clusters in NE Cree Type 1: Primary (Underlying) Clusters Type 2: Secondary (Derived) Clusters Orthography IPA Translation Orthography IPA Translation iskwâu [ࡁsk ࠧw] ‘woman’ tihchikâchâu [t ࡁht ࡚kat ࡚aw] ‘s/he kicks’ mishtikw [m ࡁ࡚t࠾kॎ] ‘tree’ pâyikushtâmitiniu [pay ࡁk࡚tamt ࡁnࡁw] ‘ninety’ nihpin [n ࡁhp ࡁn] ‘my lung’ ushîmishish [ࡡ࡚ im࡚࡚ ] ‘his/her younger sibling’ uskin [ࡡsk ࡁn] ‘his/her bone’ Ͳ maximally CC Ͳcan be many consonants in arow Ͳ first consonant is either [s, ࡚ ,h] Ͳfirst consonant can be awider variety of consonants Ͳ assumed to be underlying Ͳassumed to result from deletion (e.g., [pay ࡁk࡚tamt ࡁnࡁw] is underlyingly /pay ࡁkࡡ࡚tamࡁtࡁnࡁw/) Proposal: secondary clusters are CVC sequences that are produced with avowel that has been devocalized (shortened or weakened) to the point that it is not perceived. Two Kinds of Evidence : Evidence 1: Duck Evidence Evidence 2: Gestural Hiding Ͳ In many languages phonological vowel deletion has been Proposal :vowel gestures are ‘hidden’ by the gestures of adjacent reanalyzed as vowel devocalization –ashortening or weakening consonants process The study : Ͳ Devocalization has similar characteristics cross Ͳlinguistically Ͳ Investigate data for presence of aphonetic correlate of Ͳ NE Cree shares these characteristics gestural hiding: phonetic lengthening of consonants in Cross Ͳlinguistic characteristics* Shared with Algonquian?? secondary clusters 1. Prosodic Enviro. & • Metrically weak positions я Ͳ Icompared the relationship between the duration of C1 &C2 Vowel Type • Schwa &short/lax я in secondary clusters and CVC sequences in the word list • At least hi vowels я reading by NE Cree speaker Luci Bobbish ͲSalt 2. Segmental Enviro. • Obstr. ___ Son. or Sibilant Fric. я Ͳ If consonants in secondary clusters are longer in duration than • Obstr. ___ Obstr. я ? those in CVC sequences (after considering other possible • Adjacent voiceless consonants я ? factors, e.g., MOA, position of consonant within word) then 3. Position • At least final position я we have evidence of phonetic lengthening in secondary 4. Variation &Gradience • Faster more casual speech я clusters, and hence, gestural hiding • Presence of Intermediate forms я ? 5. Word Freq. • High frequency words ? *See second handout “Duck Evidence Expanded” for further details Evidence 2Results When is aCluster not aCluster?: An NE Cree Case Study Knee 2 ANOVA Results (two 2x3x2 ANOVAs): Ͳ 2levels of position of consonant within word (word Ͳmedial, word Ͳinitial (for C1) /word Ͳfinial (for C2)) Ͳ 3levels of manner of articulation (plosive, nasal, fricative) Ͳ 2levels of sequential environment (secondary cluster, CVC sequence) Table 1. ANOVA, C1 Duration Table 2. ANOVA, C2 Duration Findings: Effect F Statistics p value Effect F Statistics p value Ͳ Ͳ For C1 :interaction effect Word position F(1,219)=95 <.001 Word position F(1,219)=95 <.001 MOA F(1,219)=51 <.001 MOA F(2,212)=12 <.001 Sequential enviro. F(1,219)=24 <.001 Sequential enviro. F(2,212)=1.3 0.26 For C2 :No significant difference Position*MOA F(1,219)=1.2 .27 Position*MOA F(2,212)=1.7 0.11 in C2 