11Th INUIT STUDIES CONFERENCE Nuuk, Greenland September 23 - 27, 1998

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INUSSUK • Arctic Research Journal 2 • 2002 11th INUIT STUDIES CONFERENCE Nuuk, Greenland September 23 - 27, 1998

Claus Andreasen Karen Langgård (Eds.) 11th INUIT STUDIES CONFERENCE Nuuk, Greenland September 23 - 27, 1998

INUSSUK - Arctic research Journal 2 - 2002 Copyright © The authors and Ministry of Culture, Education, Research and Church, Nuuk 2002 Cover illustration: Arnannguaq Høegh, engraving and collage Cover and graphic design: Hammerich Design Adaptation: Anne Lise Sørensen Typeface: Times Print:AKA Print A/S, Århus Ed. and issue 1 Circulation: 500 copies ISBN 87-90948-04-1 ISSN 1397-7431 Excerpts including ﬁ gures, tables and quotes are allowed with distinct refence to the source. Copies of publications referring to, reviewing or quoting from this publication will be most appreciated. Inussuk - Arctic Research Journal is published by the Ministry of Culture, Education, Research and Church. It is the purpose of this journal to disseminate results of research in Arctic regions to the population of Greenland as well as research communities in Greenland and Denmark. The journal wishes to contribute to strengthening the cooperation of Arctic research in particular within humanities, social sciences and public health. The editorial board welcomes proposals for publications. Editors

Research Coordinator Tom Greiffenberg Professor Peter Bjerregaard Greenland Home Rule, Ministry of Culture, National Institute of Public Health Education, Research and Church 25, Svanemøllevej P.O. Box 1029, DK-3900 Nuuk, Greenland DK-2100 Copenhagen Ø, Denmark Telephone: +299 34 50 00 Telephone: +45 39 20 77 77 Telefax: +299 32 31 71 Telefax: +45 39 27 30 95 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Publications in the series to be ordered from Atuagkat P.O. Box 1009 DK-3900 Nuuk, Greenland Email: [email protected] Homepage: www.atuagkat.gl Contents Claus Andreasen, Karen Langgård Editors’ preface ...... 5 Claus Andreasen Welcome ...... 7 Robert Petersen Kalaallit inuiattut siulersuisoqarnikkullu aaqqissuunneqarneranni allannguutit ...... 11 Robert Petersen On Changes in Organization and Leadership in Greenland ...... 29 Henriette Rasmussen Active Partnership Policy of International Labour Organization ...... 47 Igor I. Krupnik Shifting Patterns, Lasting Partnerships ...... 55 Michael P. J. Kennedy Border under Siege: An Author’s Attempt to Reconcile two Cultures ...... 75 Louis-Jacques Dorais, Susan Simmons The Meaning of Discourse in Iqaluit ...... 99 Tine Pars, Gert Mulvad The Controversy about Traditional Food: Nutrition, Contamination and Acculturation ...... 111 Peter Bjerregaard Societal Development Epidemiologic transition and Health in Inuit communities ...... 119

Participants ...... 130 The Steering Commitee ...... 139 Thank You ...... 140 Programme for the Conference ...... 141 Editors’ Preface Finally the Organizing Committee for The 11th Inuit Studies Conference can present selected papers from the conference held in Nuuk, Greenland 23-27 September 1998. Innumerable papers were held during the conference but only a few were chosen for publication, mainly those from our key-note speakers. The limited amount of papers chosen for publication was not due to lack of quality rather it was a consequence of lack of money. We were pleased that all the chosen authors responded positively to our quest for manuscripts. It was certainly not due to any delay on their part that we are delayed. Later they also asked when the publication was due. That was an understandable question. We shall not reiterate our answers here, just make it clear that all have been waiting im/patiently for years for the publication. Possibly some of the results or the information in the papers are outdated by now but still we hope you will ﬁ nd the articles interesting as they were quite interesting and informative when we heard them as well as they testify to the diversity of papers presented. We are pleased that the Greenland Home Rule Government, Dept. of Culture, Edu- cation, Research, and Church has agreed to undertake publication of this book within their series, INUSSUK. Claus Andreasen and Karen Langgård (eds.) Nuuk, fall 2002

5 6 Welcome Claus Andreasen

The honorable Marianne Jensen, minister of Health, Research and Environment, friends, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen. Nice to see you and a warm welcome to all of you. We are a little surprised but extremely pleased that so many have found it worthwhile - as well as the time and the money - to go to Greenland to participate in the 11th Inuit Studies Conference. We are confi dent that you will all make valuable contributions to the Conference and we are looking forward to the sessions and the discussions during the conference. Three years ago on the 10th Inuit Studies Conference in St. John’s, Newfoundland, Greenland offered to host the 11th Inuit Studies Conference. We gathered a group of people from many institutions in Nuuk who acted as a steering-group and who put money, time and manpower into this. Furthermore the composition of the group ensured that it was multidisciplinary and in that way it also refl ects the way in which much Arctic research is done as well as it refl ected the diversity of the research- institutions in Nuuk as most were represented in the group. As already said: it is a great pleasure for us - but maybe especially for Ilisimatusarfi k (the Greenland University) - to host the Inuit Studies Conference in Nuuk. At Ilisi- matusarfi k almost 100 Inuit students are studying for their BA or Master and now they have a proper chance to participate in a major arctic Inuit research-conference. Normally students from Ilisimatusarfi k would have to go abroad to participate in such important conferences where new knowledge is presented and where they will have a chance to meet and talk with the researcher her-/himself. Most often just one or two can go - but in these days a major group of students are among us. Otherwise the normal way for our students to get into contact with arctic researchers is to go abroad to other universities for education and research purposes but now research- presentations and the discussions will take place right here with all the students as possible actors and at least as participants. I fi nd this an invaluable situation and can only encourage institutions and Arctic students to create more possibilities for student-participation in research-conferences so it will be possible for them to be able more often to meet and exchange views and attitudes and in this way also to infl uence the line or subject of research. Arctic research does indeed also need your voice.

7 Furthermore it is of importance that we meet here in this country and society and among the people who are the subject of the research. Arctic and Inuit research takes place in many countries outside the Arctic but now research institutions are also popping up in the Arctic and they will be more and more important in the coming years. They will not only encourage Arctic research, but they will also contribute with new and important knowledge as they get more and more fi rmly rooted in their society. They benefi t from the fact that the research going on here is performed in a constant dialogue with the society being studied. As time goes on the Arctic people will be more and more active in this research and the relationship between foreign and local researchers will change as well as between the researchers and the public. From being objects and consumers of foreign research arctic residents will be active participants and often in the leading role. The feeling of being a subject or a hostage for the researcher will change to a more equal partnership. The list of participants present here refl ects the huge and wide-spread interest in the Arctic: you come from: USA, Alaska, Russia, Canada, Greenland, Denmark, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Belgium, and even Australia and you represent traditions for Arctic research with a human focus. It is an impressive list and it tells us about the diversity within the research and the potential possibility for furthering the research-cooperation within a wide variety of topics. Having such a wide-spread community with interests in many fi elds stresses the importance of a multidisciplinary forum like the Inuit Studies Conference where we can meet and exchange ideas. It has been one of the goals of the Inuit Studies Conferences to promote Arctic research and to bring people together to exchange views and ideas regardless of the subject as long as it is related to the human aspect of the Arctic societies. A lot of the research going on has a cross- or multidisciplinary aspect - which I personally fi nd very important as it is rewarding and stimulating to participate in conferences which are not just focused on a single discipline but offers you the opportunity to see your own research in a broader context. When starting out we gave the conference a Theme: Partnership in Development? Polarization in Inuit Societies. We hoped it would inspire and may be even provoke some of you. Although the theme was not quite evident in each and every abstract and paper we received, we found that - seen as whole - the papers actually did address the theme and should be able to promote discussions about the theme in the different sessions and hopefully also between participants in different sessions.

8 We also knew that within certain fi elds of research it would be diffi cult to apply the theme, but as those papers also served a basic purpose of the idea of the Inuit Studies Conference in representing new research within a number of fi elds they were also accepted for presentation. We did receive a few papers which were diffi cult to or too few to put into independent groups. These are listed under the »Open Session« on Sunday. When making up the sessions we tried to stick to the above-mentioned important multidisciplinary aspect of the Inuit Studies Conference, and thus we did not want the Conference to be split up into too many parallel sessions. We have tried to orga- nize the papers and time the sessions in such a way that participants with related interests should be able to take part in other sessions without too much trouble. Sometimes the border between one session and another is quite arbitrary and the only one to blame is sometimes the chairperson but in most cases the organizers. However we hope you will fi nd our efforts useful and fruitful. Finally I would like to express our special gratitude to the honorable Minister for Health, Research and Environment Marianne Jensen who has accepted to give a talk at the opening of the 11th Inuit Studies Conference. She will be followed by our good friends and colleagues Igor Krupnik and Robert Petersen. Tomorrow we will then enjoy the Key Note speech from Henriette Rasmussen, who came directly from ILO in Geneva where she works right now. They did all in good spirits accept the challenge of being a Key-Note Speaker. With these words and on behalf of the Organizing Committee I would like to open the Conference and to welcome Mari- anne Jensen.

9 10 Kalaallit inuiattut siulersuisoqarnikkullu aaqqissuunneqarneranni allannguutit Inoqutigiit qulaanni siulersuisoqarnerup eqqunneqarnera tamatumalu kingunerisa ilaat Robert Petersen

Qangaanit aaqqissuussineq siulersuisoqarnerlu Qangaanit kalaallit inuiattut katitigaapput inoqutigiinnit ataasiakkaanit, nunaqqati- giinnit, imminnut qanittunik nunaqarﬁ linnit inuiattullu, oqaatsimikkut ileqqumillu tungaviisigut ataatsimoorussaqarlutik. Inoqutigiilli kisimik aalajangersunik siulersorteqarput. Tassani inoqutigiit ilaquta- riillu1 annerusumik immikkoortinneqassanngillat, uani eqqartorniakkannut tamanna nikingammat, taamaallaallu pigisaqarnerup eqqartornerani immikkortineqassallu- tik. Inoqutigiit pisussaafﬁ i taakkualu pingaarutaat eqqartortinnagit pigisaqarnerup tunngavii sammilaaqqaassavakka.

Pigisaqarnermi uparuagassat Inuit kangilliusut - pingaartumik kalaallit - pigisaqarnerata tunngavii paasiumi- naalaarsinnaapput. Allaatigisaasartut amerlanersaat avataaniit takkuttunit suliaap- put agguaasarnermik pissutsinik ularussissuteqartartunit, massa aamma allaatigisat pitsaasunik ilaqaraluartut (Rink 1871; Weiss-Bentzon 1969). Kalaallisulli allaatigi- saqarpoq erseqqissumik eqqartuisumik massa paasilluassagaanni kilusiortariaqa- raluarluni (Hansêrak 1864/65:587-591).

Inuup pigisaqartarnera Inuup ataatsip pigisaqartarnerata tunngavigai pigisap pissarsiarinera atorneralu, tassami kisimiilluni atuineq atuisinnaatitaanermut tunngaviummat, kiisalu ator-

1. Tassani immikkoortitsisariaqarneq pissutigalugu »ilaqutariit« atorneqarpoq isumaqartillugu aappariit qitornaallu; »inoqutigiit« tassa aatakkut. Qitornaallu aappallit taakualu qitornaat, kisianni illoqatigiik- kunik.

11 neranit pissarsiassaqarneq. Suut inuup ataatsip kisimi atugarisai inummit taas- sumannga kisermaallugit pigineqarput. Inuup atisani nammineq pigai, atortunilu allat soorlu saviit, qulliit, ulut, qaannat il.il. atuisuusup pigai. Allaammi meeqqat pinngussatik namminneq pigaat. Piginnittup pigisani atorsinnaavaa, allanngortis- sinnaavaa, allamik taarsersissinnaavaa, allamut tunniussinnaavaa, tunisinnaavaa il.il. Inuk alla pigisaq taanna pillugu taamaaliorsinnaanngilaq, inuilli pigisaannit kisermaassassatut erseqqinnersaapput tigussaasuunngitsut: immikkut ilisimasat, pisit, serratit, ernisussiortup ilisimasai, angakkut ilisimasaat sulisinnaassuserlu, il.il. Inuup allap piginnittua akuersisinnagu iluaqutigisinnaanngilai, taamaaliortoqas- sappallu piginnittua akilerneqarnissaminut piginnaatitaavoq. Soorlu serratit allamut tunniutiinnarneqassanngillat, aatsaat akilerlugit allap pigilersinnaavai.

Ataatsimut pigisaqartarneq Uumasunit pisanit pissarsiat nerisassaanngitsut ilaqutariit ataatsimut pigisaraat. Tassa piniartaata pisaanit amia, orsua, tuugaavi, ujalui, aammalu taakkunannga suliareqqitaat. s.i. umiaq tuperlu. Massa ilaqutaariit taamaattut inoqutigiinni anne- rusuni ilaagaluarpata ilaqutariit taakku kisimik piginnittutut oqartussaapput taakkulu kisimik aalajangiivigisinnaavaat. Tassami piginnittuuneq aalajangiisinnaanerlu ataqatigiimmata. Tassa nammineq aalajangissavaat pissarsiatik sillimmatigissa- nerlugit, tunissanerlugilluunniit. Eqqaamassavarpulli naalagaafﬁ up pisiariortugai tassaammata ammit orsullu, tassa ilaqutariinnit ataasiakkaanit pigineqartut. Taman- nami pillugu oqartoqartaannarpoq niuernerup inoqutigiit avissaartuutitikkai. Pisat nerisassartaat inoqutigiit pigisaraat. Inoqutigiit piniussisui tamarmik inoqutigiit nerisassaatissaannut katersuisuupput. Taakkununnga ittoq ningiorlu kisimik aalajangiisussaapput. Taakku - pingaartumik ningioq - aalajangiisarput pisap neqaanit nutaamit kissartuliortoqassanersoq, panertillugu peqqumaasisoqassa- nersoq, imaluunniit pajuttortoqassanersoq. Tassungalu ilanngullugu kikkut sunik pajunneqassanersut. Erseqqissarneqassaaq ittoq ningiorlu kisimik pajuttornermut oqartussaammata. Taamaattumik pajugut privatimik pigisamit tunissutaavoq, tunissutimmi privatimik pigisamit tunniunneqartarmata. Tassalu tamanna privatiuvoq allat oqaasissaqan- ngimmata. Inoqutigiit inuussutissaataat ittup ningiullu siulersuinerata takussutissa- raat, qitiusumik inissisimanerata ersiutai. Qimatut sillimmataagamik atorluarniagassaapput. Ittup ningiullu oqarneratigut aallersoqartarpoq. Aaneqartut tamakkua ilaat quimut ilineqartarput, ilaalli illumut eqqunneqartarput. Taakkulu eqqussat tassa sassaalliutit inoqutigiit ilaasortaasa piu-

12 magunik qinoqqaaratik nerisinnaasaat. Illoqatilli inoqutigiinnut taakkunnunnga ilaanngitsut tunitsiisariaqarput akueritsiissariaqarlutilluunniit. Ileqqut tamakku illuatungaaniit aallartillugit isigissagutsigik takusinnaavarput uumasoq piniarfi mmiittoq inuiaat nunaqqatigiillunnit ataatsimut pissamaataattut taaneqarsinnaasoq pisarineqaruni privatimik pigineqalersartoq, nerisassartai inoqutigiinnit, nerisassaanngitsortaalu ilaqutariinnit pigineqalersartut. Kisianni nunaqqatigiit kisimiillutik piniarfi mminnik piginnittuunerat nunatsinni taama oqaa- tigineqarneq ajorpoq, ilaannili allamiit takkuttut ilaluarineqartarsimapput, oqaluttu- aatitsinnilu toqutat ilarpassui tassa qaannat kisimiillutik nunaqarfi up allap piniarfi ani piniartut. Soorluli taaneqareersutut tamanna malittarisatut oqaasertaliorneqarsi- manngilaq. Puisi pisarineqartoq ilaqutaasut inoqutaasullu pigisaraat, qissiaq qissisup ulittarne- rullu qulaanut qullaasup pigisaraa, issoq nunamit piigaq peersisup ilaqutaasa pigaat. Tassa sillimmatit inunnit attugaanngitsut nunaqqatigiit sillimmatigaat, tiguneqaru- nilli (»tigoqaarneqarunik«) tiguseqqaartut ilaqutaanit pigineqalersarput, soorlumi oqartartut: »Tigoqqaaraa pisaraa!« Ittoq ningiorlu pisussaaffi mminik aalajangiisarput ileqqut malittarisat malillugit atuinissamut, suliassat agguataarnerannut, aallaarnissamut nunaqarfi ssarsinissa- minnullu il.il. Sianigisassaat tassa aalajangerneqartut ileqqut maligassat malillugit pissammata, piginnaaneqanngillalli maligassat allanngortissallugit. Tassami ileqqut maligassat allanngortinnissaannut piginnaatitaasoqanngilaq. Inuianni taamatut inuu- suni allanngornerit taamaallat pisarput pisariaqalerfi agut tamarmik maligassanik uniuineratigut. Inoqutigiit siulersorteqartarput. Illorujussuarni inoqutigiit arlaliuppata ittoq ni- ngorlu taamaallaat namminneq inoqutiminnut oqaasissaqarput. Illorujussuarmiut ataatsimut siulersorteqanngillat, nunaqqatigiit ataatsimut siulersorteqanngillat, tassa inoqutigiit ittuata ningiuata qulaanni allanik siulersorteqanngilaq. Inuiaat taamatut aaqqissuussimammata inoqutigiit namminneq akisussaaffi gaat inuu- ssutissaqarnissartik, kinguaamik ajoqersuunneqarnissaat, utoqqartamik pissaqarnissaat, »sillimmasiinissaq«, naappertuilluartumillu pineqarnissartik.

Qangaanerusoq inuussutissaqarnissaq »Økonomi« inuianni taamaattuni aamma pissaqarnissamut tunngavoq, tassalu pissarsiassanik angerlaassineq atortussiarinerallu. Piniartut pisatik atortussallu allat pissarsiarisarpaat, ilaqutariit aalisakkanik pissarsisarput, arnat meeqqallu naasu-

13 nik nerisassanik katersisarput. Arnat pilattarput igasarlutillu, panertitsisarlutik, ilissertarlutik atisaliortarlutillu. Aallaqqaasiutissat/«aningaasaliissutit« tassa ilisimasat, sungiusarneq, angallatit, sakkut sannatillu. Tamakkununnga tamanut inoqutigiit akisussaapput. Pisap nalinga tassa atornissaata nalinga, ilaatigut tuninerata nalingagut allisinneqar- sinnaasoq. Atortussat nunagisap eqqaani amigaataasut allamiunit pisiarisariaqarput. Niuernermi sinnilimmik pigisaq tunineqartarpoq amigaataasorlu pisiarineqartar- luni, taamalu niueqatigiit illugiillutik tamarmik iluanaaruteqartarput. Nioqqutaa- nerupput atortussiassat, taakkulu pigileraanni isumalluutit pissarsiariniarnerat oqinnerulissaaq. Kisianni nunaqqatigiit pilersitaat assigiiaartuusarmata akunnerminni niueqatigiin- nerat inuuniarnikkut iluanaarutaanani inooqatigiinnikkut pissarsifﬁ unerusarpoq. Nunaqarﬁ immi sumiluunniit inuit inoqutigiinni ilaasortaasut saniatigut siumugas- saasarput inuit inoqutigiit tamarmik avataanniittut. Taakku aalisarlutik pisaminnik nioqquteqarsinnaapput atortussanik akilersillugit, soorlu amernik il.il. Amerlaner- tigulli sullissillutik taartisisarput, soorlu suliassanik kajumigineqanngitsunik iki- uullutik, pitsaasunilluniit sanallutik. Arnat mersullaqqissut aamma atortussanik akilersittarput, imaluunnit anguartaasinnaapput aavartuniluunnit arnartaallutik pissarsisinnaallutik. Akissarsiarisinnaavaat ammit, neqit panertut qimatulia- risinnaasatik, taamalu atortussaminnik pissarsisinnaasarput. Neqimilli nutaamik taartisiniartanngillat, taannami pajugutitut pisinnaagamikku. Soorlulu taatsiarne- qareersoq, angakkup ikiuinera, ernisussiortup ikiuinera, oqaluttuartitsineq il.il. aamma akilerneqartarput inoqutigiinniit inunnut ataasiakkaanut.

Qanga ajoqersuussisarneq Inoqutigiit, pingaartumik ilaqutariit, kinguaassiortuupput. Aappariit qitornartaar- tarput, tassanilu kina anaanaasoq apeqqusigassaanngilaq, ataataasorlu tassa arnap taassuma uia. Tamanna takuneqarsinnaavoq uku sianigalugit: (1) qitornaasut kikkut utoqqalinerini ikioraat, (2) kikkut aappareqquneqanngitsut takullugit (incestgruppe), (3) aammalu kikkut akiniaasussaasut/akiniunneqartussaasut takullugit. Arnamik naartutsitsisoq aatsaat aappariguniuk meeqqamut ataataassaaq. Inuianni nulianik taartigiifﬁ usartuni tamakku eqqaamasariaqarput. Eqqarleriinnermi utoqqaat kikkut isumagineqartarneranni, kikkut aappartaarisinnaannginneranni kikkullu akiniun- neqarnissaanni erseqqippoq ataataasoq tassaasoq anaanap qitornap inunngornerata nalaani uia, tassa taassuma ilaqutaanut taaneqartut kingulliit tunngammata.

14 Taamaalillutik qitornat angajoqqaat utoqqalinissaannut sillimmataapput. Ernerit ataatamik nunaani nunaqarumasarnertik pissutigalugu paninniit utoqqalinissamut isumalluutaanerupput. Ilimanarpoq angajoqqaat kikkunnik utoqqalinissaminni isumalluutissaqarnerminnik ilisimanninnerat qitornaminnut isiginninnerannut sunniuttartoq. Ataatap ernini pinnguassittarpai nukittorsaatissaannik, toraajusaatissaannik, aammalu nikallujaanermut naammagittarnermullu sungiusaatissaannik. Piniarnermut, uumasut pissusilersortarnerannut, aammalu silap sikullu sianigisassartaannik ilin- niartittarpai. Qajartaartittarpai, qaannallu angallatitut piniutitullu atornissaanut sungiusartarlugit, aammalu aarnussanik allanillu illersuutissanik isumagisarlugit. Anaanap panini suliassittarpai sungiusaatitut, qatanngutaannik nukanganerusunik paarsisittarpai. Pisinnaasassatilli allat, soorlu ammerineq, ilisserneq atisaliornerlu sakiminnit ilikkarajupaat. Naluara tamanna suleriaatsit assigiinngisitaarsinnaane- rannik pissuteqarnersoq, imaluunniit pissutaasarnersoq pisinnaasassai ukuassifﬁ i- nut iluaqutaanerujumaarmata. Angajoqqaat qitornaminnut ilinniartittagaat tassa ilisimasassat nalinginnaasut. Ili- simasassammi nalinginnaannginnerusut inoqutigiinnut agguarsimanngillat, taakkulu ilinniassagaanni akiliisariaqartarpoq.

Qanga utoqqarnik isumaginninneq Ileqqut malillugit ernerit angajoqqaatik utoqqalinerini najorajuppaat, paniilli uimik inoqutaanut ilanngukkajullutik. Angutilli iliarsorujaartut ningaassikkajupput. Kisianni aappariinnut ernerit utoqqalinissamut isumalluutaanerugajupput, taamaattumillu aappariit ernertaarumasuusarput. Ataatap ernini ilinniartikkunigit - periaatsinik ilisimasassaanillu - ilisimasassavaa tamatumuuna nammineq nulillu utoqqalinissaminnut isumalluutissaralugit. Soorunami utoqqaat tamarmik pajugutitigut ullormut nerisassaqartarput, aammali atorﬁ ssaqartittagaat allat sianigisariaqarput. Ittoq ningiorlu siulersuisutut inoquti- millu nerisassaataannut oqaasissalittut inissilluarsimapput inoqutigiinni qitiullutik. Tamatumuunali atortussanik allanik pissarsisinnaapput, amminik, qisunnik assigi- saannillu. Utoqqaat inoquteqanngitsut pajutsittarnermikkut nerisaqartarput, pisanilli atortussanik allanik taamatut pissarsisaratik. Qullii qamingasaannarput, atisaallu

15 pisoqalisimagajullutik. Pajuttuutaasanngitsunik perusukkunit sullissisariaqarput. Ilaqutaqanngitsulli piitsuusarput takussaasumik. Taamaalilluni utoqqaat pilersorneqarnerat inoqutigiit akisussaafﬁ gaat, tamatumalu ilaqutariit ataqatigiinnerulersittarpai. Qularinngilara angajoqqaat qitornallu akornanni pingaartuusoq angajoqqaat qitornatik meeraanerinilli pilersuisoriumaarlugit nalusanngimmassuk.