duration in secondary Position*Seq. enviro. F(1,219)=0.13 .72 Position*Seq. enviro. F(2,212)=1.6 0.20 clusters than in CVC MOA*Seq. enviro. F(2,212)=1.7 0.18 MOA*Seq. enviro. F(1,219)=0.69 .50 sequences Position*MOA*enviro. F(1,219)=8.6 .004 Table 3. Descriptive Statistics, C1 Interaction Table 4. One ͲWay ANOVA Results for C1 Findings for C1: 95% CI Position Manner Fstatistics Significant? N Mean SE SD Lower Upper (F >3.84?) Ͳ wi plosives longer in Word Ͳinitial Word Ͳinitial Plosive F(1,219)=7.41 yes secondary clusters (CC) than in Plosive CC 6 80 23 56 21 138 Word Ͳinitial Nasal F(1,219)=0.98 no CVC sequences Plosive CVC 17 34 6.5 27 21 48 Word Ͳmedial Plosive F(1,219)=1.4 no Ͳ wm nasals longer in CC than in Nasal CC 8 59 19 54 14 103 Word medial Nasal F(1,219)=18 yes Ͳ CVC sequences Nasal CVC 19 44 4.1 18 35 61 Word medial Fricative F(1,219)=9.9 yes Ͳ wm fricatives longer in CC Word Ͳmedial *word Ͳinitial fricatives could not be assessed Ͳ Plosive CC 59 128 4.7 36 119 138 than in CVC se quences Plosive CVC 45 126 4.8 32 116 135 *Results were considered significant if the Nasal CC 28 131 6.2 33 118 143 Fstatistic ш FCRIT (1, 219)=3.84 Nasal CVC 14 83 6.1 23 70 96 Fricative CC 15 206 15 56 175 237 Fricative CVC 18 167 6.0 26 155 180 Table 5. Removed Cases of /m/ Realized as [p] Table 6. Descriptive Statistics, C1 Wi Nasals Further findings for C1: Effect FStatistics pͲvalue 95% CI Word position F(1,215)=58 <.001 Enviro. N Mean SE SD Lower Upper Ͳ wi nasals longer in CC than in MOA F(1,215)=52 <.001 CC 4 96 25 50 17 175 CVC sequences Sequential enviro. F(1,215)=34 <.001 CVC 19 44 4.1 18 39 67 F(1, 215)=7.58 >FCRIT (1, 215)=3.84 Position*MOA F(1,215)=5.5 .02 Position*Seq. enviro. F(1,215)=2.8 .099 MOA*Seq. enviro. F(1,215)=2.4 .094 Position*MOA*enviro. F(1,215)=1.8 .117 Conclusion :Secondary clusters in NE Cree do not result from vowel deletion. Rather, they can be analyzed as CVC sequences in which lengthened consonants cause the vowel to be difficult to perceive. Duck Evidence, Expanded When is aCluster not aCluster?: An NE Cree Case Study Knee 3 Characteristics Non ͲAlgonquian Algonquian Prosodic x Metrically weak positions x Short/lax vowels in metrically weak positions (Nishnaabemwin; Environment & x Schwa, short vowels, lax vowels (e.g., English, German) Passamaquoddy, East Cree, Western Cree) Vowel Type x At least high vowels (e.g., Greek, Montreal French, Japanese) x High vowels in NE Cree affected ZWICKY 1972; HOOPER 1978; DAUER 1980; CEDERGREN &SIMONEAU 1985; BECKMAN ,1996; GORDON 1998 MACKENZIE ,1982; LESOURD ,1993; WOLFART ,1996; VALENTINE ,2001; DYCK ET AL ., 2006 Variation x Variation between devocalization and no devocalization x Secondary clusters can optionally be produced as CVC sequences (Berber, English, European French, German, Greek, Korean, x In Western Cree, the alternation in 2with secondary clusters (see Lushootseed, Montreal French, Japanese) below), occurs in faster, more casual speech, and the alternation in 1, Correlated with speech rate and style with aperceived vowel, occurs in slower, more formal speech x Fewer vowels