Qanga naapertuilluarnermit taasassat Inuiaqatigiit, nunaqqatigiillumi, ataatsimut qullersaqanngimmata inoqutigiit assigiinngitsut naligiipput. Pissarsiornikkut tamarmik namminersortuupput, ki- nguaassiornikkut namminersortuupput, ajoqersuussinikkut namminersortuupput, isumaginninnikkut namminersortuupput, taakkualu qulaanni qullersaqanngilaq. Tamanna tusaannarlugu kusanarpoq. Kisianni inoqutigiit arlariit akersuutilerpata tamanna akornuseruminaappoq. Nalerisaasussanimmi akunnermiliuttussaqanngi- laq. Tassami inoqutigiit allat akuliunnaveersaartarmata, taamaattumik akerariiler- neq inoqutigiit pineqartut namminneq sammisassaraat. Taamaattumik inoqutigiit ataasiakkaat aamma naapertuilluartumik pineqarnissartik akisussaaffi gaat. Tassunga periarfi ssat marluupput. Inoqutigiit akornanni akiniaasar- neq periarfi ssaavoq, inuilli ataasiakkaat akerleriilerneranni iverneq periarfi ssaal- luni. Inoqutigiit ilagisaat patsisaa nalunartumik toqutaappat, nalinginnarmik inuarnertut akueriuminaatsutut isigineqartarpoq, taamali inuit allat assuarleraluarlutik akuli- unneq ajorput. Toqutaasup ilaqutasa naapertuilluartumik pineqarnissartik akisussaaffi gaat. - Taasariaqarpoq toqutsisoqartillugu taarsiisitsisarneq nunatsinni atorneqanngimmat. - Tassa toqutsisumut akissutissaq toqutsineq alla. Akiniaalluni toqutsineq immini assuarnartutut isigineqanngilaq, allaammi pisussaaffi ttut isigi- neqartarluni. Kisianni inuit allat isumaat pingaarnerunngilaq, pingaarnerummat akiniarlugu toqutap ilaqutai qanoq isumaqartut. Taakkunannga aamma akiniagas- satut isigineqartarpoq. Akiniaqattaanneq pissutsimigut unitsitassaanngitsutut isikkoqarpoq, kisianni unit- tarpoq. Inoqutigiit angutitaat tamarmik akerariinnermi ilissaapput. Kisianni akiniaanissami toqutap ilaqutai (erneri, qatanngutai, angutaa) aalajangiisussaapput. Toqutap ernera

16 angajulleq pissassartapoq, oqilasarluni, aammalu aarnussanik allanillu illersuutis- sarsiortarluni. Akiniaqattaannermi sakkumik toqutaasut nappaammillu toqusut tamarmik naatsor- suutigineqartarput. Tunumit inoqutigiinnik akiniaqattaattunik oqaluttuami inup- parujussuit akerariinneq taanna tunngavigalugu toqusutut eqqartorneqarput, misissoraannili pingasoriaannarluni sakkumik toqutsisoqarpoq (Sandgreen 1966). Ataataq suli inuulluni ernerminik toqutaasoqarpat akiniaasussatut imminut isigis- saaq, sukasarnissaminulli periarfi ssakikkuni ilisiinnikkut/tupillinikkut akiniaani- assasoq ilimanarpoq. Akeraanilu nappaammik ajunaarluniluunniit toqusoq siulleq taassuma pikkagaatut isigineqartarpoq. Ernerit akiniaasussatut isigineqartarmata angut ernilik, pingaartumik arlalinnik, toqutaanissaminut aarlerinnginnerulersarpoq. Isumarmi nalinginnaasoq unaavoq angut ernilik toqussallugu aarlerinarnerusoq. Upernavimmit oqaluttuaq ataaseq imaqarpoq arnaq angutinik qatannguteqanngitsoq angunni toqutaammat akiniaasussatut sukasarsimasoq, allanilli taamatut tusaamanartoqanngilaq, tassalu ernerit inoqutigiit naapertuilluartumik pineqarnissaannut aamma isumalluutaanerupput. Taamatut angutit illersoqatigiittussat inoqutigiit nungutaannginnissaannut ima pingaartigipput akerariilersinnaanerat pakkersimasariaqarluni. Illormissaanneq eqqarleriit akornanni pisartoq, tassa illoriit tamarmik akornanni pigajulluni, oqaatsitigut pissusilersornikkullu uumisaakujunnermik ilaqartarpoq, kingunerisarlugu taakkunannga qanoq pineqaraluarluni narrujuummiaallineq, immaqa allat taamaa- liorpata narrujuummiffi ssaraluami. Atorneqartartoq alla tassa imminnut qanitariit aappariilersinnaannginnerannik alle- rut, taamalu imminnut qanitariit atoqatigiinnginnissaannik piumasaq. Tamatumuu- na ningarnikkut akerariilersinaaneq ingalassimaniarneqarunarpoq, immaqalumi tamanna inuianni akiniaqattaannermik atuiffi usuni tamani siumugassaammat taanna pissutaavoq. Taatsiarneqarpoq akiniaqattaanneq unittartoq, pissutaasinnaavoq akiniaasussaa- galuit (soorlu qatanngutai) nungussinnaammata, aammali inoqutigiit akeraariit isumaqatigiillutik kipitissinnaavaat (K.Rasmussen 1924:353; 1981:65). Taamami aamma pisoqartarsimavoq. Akerleriilernermik kipisaatitut iverneq atorneqartarpoq, taannali inuit ataasiakkaat akornanni pisarmat, soqutiginaraluartoq sammissanngilara.

17 Pisariaqartilluguli inoqutigiit arlallit suleqatigiissinnaasarput, soorlu suliassanik nukingiuttarissanik naammassisaanermi navianartorsiulernermilu. Inuk inorersutut paasineqarpat inoqutigiit arlallit isumaqatigiillutik toqussinnaavaat. Inoqutigiit arlallit peqataaneratigut immaqa akiniaqattaannerup aallartinnissaa ingalassimaniarne- qartarnerpoq.

Pajuttortarneq qanga sillimmasiisarneq Nunatsinnut tunngasumik etnologit pajuttortarneq ularunnartoqartippaat. Allaati- ginnittut amerlanerit ningertarnermut kakipattuussinnaavaat. Ningertarneq aamma marlunnut assigiinngitsunut avissinnaavarput: Ikinngutigiit marluk amerlanerusul- luunniit isumaqatigiissinnaapput pisaminnit illinarnersiukkanik isumassoqatigiit- tarumallutik (naleqq. B.Jensen 1964). Ningertarnerup aappaa tassa angisuumik pisaqartoqartillugu inoqutigiit allat pissarseqataanissaat (Petersen 1987:12). Tamatumuuna inoqutigiit nunaqqatigiit piniartaat tamarmik pisaqanngikkaluarlutik pissarseqataasinnaapput, soorlu qilaluk- kamik, aavermik nannumilluunniit. Uumasut tamakku takkusimasarnerat anni- kinnerummat imaassinnaavoq uumasunik nungusaanaveersaarnerup ilagigaa, ilimanarneruvorli nunaqqatigiit tamarmik pissaqarnissaat siunertaasoq. Kinaluun- niit pisaqarsinnaasoq ningertitsisarnermi peqataasarpoq (naleqq. Kleivan 1964). Taaneqareersutut pajugutit tunissutitut pisarput. Inoqutigiit ningiuata kikkut sunik pajunneqassasut aalajangertarpaa. Nunaqarﬁ nni mikinerni inoqutigiit tamarmik pajuttortarput, taamaattumillu inoqutigiit tamarmik pajugutisisarlutik, kisianni pajuttuutit pajugutisiallu angeqqatigiinneq ajorput, pingaarnerutinneqarmat pajut- torsinnaasut tamarmik pajuttussasut, taamalu nunaqqatigiit nalinginnarmik taar- tigiiaartarnerannik2 isuma tunngavissaqarpoq. Kisianni pingaartuuvoq aamma inuit taarsiisinnaanngikaluartut pajugutisisarmata. Tassa utoqqaat eqqarleqan- ngitsut, uillarnerit iliarsuillu. Taamaalilluni pajuttortartut naatsorsuutigisinnaa- lerpaat imminnut pissarsiorsinnaajunnaassagaluarunik nerisassaqarnissartik. Taa- maattumik pajuttortarnerup imaraa pisinnaajunnaarsinnaanermut sillimmasiineq, allanimmi sillimasiisarﬁ ssaqanngimmat.

2. »Nalinginnarmik taartigiiaartarner«mik taasami pineqarpoq pisinnaasut tamarmik tunniussisarlutillu tigusaqartarnerat, kisianni tunniussat tigusallu angeqqatigiinnissaat pingaarnerunani.

18 Allannguutit eqqussat Inoqutigiit ittukkuisa siulersuisullu allat malittarisat allanngortinnissaat suliassa- rinngilaat. Akisussaaffi gaalli malittarisat tamakkua malinneqarnissaat. Allaammi angakkut, piniaqatigiit siulersortaat assigisaallu ileqqunik allanngortitsisussaan- ngillat. Ileqqummi tamakku aarlerinannginnerupput, pissutsillu allanngoriartornerat ima kigaatsigaaq inuusuttut angajoqqaamik aatakkumilluunniit misilittagaat tunngavigisinnaallugit. 1800-kkut ingerlaneranni Kitaani illorujussuit mikinernik taarteqarmata pigin- nittuunerup tungaatigut akunnaquteqartalerpoq. Taaneqareersutut inuussutissat inoqutigiit pigisaraat, pissarsialli inuussutissaanngitsut ilaqutariinnit pigineqarlu- tik. Ilaqutariit immikkut illoqalerunik aamma immikkut inoqutigiinngortarput, taamalu pisaminnit pissarsiat inuussutissat inuussutissaanngitsullu nammineq oqaasissaqarfi gilersarlugit. Inoqutigiilli kinguaariit pingasuutillugit piniartortaat umiamik amissaqarnissaanut ikioqatigiittaannarput, tamarmimmi iluaqutissarigamikku. Tamatumali kingunerisa ilagaat imminnut qanitariit niuernertut ittumik taartigiinneq ajormata. Ilaqutariinni immikkut illulinni piniartortaata umiami amernissaanut ammit marlussuit ami- gaatigigunigit umiani amersinnaanngilaa, taamalu anisersinnaajunnaarluni. Qani- tarisaasa ammimik taarsigassarsisissagaluarunikku qissaalissagaluarput, massa taamaaliortannginnerup akunnaqutaa erseqqikkaluartoq. Pissutsip tamatuma allannguutaa allannguutitut allatulli inuttaqartinngilarput. Inuit ilaasa ileqqut saneqqullugit qanitaminnik taarsigassarsisitsisalerput, ajunngitsumillu kinguneqarsimammat aamma allat malinnaapput. Taamaattumik allannguutit tamakkua qanoq pinerat ilisimasaqarfi ginngilarput, ilimagaarali aavartut pisaminnik agguaqatigiittarnerat taamatut aallartittoq, piniaqatigiit marluk, kingornalu pitsaa- qutaa takullugu allat isumaqatigiinneratigut. Nunatta nunasiaalernerani atorfi llit inoqutigiit akornanni qulaannilu imminnut inissipput. Niuertut ajoqersuisullu isummanik nutaanik eqqussipput, tunitsivissa- millu nutaamik pilersitsipput, atortussiornerulli ilusaa allanngortinnagu. Naluarput angakkunik akerlerinninneq angakkuerunnerata saniatigut sumik allamik kingune- qarsimanersoq. Angakkummi toorninerminnut atasumik siulersuisuusartut allatigut naalagaanersut nalunarmat, ilimanarporli tamatuma saniatigut allanut naalagaan- ngitsut. Piniaqatigiinnermi navialinernilu siulersuisoqartarneq atalertorpoq, taamaat- tunilu naalagaasup peqqussutai apeqqusernagit erniinnaq naammassineqartarput,

19 suliassartaali ineraangat naalagaajunnaartarput (Petersen 1968, Nooter 1976). Taamatut naalagaasarput inuit misilittagallit ataqqisaasullu. Rinkip isumaa angakkut høvdingitungajak pissaaneqartut (Rink 1871:180) uppernarsaatissaqartinngilar- put. Nunasiaalernitsinni siulersuisoqarneq misilittagaqarnermik ataqqisaanermilluunniit tunngaveqarunnaarpoq, atorfeqarnermilli. Naalakkap Rinkip tamatuma ajoqute- qarnera malugaa misissuisoqarnerlu eqqutitillugu. Taakku atorfi linnik qallunaanik ilaasortaqarput, aammali paarsisunik piniartut akornanni qinikkanik. Misissuisut naalakkersuinermik (politikkimik) ingerlassisuunngillat, ingerlatsinermilli qini- gaaffi mminni inunnik ikiuinermik eqqartuussisinnaanermillu. Massa misissuisut naalakkersuinikkut pissaanikikkaluartut atulernerat qinikkanik siulersorteqarnermik eqqussineruvoq, tamannalu allannguuteqartarluni 1950-ip missaanut ingerlavoq. 1910-p eqqaani qinikkat avinneqarput kommunerådinut, aammalu landsrådinut marluinnut. Landsrådit Danmarkimi inatsisartunut nunatta inatsiliornera pillugu siunnersuisuupput, aammali nunatsinni piniakkanik eqqissisi- matitsinissaq suliarisarpaat nunatsinnut nalequnnerusunngorlugu. 1950-ip missaani aaqqiinikkut kommunalbestyrelsit akisussaaffeqarnerusut pilerput. Soorlu illoqarfi it pilersaarusiorneranni tusarneqartarput, aammalu allanngut- saaliuinermik suliaqartarlutik. Landsrådit arlariit ataatsimut katinneqarput. Suli pisinnaatitaaffi i annikipput, kisianni sunniutaat annertuvoq landsrådi kalaallit naalakkersuinikkut nipaattut ataqqineqarmat. Kisianni aatsaat namminersorneruler- nermi kalaallit qinigaat inatsisiliorsinnaalerput. Samminiagara uterfi gitinnagu taarusuppara 1900-kkut aallartinnerani kalaallit aaqqissuussineq aamma alla atulermassuk, tassa peqatigiiffeqarneq. Tamatuma takutippaa nunaqarfi it ima angitigilersimasut suliassat inoqutigiinnit isumagine- qartut tunngaviginerat amigalersimalluni. Peqatigiiffi t kristumiussutsimik tun- ngavillit pileqqaarput, malitsigalugit inooqatigiinnermut tungasut, timersornermut tunngasut, kingusinnerusukkullu inuutissarsiornermut tunngasut sulilu kingusin- nerusukkut politikkikkut partiit pilerput. 1950-ikkunni peqatigiiffi it kattuffi nnik taperneqarput. Peqatigiiffi it kattuffi illu tamakku kulturikkut naalakkersuinikkullu suliniutinik aallarniisaannarput. Aammalu inuit nuttarnerulermata nuuttut ilaanni peqatigiiffi it iluaqutigalugit nunaqqatitaaminnut akulerukkiartortarput.

Inoqutigiit akisussaafﬁ gisimasaasa ingerlanneqarnerat Ineriartornerup kingunerisa ilagaat inoqutigiit akisussaafﬁ gisimasaat, inuuniarneq, ajoqersuussineq, utoqqarnik isumaginninneq naapertuilluarnerlu inuiaqatigiinnit

20 tiguneqarmata, allaammi ilaat inoqutigiinnit tigummineqallaqusaanatik. Aammali allannguutit ilagaat suliassat taamaattut inunnit immikkut ilinniarsimasunit inger- lanneqalermata. Qanga inoqutigiinnit isumagineqarallarmata inoqutigiit ataqatigiinnerannut itinerulersitsisutut sunniuteqartarmata tamanna soorunami arlaatigut ippinnartoqassaaq. Nalitsinni inooqatigiinnermi ajornartorsiutit ilaat tamatumunnga tunngassuteqarput.

Inuuniarnikkut Inoqutigiit inuuniarnerminnut akisussaanerat eqqartorneqartunit allanit anni- kinnerusumik sunnigaavoq, inuuniarnerulli aaqqissuunnera annertuumik allan- nguuteqarluni. Aallartinniakkanut aningaasaliissutit, soorlu suliffi ssuaqarnermut, annertuseqaat. Inuiaqatigiit aningaasaqarnerat ingerlassallu imminnut akilersin- naanissaat inoqutigiit pissarsinissaanniit inuiaqatigiit pissarsiaqarnissaannut tun- nganerulerpoq, tamatumuunalu nunaqarfeqarneq pillugu politikkimut annertuumik sunniuteqarpoq. Naluara inunnik eqiterinissamik politikki immini qanoq sunniiti- gisimanersoq, imaluunniit atortorissaarnerulernikkut nunaqarfi it mikisut tunnga- vissatut naleqqukkunnaarsimanersut. Inuuniarnikkut allannguutit pingaarnersarissavaat angutit arnallu angerlarsimaf- fi mmik avataani suliffeqalernerat, angutit aalisarlutillu piniartut ilaat amerlanerusut nunami suliffeqalerput, arnallu amerlasuut akissarsiaqarlutik sulilerput. Suliassat amerlanerusut ilinniarsimanermik pisariaqalersitsipput, tassalumi nunatsinni ilinni- arnissaq arlaleriarluni aaqqissuuneqartarpoq, sulinermut ilinniagaqarneq, inunnik ikiunissamik ilinniagaqarneq, atuagarsorluni ilinniarneq aamma qaffasinnerusut ilanngulligit, allallu annertuseqaat. Ilimagaara taamatut aaqqisuussinerup kingunerisa ilagigaat nunatta inui amerlanerulersinnaammata. Qanga pissuseq ataataq pissarsiortuusoq anaanarlu atortussanngortitsiortortoq inoqutigiit ataqatigiinnerannut annertuumik tapertaapput.

Ajoqersuussinermut tunngasut Pinngortitamit pissarsiorneq, allanngoriartornerup kigaatsumik ingerlanera, aammalu suliassat angutinut arnanullu avissimanerat kinguneqarput ataatap anaanallu qitornatik ilisimasassaannik tuniorarsinnaammatigik, inersimalerunik imminnut napatissinnaanngorlugit utoqqartaminnillu ikiusinnaanngorlugit. Atortut allanngorneratigulli allannguutit siulliit takkupput, inuusuttut ilaasa atortu- nik nutaanik utoqqaanerusut ilitsersuuttalermatigik.

21 Ilagiit naaggaartut bibelip nutserneqarnissaanik atuarneqarnissaanillu pingaar- titsinerat atuarsinnaanermik immini atorfi ssaqartitsilereerpoq. Niuernerup, aningaasaqalernerup, inunnillu ikuinissamik ingerlatsilernerup atuarfeqarnissa- mik atorfi ssaqartitsineq sakkortunerulersippaat, tassa atuarsinnaanermik, allassin- naanermik kisitsisilerinermillu atorfi ssaqartitsineq. 1845-mi ilinniarfi ssuit marluk pilersinneqarput (Wilhjelm 1995). 1861-imi atuagassiaq kalaallisooq, Atuagagdli- utit, aallartippoq. Tamakkua tamarmik kingunerattut atuartitaaneq kalaallit mee- rartaasa aqqusaagassarilerpaat, pingaartumik Kitaani. Massa tamanna immaqa aallaqqaataani siunertaasimanngikkaluarpalluunniit tamatumuuna demokratiip tunngavissaa eqqunneqarpoq. Paasisitsiniuteqarneq aallartereermat. Atuarfeqarnikkut ilinniarsimasunik ilitsersuisoqarneq aallartippoq, tamatumalu ineriartornerata inuiaqatigiit atorfi ssaqartitaasa allanngoriartornerat takutippaat. Ajoqit ilinniartitsisullu meeqqat atuarfi ini inuusuttullu ilinniarfi ini, kingornalu inuu- tissarsiutinik ilinniarfi nni ajoqersuussineq angajoqqaaniit tiguaat, ilaatigullumi allaat piniartussatut ilitsersuinermi. Taamatut ilinniarsimasunit ilinniartinneqarneq børnehavemili (vuggestuenilu) aal- lartereerpoq, taamalu inoqutigiit ukiutik malillugit agguataarnerat pilermat kinguaariit avissaartulernerat aamma takkukkiartulerpoq. Tamakkua malunnartut ilagaat anaanat ulloq naallugu suliffeqaleramik qitornamik oqaatsitigut ilitsersuunnissat piffi ssakiffi ginnerulerpaat. Ilisimasassanik tunniussuineq qanga inoqutigiinnerup ilagigaluarpaa, ilinniarsima- sunillu ilinniartitsisoqalernikkut inoqutigiit ataqatigiissutaasa pingaartut ilaat allanit tigummineqalerpoq.

Utoqqarnik isumaginninnermik Qanga aappariit utoqqalilersut ernermik angajullersaat illoqatigigajuppaat pissar- siortigalugu, aammali nukai taamatut najortigisinnaallugit. Qularinngilara angajoqqaat qitornaminnut pissusilersorneranni taakkua utoqqalinissamut isumalluutaanerat annertuumik sunniuteqartassasoq, qularinngikkaluar- para angajoqqaat qitornaminnik asanninnerat taamaattuassasoq, kisianni taamatut utoqqalinissamut isumalluutiginerat sunniuteqanngitsoorsinnaanngilaq. Nalitsinni utoqqarnik isumaginninneq inuiaqatigiit tigummisaraat. Angajoqqaat nalunngilaat utoqqaligunik qitornatik najortiginngikkaluarunikkilluunniit pissaqassallutik. Nalitsinnimi suliffeqarnikkut pissutsit ilaatigut kinguneqarput

22 utoqqaat qitornaallu amerlasuutigut allaat nunaqqatigiittaratik. Maluginiartarpara qitornat inersimasut angajoqqaaminnik assigiinngitsutigut isumassuiniartartut. Utoqqaalli aamma pisortanit isumagineqartaramik qitornamik ikiunngikkaluarpa- tik inuussutissaqassapput. Illuatungaatigut tutsiuttarput angajoqqaat ajornartorsiutillit qitornaminnik ilaginnaa- saannartut, imerniartarfi nnukassagunik, bingoriassagunik ikinngutiminniluunniit unnussiuaassagunik qitornatik paarsisoqartinnagit qimassinnaasarpaat, taakkualu ilaat unnuamilluunniit tarfi sut, imaluunniit angajoqqaatik ikiortigerusukkaluarlugit kalerriineq ajulersut, takuneqartartut. Tamanna angajoqqaat qitornaminnik pilersuisussamittut isiginnigunnaarnerata kingunerisinnaavaa, inuillu ilaat ussernartunut sanngiittarmata ilapittuutaasarpoq, tassami inuttut qamuuna nukittuujunissaq ilaatigut siornatigut periarfi ssarissaarne- rusutut ikkaluarmat. Atuarfi it inuttut nukissanik tunisinnaanerat assigiinngisitaa- runarami. Kisianni tamanna ilaqutariit ilaannaanni - pingaartumik allanik ajornartorsiuteqa- reersuni pisimasutut eqqaaneqartarpoq. Ilaatigut takorloornartarpoq angajoqqaat ilaat immaqa qitornaminnik paarsilluarnerusinnaagaluartut utoqqalinissaminni isu- malluutitut isigigaluarunikkik.

Naapertuilluarnermik Immikkut eqqartuussisoqarnerup kingunerisa ilagaat inoqutigiit tamanna aku- liufﬁ gissanngikkaat. Ullumi nammineerluni akuliunnissaq akuerineqanngilaq. Tamatuma akunnaqutigaa pinerlunnikkut eqqugaasoq pinerluttulerisunit aamma eqqugaasutut oqaatigineqarsinnaammat (Tak. Christie 1978:256), tamatumuunalu qanga ivertarneq pitsaaquteqarpoq inuk eqqugaasoq eqqisseqatigiissitsiniarnermi peqataatinneqartarmat. Inoqutigiinni qitornat akiniaasussatut isumalluutaanerat atorunnaarmat akiniaa- sussaanerat pingaarutaaruppoq. Ilaqutariinneq suli inooqatigiinni pingaaruteqar- poq. Inuit ilaqutariit taaguutaannik imminnut taagortut suli saafﬁ gineqarsinnaapput ikiortissatut, tuppallersaasussatut assigisaasullu. Ilimagaarali inuit ilaannut qanigisanik atoqateqannginnissamik piumasaq imaarus- simasoq. Qanga qanigisanik atoqateqartarneq iluamik tusaamananngilaq, imaassinnaavoq taama pisoqartaraluartoq eqqartorumaneqanngitsorli. Kisianni Aningaamik Maliinamillu unikkaartuami takuneqarsinnaavoq allerutaasoq saneqquteqqusaan- ngitsoq. Qanittukkut kalaallit aviisiisa arlaanni atuarpara unikkaartuami tassani

23 itsaq qanigisariit atoqatigiittarnerat akuerisaasoq (Jeppson 1998). Tamanna paatsoor- luinnarsimavaa. Tassami Maliina akuerineqarsinnaanngitsumik iliorﬁ gineqarami qimaavoq. Unikkaartualli akuerineqarsinnaanngivissumik pisoqaraangat suli allamik takussutissaqartarput, tassa silarsuup ingerlanerata allanngorneranik (tassani seqineqalerlunilu qaammateqalerneranik). Aamma taamatut isigisinnaavarput Asi- amik unikkaartuaq, taannami naalungiarsummik ueqarpoq, tamannalu silamut sunniuteqarpoq. Dalagerip ukiorpassuarni nunatsiniinnermini inuit marluk ilaqut- taminnik aappallit tusarsimavai, nunaqqataasaligooq iluaagingaaramikkit taakku nunaqqatigiumanngilaat (Dalager 1915:50). Imaassinnaavoq qanga qanigisanik atoqateqartoqartartoq nipangiutiinnakkanik. Kisianni akiniaasussat atoqatigiinnginnissaanik alleruteqarneq illersoqatigiittussat akerleriilinnginnissaannik imaqarpoq, tassami sakkortuumik ningarnerup akiniaasussat iligiinnerat aserorsinnaammagu. Inoqutigiit naapertuilluarneq anguniarlugu illersoqatigiinnissaannut taanna pingaartuugami. Imaassinnaavoq ullumikkut qanigisanik atoqateqartarneq, aalakoornermik ilaqarajuttoq, naapertuilluarnermut aki- sussaanerup imaaruttup kingunerisa ilagigaat. Taamani inoqutigiit illersoqatigiinnissaannik aaqqissuussineq imaarummat kalaallit qinikkanik eqqartuussisinnaasunik siulersorteqalerput, akerleriittoqarpat angu- taasersoqarpallu eqqartuussisinnaasunik. Nalitsinni kalaallit pinerluttuliornermut tunngasunik inatsiseqarput, inuinnarnit eqqartuussisut siulliutillugit eqqartuussisut ilinniarsimasut nangitsiviusinnaatillu- git. Kisianni inoqutigiit naapertuilluarnermut akisussaanertik annaavaat.