are perceived when the speech is faster and (WOLFART &C ARROLL ’S1981 ). x more casual Orthography Alternation 1 Alternation 2 Translation More vowels are perceived when the speech is slower and x konita [ko nit a] [ko nt a] ‘in vain, without reason’ more formal tanisi [ta nis i] [ta ns i] ‘hot; how are you’ DELATTRE ,1951; ZWICKY ,1972; DAUER ,1980; STRAUSS ,1982; BECKMAN &SHOJI , 1984; CEDERGREN &SIMONEAU ,1985; DALBY ,1986; KOHLER ,1990; HALL ,1992; x Vowel deletion in Odawa is a“kind of casual speech phenomena” MANUEL ET AL ., 1992; JANNEDY ,1994; URBANCYZK ,2001; COLEMAN ,2001; (Rhodes 1976b) DAVIDSON ,2006 RHODES 1976 B,WOLFART &C ARROLL 1981, MAC KENZIE 1982 Gradience & x Acoustic cues suggest the presence of avowel even if it’s not x In NE Cree <u> is often perceived as devoiced or as labialization Intermediate perceived (M ANUEL ET AL ., 1992; FOKES &BOND ,1993; FOUGERON & instead of deleted (MAC KENZIE ,1982 ) realizations STERIADE ,1997; DAVIDSON ,2006) x In Western Cree atrace of a‘deleted’ vowel can still be present, (forms x Gradient/Intermediate realizations (e.g., MODERN GREEK :DAUER , possibly as awhispered vowel (PENTLAND 1979:120 ) between fully 1980; ANDEAN SPANISH :DELFORGE ,2008 ) x For certain varieties of Ojibwe atrace of a`deleted' vowel can be deleted and found, often in the form of labialization (RHODES &T ODD 1981:58 ) fully realized FULLY > REDUCED > WEAKENED > NO VOICING > NO PERCEIVED VOICED DURATION VOICING VOWEL vowels) Position x Vowel devocalization favoured in word Ͳ,phrase Ͳ,or utterance Ͳ Word Ͳfinal ‘deletion' of short vowel suffixes exists in dialects of Cree and final positions (45/50 LANGUAGES SURVEYED BY GORDON 1998 ) Innu. For example, in East Cree Ͳasuffixes are perceived as deleted or as a x Exceptions: languages with stress or high tone in these whispered final [a] (MAC KENZIE ,1982:123 ). positions (e.g., Turkish, Montreal French, Inuktitut) Segmental x Between an obstruent and asonorant or sibilant fricative x Between most consonants (EAST CREE :MAC KENZIE 1982 ) Environment ENGLISH AND GERMAN : ZWICKY ,1972; HOOPER ,1978; BECKMAN ,1996 x Between homorganic consonants (WESTERN CREE :WOLFART 1996 ) x Between voiceless consonants (e.g, between [t, s]; between [t, n]) ANDEAN SPANISH :DELFORGE ,2008; GREEK :DAUER ,1980; LUSHOOTSEED : URBANCYZK ,2001; MONTREAL FRENCH :CEDERGREN &SIMONEAU ,1985 Word x Devocalization favoured in high freq. words No data Frequency HOOPER 1978, PATTERSON ET AL .2003 References When is a Cluster not a Cluster?: An NE Cree Case Study Knee 4 Beckman, M. E. (1996). When is a syllable not a syllable? In T. Otake & A. Cutler (Eds.), Kohler, K. (1990). Segmental reduction in connected speech in German: Phonological Phonological Structure and Language Processing: Cross-Linguistic Studies (p. 95- facts and phonetic explanations. In W. Hardcastle & A. Marchal (Eds.), Speech 123). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. production and speech modeling (p. 69-92). NL: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
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