Peqatigiiffi it sunniutaat Peqatigiiffeqarnerup atorneqaleriartorneratigut inoqutigiit nunaqqatigiit demokrati atorlugu suleqatigiinnissaminnut periarfi ssarsipput. Peqatigiiffeqarnerup aaqqis- sunnerqarnera avataaniit takkuttuuvoq, qularinngilarali kalaallit peqatigiiffeqarne- rat imminnut naleqquttumik pissuseqalersissimassagaat. Peqatigiiffi nni ilaasortaasarput inuit kajumissutsimikkut ataasiakkaarlutik ilaa- sortaalersimasut. Qassiitigut ilaqutariit ilaasortaat arlaliullutik peqatigiiffi mmi ataatsimi ilaasortaasarput. Kattuffi it aqqutigalugit kalaallit ilarparujussui suleqatigi- issinneqarput. Aamma pingaartutut isigaara kalaallit qallunaallu peqatigiiffi it ilaanni ilaasortaaqatigiinnerat. Tamatumali aamma kinguneraa ilaqutariinneq inunnik katersuuffi usutut kisimii- gunnaarmat. Aammami inoqutigiit ilaasortaat ataasiakkaat peqatigiiffi ni assi-

24 giinngitsuni ilaasortaasarput, taamaalillunilu nunaqqatigiit ataqatigiinnerat allanik periarfi ssaqalerpoq. Tamakkua ilaat akerleriissitsisarput, minnerunngitsumik aallarteqqarnerup nalaani. Tassami peqatigiiffi it allanut ilaasortaasinnaanani peqataaffi gisassat, soorlu naalakkersuinikkut partiit atulermata suleqatigiittaraluartut ilaat eqqorneqarput, ukiualunnilu qanigisariikkaluit avissaartuutileraluarput partiinut assigiinngitsunut ilaasortaanertik taannaralugu (Dahl 1986). Ullumikkulli partiit assigiinngitsut annertuumik suleqatigiittarmata aamma tamanna manerisaataagunarpoq.

Naggasiussaq Ilimagaara siuliani akornutitut taagukkakka inuianni ataatsimut naalakkersu- isoqanngitsuni aammalu suliassanik angutit arnallu suliassaanut agguisimasuni tamani siumorneqarsinnaasut. Sammivakka suleqatigiinnikkut aaqqissuussinerit suliassaallu qanga qanoq issima- sut, taakkulu ullumikkut pissutsinut naleqqiunniarsaralugit, tassa taakkua suliassaat inoqutigiit isumagisassaanniit inuiaqatigiit akisussaanerannut nuunneqarsimam- mata. Ilimagaara eqqartukkama meeqqanik ilitsersuinermut, utoqqarnik ikiuinermut naapertuilluarnermullu tunngasut inoqutigiit ingerlassimasaasa inuiaqatigiinnit tiguneqarnerat siornatigut inoqutigiit inooqatigiinnerannut annertuuumik sunni- uteqarsimasut, ilaqutariillu inooqatigiinnerat itinerusumik immersorsimagaat. Pajut- tortarneq eqqartorpara sillimmasiinertut sunniuttartoq inoqutigiillu nunaqqatigiit ataqatigiinnerat sakkortusarsimagaa. Sillimasiisarneq maannakkut piginneqatigiin- nit inuiaallu atulersitaannit tigummineqarpoq. Tamakku ilaqutariinnit nunaqqatigiinnillu ingerlassaasimasut maannakkut immikkut ilinniagalinnit ingerlanneqarput, aammalu qullersanit qinigaasunit, taakkualu isumagisarpaat malittarisat pisoqalisoortut naleqqunnerusunik taarserneqartarnis- saat. Aaqqissuussinerit aamma allat kalaallinut anngussimapput. Peqatigiiffi it inunnit ataasiakkaanit ilannguffi gineqartarput. Suliassat inoqutigiinnit ingerlanneqarsimasut ilaat taakkunannga tigummine- erupput, inoqutigiillu ataqatigiinnerunerannut sunniutaat sanngiillisimagunarput. Ilitsersuisut ilinniagaqarsimasut inoqutigiit ukiui malillugit agguataarpaat: meeqqe- rivinnut, atuarfi nnut, inuusuttut ilinniarfi inut; taakkunannngalu suli immikkoor-

25 put inersimasut utoqqaallu. Tamakkua ilaqutariinni kinguaariit ataqatigiinnerat sunnerpaat, kinguaariillu akornanni ajornartorsiutit ilaat tassunga attuumassapput. Tamannali erseqqinnerusarpoq ilaqutariit inooqatigiinnermi allanik ajornartorsiute- qaraangata. Isumaqarpunga allannguutit tamakku pinngitsoorneqarsinnaanngitsut, isumaqar- pungalu iluaqutaasut, tamatumali akiisa ilagaat inoqutigiit ataqatigiinnerata san- ngiinnerulernera, tassa ilaqutariit ataqatigiinneranni pingaarutillit inoqutigiinnit akisussaafﬁ gineerullutik inuiaqatigiinnit tigummineqalermata. Ajornartorsiutit tamakkua ilaat millisinneqarsinnaassapput - akisussaafﬁ it taakku inoqutigiinnut utertinnagit - inuit ineriartortut tarnimikkut nakuunerulernissaat ilaqutariillu ilaasortaasa assigiinngitsunik pitsaasunik sammisassaqarnissaat isumagigaanni.

Najoqqutarisat Christie, Nils 1978 Som folk ﬂ est. Oslo-Tromsø. Dahl, Jens 1986 Da partierne kom til bygden. Jordens Folk:168-193. København. Hansêrak 1864/65 Kalâtdlit igdlukitdlineránik avgordlutik. Atuagagdliutit: 587-591, Nûk. Jensen, Bent 1964 A Greenland System of Meat Partnership. - The 37th Int. Congr. of Americanists. Moscow. Jepsson, Irene 1998 Accept eller foragt. Sermitsiaq,nr.36:27. Kleivan, Helge 1964 Acculturation, ecology and human choice. FOLK, vol, 6.1:63-74. Copen- hagen. Nooter, Gert 1976 Leadership and Headship. Leiden. Petersen, Robert 1968 Gamle og nye autoriteter i Grønland. Tidsskr. for Grønl. Retsvæsen:109-114. København.

26 Petersen, Robert 1987 Nunatta oqaluttuassartaanit. Nuuk. Petersen, Robert 1993 Samfund uden overhoveder, og dem med. Andreasen et al. (red.): Grøn- landsk kultur- og samfundsforskning: 121-138. Nuuk. Rasmussen, Knud 1924 Myter og Sagn fra Grønland II, København. Rasmussen, Knud 1981 Inuit fortæller II, (udg.R.Søby) København. Rink, H.J. 1871 Eskimoiske Eventyr og Sagn II. Kjøbenhavn. Sandgreen, Otto 1967 isse issimik kigutdlo kigúmik. Nûk. Weiss-Bentzon, Agnete 1969 Familiens økonomiske administration og ejendelenes tilhørsforhold. Nyt fra samfundsvidenskaberne 11. København. Wilhjelm, Henrik 1995 Ilinniarﬁ ssuaq. Nuuk.

27 28 On Changes in Organization and Leader- ship in Greenland Input of leadership above household level and some of its consequenses Robert Petersen

On traditional organization and leadership The traditional community in Greenland consisted of households, settlements, settlement groups and the whole community characterized of a mutual language and basic mutual norms. But it is only on the household level, we ﬁ nd a structured leadership. In this connection the household is interesting, while the question of nuclear families and extended families for my issue is only interesting in connection with ownership questions. Before I approach the question of the duties of the household and its different roles, I will touch the question of ownership rights and principles.

Some ownership considerations The question of eastern Inuit - in this paper Greenlandic-ownership is maybe dif- ﬁ cult to cope with. The most descriptions we know are written by people who were visitors, and were confused by sharing principles, even if there are good descriptions among them (Rink 1871; Weiss-Bentzon 1969). But in fact, there is a description in Greenlandic with good examples. But you have to make analysis of it (Hansêrak 1864/65:587-591).

On individual ownership The individual ownership rules consist of acquisition, actual usage, - creating right of use, - and right to have beneﬁ t from the use. Things used only by one person, are individually owned. A person’s clothes belong to her/him, a persons implements, as knifes, lamps, ulu’s and like objects, belong to the user. Even the children’s toys belong to those children. The owner might use the object, change it, give it away, exchange it with things belonging to another. Nobody else was allowed to do so. The most clear private ownership is the ownership of the immaterial things: special knowledge, songs, magic formulas, midwife knowledge, shaman knowledge, manpower, etc. The use of them in beneﬁ t of others needed an accept by the owner, and

29 right to a kind of compensation. Magic formulas must simply not be transferred for another person without any payment.

On group ownership The non-edible hunting products belonged to the nuclear family whose »bread-win- ner« had acquired the bag, i.e. skins, tusks, sinews, blubber, antlers or elaborated things as umiaks, tents, etc. If the household was an extended one, only the relevant nuclear family might take dispositions on them. It, and only its leaders might decide on the use of these things, store them, sell them. We must remember that the state bought skins and blubber and tusks all belonging to the nuclear family. Even the nuclear family who is a member of extended family would take decision about it alone. The things bought for the sold skins and blubber, belonged, therefore, to the nuclear family. It was why the trade was described as a factor in the dissolution of the extended families. The food reserves belonged to the household. All the hunters in extended family living in the same house collected food for the whole household. Only the two household leaders had right to take disposition on the food products of the family. They - especially the female one - might decide if the meat from the freshly caught seal should be boiled and eaten at the same day, if it should be processed for storage, if it should be given to the settlement fellows, and to whom the different parts should be given. It is important to stress that these household leaders alone had this right of disposition. This kind of distribution was, therefore, in its form a gift, and a gift is given from a privately owned object. You have a private ownership, if this kind of right is exclusive. The food reserves represents the material element of the household leadership, it stresses their central position. Food deposited in stores is a kind of reserve, why it should be rationed. It was only fetched after a decision taken by the household leader. Some part might be brought into the house. Then it is served, and any member of the household was now allowed to eat from it without asking for permission. To the other housemates than household members there were given meat gifts as indicated. We may see from these rules, that an animal belonging to the resources by being caught was aquired by a certain family, and in fact its ownership turned from community ownership to a private family based ownership. If you process the material further, to clothes, implements, tools etc. that are used by individuals, they turned to be personally owned.

30 Resources belonged to the community in the area of whose fi eld they were to be found, both stationary animals and migrating animals belonged to the resources of the closest settlement. In fact, we know no formulations of this principle, but might observe some restrictions towards people from other settlement fi elds, and even kil- ling of kayaker might be observed, if one kayaker came to a »foreign« hunting fi eld alone. But, as already indicated, there was no formulation of this principle in Green- land. Seal caught belonged to the hunter’s family, driftwood found belonged to the fi nder, turf removed from the earth belonged to the family who collected it, etc. Things in the nature belonged to the community, but things picked up belonged to the acting family. Household leaders had responsibility for the normal use, and they were responsible for the distribution of work, for travels, for selection of the next settlement and so on. Their task was to take decisions according to norms, but they had no power to change the norms. Nobody had power to change the norms. In such a community sudden changes could hardly occur. The norm changes must almost only happen by a collective norm breaks. Household had its own leader(s). Even in the common house inhabited by several households, the household leaders were only responsible for their own household. There was no common leader of the common house as such, there was no leader of the settlement as such, there was no leader above the household level. With this kind of organization and with these kinds of principles, a household had to be responsible for its economy, instruction of their children, elders welfare, a kind of insurance arrangement, and justice.

Traditional economy Economy is also in this kind of community a supply process, and consisted of acquiring material and processing it. The hunters catch animals and other neces- sities. Families caught ﬁ sh, women and children collected edible plants. The women cutted meat out, boiled it, dried it, tailored clothes, etc. The investments were knowledge, training, transportation means, and hunting weapons and implements. All this was also in the the responsibility of the household. The value of the catch was its consumption value, and it may be enlarged to some degree by exchange value. At least the material for implements that cannot be

31 acquired in one’s area may be bought from people from other areas. At the exchange one sells things of which one has a lot, and buys products which he lacks, and in this way both parts may have profi t. Especially raw material lacking in one’s area might make the buyer able to utilize resources in a more effi cient way. But as the most households within an area produced the same kinds of things, an exchange between them would not enlarge their economic value, even if it might enlarge their social value. In any settlements you may meet people belonging to different households, beside individuals outside any household. These might angle and sell fi sh for some implements, some skin pieces or the like. But they more often sold services, by doing unpleasant tasks, or by being able to make quality products. Women who are clever to sew clothes received goods as payments, or by rowing for travelling families, or by carrying bag at their back. They may be paid with seal skins, dried meat which they might store, and in this way they might acquire useful things, but often no fresh food, as fresh food very often was distributed as »meat gifts«. As already indicated, help from a shaman, help from a midwife, story telling or the like were also paid with material goods, from households to individuals.

Traditional teaching The households, especially the nuclear families, are also regeneration groups. A married couple got children. The mother of children was obvious, and the father was her husband. This is clearly seen by (1) observing which elders the children helped at their old age, (2) by seing an incest-avoiding group, (3) and by seing a revenger group. The possible genitor would only be part in such situation by marriage to the mother of the children. In a community with different kinds of wife exchange, it is worth to remember it. In the family relations as old age welfare, incest-taboo, and revenger duties, it is obvious the mother’s husband who is regarded father. The children were in this way a kind of investments to the old age of the parents. Because of the dominating patrilocality/virilocality the sons are a better investment than girls for their parents. We must assume the fact that a couple regarding their sons their future supporters must be affected in their attitutde towards their children. The father gave his sons toys that might make them able to train their strength, accuracy, endurance, and patience. He gave them knowledge on hunting, animal behavior, weather conditions, ice condition, training of dogs, and like useful general knowledge. He supplied them with kayak, trained them in using kayak in different

32 weather conditions and different hunting conditions. And very often he also supplied them with magical protection spells and amulets. The mother gave her daughters some tasks so they might learn some abilities by practice, even the care of their younger brothers and sisters. But very often they learnt other abilities, as processing seal skins, caribou skins, cutting and sewing clothes, from their mother-in-law. I do not know if it might be a consideration of possible different working methods, or a consideration that the abilities of girls would rather be beneﬁ t for their afﬁ nal families. The things which parents taught their children were the common knowledge. Spe- cial knowledge was not distributed to all households. You had to pay for learning special knowledge.

Traditional old age welfare According to the norms it was more common that the sons of a couple remained together with their parents, while the daughters most often moved to their afﬁ nal family when married. But if the original nuclear family of the bridegroom was dis- solved by early orphanage, the young man often moved to his afﬁ nal family. In general, the sons in this way were a better investments for a married couple. It was among other things, why a married couple wished to have sons. When the father taught his sons hunting skills - both in practice and in knowledge - he was certainly aware that he in this way might secure his and his wife’s old age provisions. Of course, as the elders secured food at daily meat distribution, other aspects came into consideration. The old parents would as household leaders be managers of the food resources of the family. This gave them an essential position as ditributors of the food reserves, and gave them a central position within the household. But this position secured them also other hunting products, as skin to clothes, wood material and the like. Old people without their own household would get their food as gifts, but no other animal products. Their lamps would often lack fuel, and their clothes would often be worn. If they wanted things not included in the daily distribution, they had to deliver a sort of work. But they were poor ones, if they lacked a position within a household. This powerty would be visible.

33 In this way, the welfare of the elders was a responsibility of a family, and this situation contributed to unite the parents and their children. I suppose that it was a very important aspect in the relation between the parents and their children, that the parents from the beginning knew that their sons would give them better old age.

Traditional aspects of justice As the community lacked common authorities, the different households were equal to each other. They were independent economic units, independent regeneration units, independent teaching units, independent welfare units, and there were no authorities above this level. This might sound as an ideal situation. But it was problema- tic, when two households had tensions between them. There were no intermediate persons who might smooth out. On the contrary, the other households kept a non- interference attitude. As there lacked such an intermediate group, the quarrel was a matter of the households in question. It was, thus, a matter for the single households to acquire justice for themselves. There were two ways of possibilities. For the households as such, lex taliones was a possibility. For tensions between individuals, song contests were used. If a member of one household killed a member of another household, it was regarded an unacceptable murder. But even if the community as such was not indifferent, it would normally be neutral. It was the household of the victim that had to create justice for itself. - It must be stated that concept of blood money was unknown. - So, homicide was answered with another homicide. Blood revenge was not regarded as crime like the ﬁ rst murder. It was often mentioned as a duty. But I don’t know how essential this common attitude was, as the crucial thing was how the enemy family regarded it. It was for it a point in blood feud. In principle, the blood feud was endless, but in practice, it might stop. All the male members of a household are allied to each other in such a deadly con- ﬂ ict. But the persons who might take an initiative were the male members of the nuclear family of the victim. The eldest son of a murdered man made preparations, made himself stronger and faster, and often searched for magical protection. In a course of vengeance, some persons were killed by weapons, but also persons dead from illness or accident were included in the account of the vengeance. In a well-known East-Greenlandic family saga, a lot of persons were mentioned as dead

34 because of the blood feud, but in fact only three persons were mentioned as killed by weapon (Sandgreen 1986). When a father of a murdered person was still alive, he would as a member of the same original nuclear family feel a need for revenge. But if he was too old to challenge his enemies, he would probably try to use magic spells against his enemies, and the next person dead from illness or accident with the enemy family, would be regarded as hit by this magical power. As the sons are one’s potential revengers it was regarded that sons, especially several sons, had a preventive effect against being killed in a confl ict. It was a common theory that it was dangerous to kill a man who had sons. From Upernavik we have a single story on a woman who trained herself to a revenger, as she had no brethren. But it was an exception. Therefore, the sons were also regarded investment for the justice in favour of the household. This defence group of the male members of household was probably so fundamental survival unit that it must be defended against deadly internal confl icts. The Green- landic joking relationships occur beween the members of extended families of both sexes, and thus, occurred also between persons of the same sex. This resulted in persons with like relationship being tolerant to both verbal and practical teasing, much more if it was done by other persons. Another means might be incest taboo. This should prevent love an marriage between relatives, and might exclude a deadly jealousy. It is possible that it is why we fi nd both defence alliance and incest taboo within relatives in many communities without a community management of justice. As indicated blood feud stopped, probably because there were no possible initiators longer, and probably because the relevant families agreed to drop the enemity (Ras- mussen 1924:353 f.; 1981:65). This occurred also. Another institution for avoiding dangerous develoment of tensions was song context. But it occured between individuals, and will not be touched here, even if it is interesting enough. The several households might work together in urgent situation. These might be tasks that needed rapid work, or a dangerous situation. If a man was discovered as series muderer, men from different housholds might agree to kill him in a common action. The participation of men from many households should probably prevent an emergence of a fresh blood feud.

35 Meat gifts, a traditional insurance system Question of meat gifts was one of the confusing question in the ethonology of Greenland. Some students saw it in connection with meat partnership, that in fact also may be divided into at least two systems. One is a kind of exchange arrangement between two or a group seal hunters (Cf. Jensen 1963). After an agreement such group of hunters gave each other certain delicious parts of an animal caught. Another is a kind of economic distribution of a large animal caught, and in this way distributed meat from bag bigger than seals, to several households (Petersen 1987:12). In this way, it was not necessary for each hunter to kill such big animals as walrus, beluga or narwhale, or polar bear. Such animals were not so common as the ordinary seals, and maybe it was a kind of animal protection, but it might, rather be so that different households might be secured meat from like animals. Any potential hunter of such animals might participate in this distribution system, as already indicated (cf. Kleivan 1964). Meat gift is as indicated a kind of gift in its form. The female household head decided which part that should be given to different households. In connection with meat gifts, any household was given portions, and in this way it was a generalized exchange. It was more important that anybody who might contribute to such an exchange, gave meat, while it was not demanded that there should be balance in the amount of meat given and meat received. Furthermore, people without possibility to pay in this way, received also their part. It was old people outside the households, widows, and orphans. Its function was that any member of the local community was secured food, as long as there was food products in the settlement. In this way, the contributors were also secured to get food, if they for some reason should be unable to contribute themselves. It is a kind of voluntary, bilateral insurance system. There was no public insurance system beyond it.

On introduced organizational change The role of the household heads or other local leaders was not to adapt the norms to the changed conditions. Their role was to secure that the accepted norms were followed. Even shamans, leaders of a collective hunting, or like person had no power to change the norms. The norms were proven to give a reasonable security, and the change in the conditions of the community was so slow that young people had to base their economic and social life upon the experiences of their parents, and even their grandparents.

36 In the course of the 19th century, when the common house was being replaced by family houses, and even by nuclear family houses, we might see problems occur- ring in connection with the ownership principles. As indicated, the food reserves were owned by the households, while other hunting products were owned by the nuclear families. If a nuclear family built a house for itself, it formed an independent household, and in this situation it could have both its food reserves and other hunting products as its disposal. When the extended families formed households, the different hunters helped each other with skins for covering their boats. It was an advantage for the household. But this kind of help within the family resulted in avoiding barter-like exchange between close relatives. One hunter who in a separate household lacked a couple of skins to cover his umiak, could not cover his umiak, and was prevented in making hunting journeys. The family members with skin reserves would be ashamed if they should give their brother or brother-in-law skin demanding another skin. It was obviously a situation of disadvantage. The change of this norm happened, like such other situations, anonymously. Some persons began to break the norms, and exchanged like gifts with close relatives, and as it appeared to be a good thing, it created a collective break of norms, and thus a norm with some kind of exchange even between close relatives was introduced. Therefore, we know very little about like norm changes, and I suppose that it was in this way, the pool sharing of caribous was introduced, as an individual, and later on common agreement between hunting participants. The colonization of Greenland brought about that colonizators placed themselves above and between the households. The colony managers and missionaries came with new ideas, brought a new market with them, but in fact they did not change the production forms. We don’t know very much how much the ﬁ ght against the shamans changed some things beyond the disapperance of the shamanism itself. In fact, they played probably no leadership role beside their role in religious services. The leadership under cooperation existed for periods in collective hunting and in case of danger. In this kind of situation the leader gave orders that were executed immedia- tely and without any question, but it lasted only till the task was over (Petersen 1968, Nooter 1976). This kind of leadership was based on experience and respect. Rink’s notion that the shamans had a chief like position in the community (Rink 1871:180), cannot be conﬁ rmed. The new thing in connection with the colonization was new leaders/heads, not in connection with their experiences, or respect they enjoyed, but in connection with

37 their jobs. Governor Rink saw disadvantages of this situation and got established a municipal body with some ex-offi cio members, i.e. some Danish civil servants, but also elected or appointed members among Greenlandic hunters. In fact it wasn’t a political, but administrative body with social management and that of justice to keep order among the local inhabitants. Even if this had very limited political power, it was introduction of publicly elected leadership, and even with small reforms this continued till about 1950. From 1910, this kind of elected representation was divided both at local level, and two provincial councils. The provincial councils had advisory function for the Danish parliament in connection with legislation with effects for Greenland. The administrative function was still more important than the political ones, but the animal conservation was a part of their responsibility, and this was formed with respect to the Greenlandic points of view. About 1950 the reform gave municipal councils more responsibility. They should be heard i.a. in town planning and settling politics. They formulated their concervation rules. The two provincial councils were merged to one National Council. The Natio- nal Council had still limited power, but gained a lot of infl uence being regarded the political voice of Greenland. Only with the Home Rule of Greenland the Greenlan- dic bodies gained a legislative power. Before I return to my issue, I must mention that another kind of organization was introduced in the beginning of the 20th century, that of voluntary associations. This demonstrated that some local communities grow larger than the household organization might solve the local problems. The fi rst volontary organizations were the Christian associations, followed by cultural information association, sport associations, and later on trade union like ones, and at last the political parties. To this development there were added about 1950 umbrella organizations, and many of the cultural and political questions were initiated by such organizations, and furthermore, like organizations were bodies for introduction of people from other local communities.

Management of the former tasks of the households The development brought about that the different tasks, economical, educational, welfare matters and justice were removed from the responsibility of the households, and became matters of the community leadership, some of these former tasks must no more be taken by the households. The mentioned reorganization above household level brought about that like managements were carried by professional staffs. If

38 these tasks contributed to make the household organization meaningful, this change would, unavoidably, create some problems. Some of the social problems can still be connected with like changes.

Economical The economical responsibility of the household is probably in its fundaments changed less than other columns. But the structure of the economy is changed strongly. Investments needed factories, and they grew more heavy. The national economic consideration of rentability replaced the philosophy of econonomy from household supplies to the national supplies. And this changed the settlement politics strongly. In fact, I don’t know how much the population centralization policy after 1950 had been efﬁ cient, or if technological innovation had been the main factor in the disappearance of a lot of small settlements, i.e. settlements with less than 30 inhabitants. The most remarkable economical innovation was that both men and women got out- door jobs. Men might go ﬁ shing, go hunting or have waged jobs, and women got waged jobs. A lot of new jobs needed educated people, and education in Greenland was reformed several times, with vocational training, social worker training, with academic education or the like. I believe that this kind of innovation made the population growth possible. It might be more limited elseway. The traditional structure with the father who brought home the supplies, the mother, who prepared these objects for useful things supported probably the family solidarity.

Educational role With primary occupations and slow changing process, together with labour division according to sex, both father and mother might teach their children so they could learn common knowledge, and they could manage themselves as adults, and might help their parents in their old age. Already the technological innovations changed some of the roles, as the young people often had to instruct the old people in the use of new technological means. Especially the Protestantic Christianity created need for reading the bible translated into Greenlandic. The trade, an introduction of money, and later on introduction of administrative bodies with social administration as their task, created need for shool teaching, reading, arithmetics and like courses. In 1845, two teacher training colleges were introduced (Wilhjelm 1995). In 1861, a periodical in Greenlandic was

39 established. These contributed to the situation, where school learning was being the fate of children, at least in West Greenland. Even if it was hardly predictable then, it in fact created a fundament for later introduced democracy. The needed kind of information service existed already. The Greenlandic school brought about pedagogical professionalism, and its development demonstrates emergence of different community tasks. Especially educated teachers both in the elementary school and later on in different occupations removed the role of the family in teaching their children. In fact, partly even for introduction in hunting. This professional education started more or less with kindergarten, and already there the families were divided into different age groups, and possibility for generation gaps reached the Greenlandic community. One thing is rather obvious today. When the mothers got 8 hours jobs outside their homes, their role for transfer of their language norms decreased. As knowledge transform was a part of the family structure in the traditional community, the professional teaching removed an important link between the generations within the families.

On old age welfare An old couple lived normally together with their eldest son who secured them a safe old age. But another of their children might play the same role. I suppose that it was a very important factor in the parents attitude towards their children that these were their potential supporters in their old age. I don’t doubt that these parents loved their children as a matter of course, but the consciousness of the future supporters might have strengthened their attitude. In the present Greenlandic community the old age welfare is a task for the community itself. The parents know today that they shall have support, even if they should live separate from their children. With the occupational structure in Greenland it is much more common that the parents and the most of their children live at different settlements or towns. It is my impression that the adult children also today help their parents - both couples - in different ways. But the elders get support from the professional community services, and might be economically independent of the help from their children.

40 The other way, we hear a lot more of the parents with social problems neglecting their children. When they should visit pubs, join a game of bingo, or when they were invited to their friends for a glad evening. The children left alone without babysitter, might roam in the town in nights, or needed help, but could not fetch their parents. This might be brought about by the situation where the parents no more regard their children as their future supporters. And probably the situation was also worse- ned by a weak personnel development, as their adoration was overtaken by professional kindergarten and school teachers who lacked a close relationship with those children. The role of the school in strengthening the personnality of children, is une- ven. Of course, it is only some families - often those with social problems - that were recorded with neglected children. At least it is possible to think that the problem would be much less if the parents regarded their children their future security.

On justice In the situation where the administration of justice is a professional task for the community, the single families must not act as judges. Today the action in taking the law in one’s hands is not acceptable. One problem seen in connection with the system is that a victim of a crime, afterwards might be regarded a victim of the court system (cf. Christie 1978:256), and in this direction the old Greenlandic song contest had an advantage by making a victim an active part of the peace making process. Now, the children within a family are no more revengers, and thus blood feud alli- ances lost their importance. The close relationship is still an important factor in the community life. Persons for whom you may use family relation terms are still persons whom you may approach to get some help, consolation or the like. But I suppose that the concept of incest taboo lost its contents for some persons. From the traditional community there are almost no records on incest - of course this lack of record may be due that it was a theme nobody wanted to speak about. But it is obvious from the myth on the origin af the sun and the moon that it was an unacceptable taboo. Recently, I read a piece in a Greenlandic paper maintaining that this myth indicated an acceptance of incest in the olden days (Jeppson 1998). It was totally a misunderstanding. It was the lack of acceptance of incest, that got the sun, Maliina. to ﬂ ee. And even if the myths had another dimension, a change in the world order, such occasions only occurred when a quite unacceptable situation emerged. In the same way the myth on Asiaq who had a child as her husband, was

41 constructed. However, Dalager who spent a lot of years in Greenland heard about two cases of incest, but people found it so disgusting that nobody wanted to live together with them (Dalager 1915:50). It is possible that incest occurred, but not recorded. But in fact in the alliance system, avoidance of incest was meaningful, as deadly jealousy between close relatives might destruct the revenger structure. It was an important survival factor in the family managed justice. So, it is possible that incest, today often committed by drunken men, may be result from a justice system that lost its importance. At the same time, as this kind of justice management collapsed, Greenland got an elected body with competance to sentence in the case of quarrels and crimes. Today Greenland has a criminal act with lay judges as the ﬁ rst instances, and with a professional court as the ﬁ nal instance. But the management of justice is taken away from the family execution.

The role of the voluntary associations The mentioned development of the voluntary associations brought about local and regional cooperations between different households on democratic basis. This system was introduced from outside, but I suppose that it turned to be more or less special Greenlandic feature. Most of the like associations are based on voluntary, individual membership. Very often several members of the same family are members of the same association, and through umbrella organizations an essential part of the Greenlandic community is organized in this way. I ﬁ nd also rather important that both Greenland Inuit and Danes are members of some associations. But this means too, that family membership is no more alone to gather people together. Very often individual family members are members of different organizations, and in this way, other kinds of community links create cooperation. Some times this created tensions, especially in the beginning of association work. Especially in connection with exclusive assotiations as political parties, some cooperation pattern was touched, and for some years close relatives had problem with other family members who supported other political parties (Dahl 1986). Today, there is so much cooperation between different parties that like tensions probably were calmed down.

42 Conclusion I suppose that the problems mentioned above, might be found in all communities without common leaders, and with labour division according to age and sexes. I tried to describe some forms of organization structures and tasks, and compared the situation with the present time, where their function that was removed from the household duties, that now turned into duties of the public. I suppose that these functions in connection with the teaching children, old age welfare, and acquisition of justice, now turned to public responsibilities, earlier satu- rated the family links, and made family relationships more meaningful than they would be without these duties. I touched the meat gift institution as a kind of insurance system that linked together different households of the same settlement. This matter is now inherited by insurance companies or the ofﬁ cial bodies. These family and settlement tasks are now administered by professional persons and elected leaders, and this included that some outdated norms might be changed into more suiting rules. Other organization forms is to be found within the Greenlandic communities. The membership in such organizations is normally individual. The different family based tasks disappeared from the family structure, and the meaning they put into the family solidarity was weakened. The professional services divide the families into age groups: kindergarten children, school children, young people under education, the active adults and elders. This may change the relationship between family members, and may produce problems between the generations. But this is especially to be seen, when single families have adaptation and social problems. In fact, I ﬁ nd the described changes undavoidably, even useful. But one of its costs was that the family solidarity was weakened, when some family tasks that made the family links more meaningful, were removed from the households, and turned to be responsibility of the community. We shall not try to reintroduce the outdated norms. The problems connected with this situation might be lessened by strengthening per- sonalities, and by activating the different family members in different ways.

43 References Christie, Nils 1978 Som folk ﬂ est. Oslo-Tromsø. Dahl, Jens 1986 Da partierne kom til bygden. Jordens folk: 168-193. København. Hansêrak 1864/65 Kalâtdlit igdlukitdlineránik avgordlutik. Atuagagdliutit: 587-591. Nûk. Jensen, Bent 1964 A Greenland system of meat partnership. - The 7th International Con- gress of Americanists. Moscow 1964. Moscow. Jeppson, Irene 1998 Accept eller foragt. Sermitsiak nr.36:27. Kleivan, Helge 1964 Acculturation, ecology, and human choice. FOLK, vol 6.1:63-74. Copen- hagen. Nooter, Gert 1976 Leadership and Headship. Leiden. Petersen , Robert 1968 De gamle og de nye autoriteter i Grønland. - Tisskrift for Grønlands retsvæsen:109-114. (red. A. Weiss-Bentzon). København. Petersen, Robert 1987 Nunatta oqaluttuassartaanit. Nuuk. Petersen, Robert 1993 Samfund uden autoriteter - og dem med. Grønlandsk kultur- og samfundsforskning:121-138, (Red. C. Andreasen et.al.). Nuuk. Rasmussen, Knud 1924 Myter og Sagn fra Grønland II. København. Rasmussen, Knud 1981 Inuit fortæller II. København.

44 Rink, H.J. 1871 Eskimoiske Eventyr og Sagn II. Kjøbenhavn. Sandgreen, Otto 1986 Øje for øje - tand for tand. Bagsværd. Weiss-Bentzon, Agnete 1969 Familiens økonomiske administration og ejendelenes tilhørsforhold. Nyt fra samfundsvidenskaberne, 10. København. Wilhjelm, Henrik 1995 Ilinniarﬁ ssuaq ukiuni 150-ini. Nuuk.

45 46 Active Partnership Policy of International Labour Organization Henriette Rasmussen

Partnership in Development? Polarizations in Inuit Society The fundamental objective of the International Labour Organization is to promote social justice. It was established in 1919 and became the ﬁ rst specialized UN agency in 1946. It has a tripartite structure of governments, employers and workers which makes it unique among the UN agencies. To reach its principles of social justice it adopts Conventions and Recommendations to set international standards in the world of work. They deal with a wide range of issues including working conditions, maternity protection, discrimination, freedom of association, social security, elimination of forced and child labour, to name some few. The Conventions are intended to create binding obligations to put their provisions into effect, while Recommendations provide guidance on policy, legislation and practice. The highest authority is the annual International Labour Conference (ILC), to which the ILO member States have a right to send four delegates, namely two from the government, and one each representing workers and employers, and each of whom has a right to speak and vote independently at the ILC. Its executive is the Governing Body, comprising 28 government members and 14 workers and 14 employer members, which meets twice a year.

Technical Cooperation One of the ILOs ways of reaching out to its member States are through technical cooperation. The ﬁ rst technical missions took place in 1930’s on various standards-related issues, but it was only after WWII, that technical cooperation on a larger scale was initiated in order to aid newly-independent countries to build the institutional capability which was required in areas covered by the ILO: employment and human resources development; management; entrepreneurship and cooperatives; industrial relations

47 and labour administration: working conditions and occupational safety and health and social security.

Active Partnership The internationalization of the world economy is creating an increased interdepen- dence among the nations in the spheres of production, trade and information, and that phenomenon, which is now known as »globalization« has brought to the sur- face severe problems related to unemployment, social exclusion, working conditions, industrial relations, and income distribution among countries. In order to respond better to the priorities and needs of the ILO constituents the Active Partnership Policy was created in the early 1990’s. The Active Partnership Policy aims at bringing the International Labour Organization closer to governments and employers and workers organizations in the 171 countries which form the ILO’s current membership. The key element of this approach is the creation of 16 multidisciplinary teams (MDT) in Africa, the Americas, Asia and the Pacifi c, Cen- tral and Eastern Europe and the Arab States. The MDTs are geared to deliver technical guidance in policy and development issues. Most of these teams include advisors on employers’ and workers’ activities, and specialists in international labour standards. Based on a dialogue with its constituents the ILO’s Area offi ces develop the Country Objectives which identify the real demands, based on the joint identifi cation of the priority labour and social problems the countries are facing as well as the joint defi nition of the best solutions to these problems. These country objectives help shape the technical cooperation programme. The multidisciplinary approach is used to meet multifaceted problems, such as in the formulation of employment and economic restructuring policies and programmes. Simultaneously the ILO assesses how its Conventions relate to the Country objectives and the specifi c needs and how the ILO can facilitate the promotion of social justice in the process of partnership. An important part of the technical cooperation activities is assessment of the sustainability of the technical cooperation, which should identify an answer to the question, how do the countries carry on independently after that ILO has withdrawn its technical cooperation? The aid given should be sustainable, so the countries can carry on reaching their own objectives. The ILO’s Area Offi ces also do overall coordination including liaison with other UN agencies, especially with United Nations Development Program (UNDP).

48 ILO and Indigenous Peoples ILO’s interest in indigenous and tribal peoples arose from its early work among the »native workers« in sugarcane plantations in South America in the 1920s. Since then it has adopted a number of international legal standards which provide the framework for an improvement of the living and working conditions of these peoples, including the only two international instruments which relate speciﬁ cally to indigenous and tribal peoples: (i) the Convention on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples (No. 169), adopted in 1989; and (ii) its predecessor the Indigenous and Tribal Populations the Convention of 1957 ( No. 107). Indigenous and tribal peoples are among the most disadvantaged and under-privile- ged of the world’s population. Estimated to be approximately 350 million, they often live in deplorable conditions, and have low literacy rates and high unemployment in comparison with the rest of the population. They are among the most vulnerable groups within any national society, with limited access to educational and occupational opportunities. As a result their participation in mainstream political activities and decision-making processes is often peripheral and their voices are seldom if ever heard or taken into account. In addition, they are often excluded from the beneﬁ ts of employment policies and programmes, many times due to the fact that many are occupied in traditional subsistence activities such as shifting cultivation, hunting and gathering and so on.

ILO Project on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Requests to the ILO for information on the substance and approach of Convention No. 169 began to be received shortly after its adoption. In order to respond to such requests, present and future, and taking into consideration its fi nancial and personnel constraints, the ILO applied to the Danish Government for assistance in meeting these needs. Denmark, then in the process of fi nalizing its ratifi cation of Convention No. 169, responded favourably to the ILO’s proposal for a project aimed specifi cally at promoting ILO policy on indigenous and tribal peoples, and in January 1996, the ILO/DANIDA Project on the Rights of Indigenous and Tribal Peoples was launc- hed.

Promotion of the Rights of Indigenous and Tribal Peoples The Project on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples is conceptualized within the framework of Convention No. 169. It had an initial duration of two years, but was

49 extended for another two year period till year 2000. The responsible technical department at the ILO is the Equality and Human Rights Coordination Branch (EGALITE), together with the Development Policies Department (POL/DEV). The project began operations in January 1996, and is inter-regional in scope. It is based at ILO headquarters in Geneva with regular contacts with ILO ﬁ eld ofﬁ ces. The project falls within the framework of the International Decade of the World’s Indigenous People (1995 to 2004), and at increasing awareness of the ILO’s work on indigenous and tribal peoples, but also to promote the application of relevant standards, especially the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention (No. 169). More over its important objectives implies strngthening the capacity of indigenous and tribal peoples to address their own needs. The means of this form of promotion are policy advice, through training workshops and seminars. The project also supports pilot projects and will issue publications. The Project cooperates with Governments, trade unions, NGOs and indigenous and tribal peoples’s organizations to draw attention to the situation of indigenous and tribal peoples. In Asia, capacity-building workshops in Cambodia, Vietnam and Thailand have been co-organized with national governments and indigenous and tribal peoples’ organizations and other UN agencies. In India, a pilot project assessed the impact of development-related displacement on tribal women. The Project is currently also undertaking assessment missions to Africa. In South Africa, the Project co-organized a workshop on the constitutional accommodation of vulnerable indigenous communities. Complementary activities have been carried out in Latin America.

Other Programmes on Indigenous Peoples Another programme is the Inter-regional Programme to Support Self-Reliance of Indigenous and Tribal Communities through Cooperatives and other Self-Help Organizations (INDISCO). It was started in 1993 under the ILO/DANIDA programme for cooperative development in rural areas. It is designed speciﬁ cally to assist indigenous and tribal peoples, and has a number of pilot projects in India and the Philippines, and other operations just beginning in Belize, Vietnam and Thailand. All the projects are devised, implemented and evaluated by the communities themselves, with ILO-INDISCO assistance. The projects are aimed at encoura- ging the creation of indigenous cooperatives and other forms of self-help association which are adapted to meet local conditions and are culturally appropriate.

50 A Poverty Alleviation and Democratization project is ongoing in Guatemala aiming at informing/training indigenous organizations and support groups to enable them to participate meaningfully in implementation of the Peace-Accord from 1996 which ended the long civil war in Guatemala. This project is assisting relevant institutions (Congress, indigenous organizations and government ) in the application of Conven- tion No. 169 which was ratiﬁ ed as a commitment under the Peace Agreement. In the Philippines this project seeks to stimulate a policy dialogue among the Gover- nment, indigenous peoples and other parties on issues like land and natural resources, social policies and mechanisms for effective participation in governance and decisionmaking. Its grass-roots level actions aims at enhancing the indigenous peoples’ awareness about their rights as Philippine citizens and as indigenous peoples. Other ILO projects on indigenous peoples includes a Community-based Environ- mental Impact Assessment which aims to encourage a shift from expert-owned and expert-driven environmental impact assessment to more community based and par- ticipatory EIA, which is based upon the knowledge and traditions of the indigenous peoples. In Bolivia, within the context of a programme carried out in cooperation with the UNDP, the ILO began in January 1994 to provide in-service training to indigenous legal promoters on the present legislation on land, territories and resource use in Bolivian Lowlands. This is one of the components of a major UNDP-sponsored National Indigenous Programme. ILO assistance continues. Diagnosis of Conditions of Indigenous Communities in Peruvian Amazon is an action-oriented research programme to assess the impact of oil privatization, resett- lement programmes of indigenous highland communities evicted from their lands by political violence and narcotrafﬁ cking on the socio-economic and legal situation of the 63 indigenous groups inhabiting the Peruvian Amazon.

ILO Conventions on indigenous and tribal peoples The constitutional framework of the ILO’s technical cooperation projects are its Conventions No. 107, where it is ratiﬁ ed, and the most recent and legally binding international instrument, ILO Convention No. 169, which establishes the minimum standards for the rights of indigenous peoples.

51 List of ILO’s publications concerning indigenous and tribal peoples Barsh RL Effective Negotiation for Indigenous Peoples: North American Case Stu- dies and Analysis. (Krisma Bastien, University of Lethbridge), 1996. ILO Development Policies Branch, Building on culture to face changing reali- ties: The Jalq’as and Tarabucos story. (Geneva), 1994. Plant R Derechos de los pueblos indígenas y tribales sobre la tierra en los países en desarrollo: Estudio sobre cuestiones de legislación y política, activi- dades actuales y propuestas para un programa de acción interagencial. Programa Mundial del Empleo, Documento de Trabajo. (Ginebra, OIT), 1991. Plant R Función de las organizaciones de trabajadores en el desarrollo económico y social Estudio de caso del convenio núm. 141 de la OIT en México y Filipinas. Cuestiones de Desarrollo: Documento de Discusión, No. 4. (Ginebra, OIT. Departamento de Desarrollo y de Cooperación Técnica), 1996. Engl Span. Plant R Hacia la reconstrucción de la sociedad civil: las organizaciones de trabajadores rurales en Guatemala. Cuestiones de Desarrollo: Documento de Discusión, No. 5. (Ginebra, OIT. Departamento de Desarrollo y de Cooperación Técnica), 1996. Engl Span. Swepston L Adoption of the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, (No. 169), 1989, in Law and Anthropology: Internationales Jahrbuch für Rechtsanthropologie, Vol. 5, (Wien, VWGO-Verlag), 1990. Swepston L and Tomei M The ILO and Indigenous and Tribal Peoples, in L. van de Fliert Indi- genous Peoples and International Organizations (Spokesman, Notting- ham), (Geneva, ILO. Development Polices Branch), 1994.

52 Swepston L Indigenous and tribal populations: A return to centre stage, in Internatio- nal Labour Review, Vol. 125, No. 4, (Geneva, ILO), July-August 1987. Swepston L New Step in the International Law on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples: ILO Convention No. 169 (1989), in Oklahoma City University Law Review, Vol. 15, No. 3, Fall 1990. Swepston L Protection of vulnerable groups by the International Labour Organisa- tion. Living Law of Nations: Essays on refugees minorities, indigenous peoples and the human rights of other vulnerable groups in memory of Atle Grahl-Madsen, (Strasbourg), 1996. Tomei M. and Swepston L A guide to ILO Convention No. 169. (Geneva, ILO. Policies for Develop- ment Branch and Equality and Human Rights Coordination Branch), 1995. Tomei M Indigenous and Tribal Peoples and Trade Unions: Recent Initiatives, in Labour Education. Special issue: Rural Workers, Vol. No. 1, (Geneva, ILO), 1995. Engl Fren Span. Tomei M Pueblos Indígenas y Tribales y la OIT. (Ginebra, OIT. Departamento de Desarrollo y de Cooperación Técnica), 1995. Engl Fren Span.

53 (indsæt kort her)

54 Shifting Patterns, Lasting Partnerships

Inuit Knowledge and Academic Science in Arctic Cultural Research Igor I. Krupnik

Introduction This paper is a contribution to the ongoing debate about the nature of interaction between the indigenous (or native) knowledge and what is commonly known as ’academic science’. Almost everyone is now familiar with the issue and its scientifi c and ethical implications alike1. The study of indigenous knowledge is currently one of the fastest growing topics as well as one of the most hotly disputed fi elds in northern cultural research. In a highly peculiar twist it symbolizes both the most exciting venues and the troubling roadblocks in the relationships between northern residents and the community of arctic social scientists. In this paper I want to put these relationships in a historical perspective and to review the existing record of changing intellectual encounters between the two parties through time. The story is too long and too complicated to be interpreted according to a single perspective or analytical paradigm. Patterns of interaction changed through time and the nature of partnership between the Inuit experts and professional scientists has transformed dramatically over the last 250 years of documented contact. However, nothing in the record itself speaks for an intrinsic opposition or for a ’confl icting nature’ of these two types of wisdom (as is sometimes claimed). Quite to the contrary, collection of scientifi c knowledge on Inuit societies was generally successful only through cooperation, intellectual sharing, and mutual respect. Most of my arguments are drawn from examples from the Bering Strait area, particularly from its Siberian section populated by the Siberian Yupik (Asiatic Eskimo) and Chukchi people (with whom I am most closely familiar as a result of many years of fi eld research). A few references are added from elsewhere across the Inuit and circumpolar zone. Of course, one region’s experience is hardly a universal scenario but it is, nevertheless, a good starting point. This paper argues that anthropological work in the Arctic was always facilitated by certain core values in the transmission and dissemination of knowledge in Inuit

1. Se the most recent review of the debates and publications related to the issue in Wenzel 1999.

55 communities, such as active sharing of personal expertise, youth training via storytelling by elders, and the highest respect attributed to intellectual experts in the society. Academic scholars were always able to fi nd resourceful and motivated native partners in Inuit villages. They can similarly rely upon such cooperation nowadays, although the profi le and recruitment of the Inuit partners in research is also a subject of change. Hence, the 250-year record of intellectual interaction between the Inuit experts and scientists cannot be submitted to any short-term or politically motivated judgement. The fi nal section of this paper focuses on what can be done to improve partnership and cooperation between academic and native science. It is fully justifi ed that modern Arctic residents are eager to use the stock of knowledge about their cultures and environment collected by academic scholars to sustain their languages, to instruct their children, and to preserve their intellectual legacy and their ways of life. To meet these new demands, Arctic anthropology must master new tools and pioneer some new approaches. This should be the topic of the most urgent contemporary debates.

Patterns of Learning and Knowledge Sharing in Inuit Soci- eties Learning, accumulation of knowledge, and transmission of skills and expertise is a lifelong phenomenon in the Inuit community. While traditionally there was no special period in the life-cycle designated for studying and learning (as compared to modern schooling), the old culture had its own ’curriculum’ and its clear symbols of graduation. Young people became socially ’adults’ when they mastered required skills, that is, they were able to support a family of their own. For a man this implied suffi cient profi ciency in hunting and/or reindeer herding (in Siberia). For a woman it meant mastering the practices of housekeeping, arctic food storage techniques, skills in skin-processing and in making fur clothing. Each step in mastering one’s culture was triggered by a conscious interest in and an intentional transmission of expertise on specifi c practices, rites, and beliefs within the community. Young people were expected at a certain age to ask questions and to come up with individual interpretation(s) of cultural practices they observed. The elders, on their side, were expected to encourage the youth and to talk to them. This was done via direct teaching but mostly via telling stories. As one of the Siberian Yupik elders recalled:

56 »Usually the father was supposed to teach his sons all the stuff he knew about hunting. My father taught me a lot and he also taught Uvoqa, my elder brother. But these experienced hunters and elders, they often picked up some boys and youth right on the beach and just talked to them. Where the current goes as the tide changes-high tide, low tide. [...] I remember the old ones, Patqhha and Uyghaq, they always taught us. They said: you guys, watch the clouds over the hills all the time. If the cloud is slow or just stays ﬁ rm above the hill - you can go ahead, you move on the ice without fear. But if the cloud is moving fast you better dash home quickly. That’s the northern wind coming. It’s the snowstorm that pulls the cloud. I do remember them telling all these stories, right on the beach. We were still boys, like 15-16-year- olds but we already started hunting.« (Ivan Ashqama- akin, 1911-1994; recorded in 1979).

In a traditional camp (as in any northern community of today) people clearly distin- guished between those who knew ’a lot’ and those who just shared a more or less common stock of subsistence and spiritual expertise. Certain gaps in knowledge have always been in place - between men and women, coastal hunters and inland nomads, between juniors and senior adults, the leaders and the ordinary, etc. Some bodies of more sophisticated and/or esoteric expertise were not even shared until a fairly advanced age. These knowledge ’bottle-necks’ were carefully maintained under the control of designated community members, such as elders, kin-group leaders, and shamans (Krupnik and Vakhtin 1998). But these were checks and weirs rather than borders, as knowledge has to be transmitted anyway to ensure a group’s survival and the continuity of its cultural legacy. There was no traditional knowledge that had to be barred, withheld, or locked forever - at least nothing of this kind comes from the elders’ recollections and traditional ethnographic sources. On the contrary, any expertise, once accumulated, had to be shared later. As modern Yup’ik elders in Alaska say, »if you are stingy with your knowledge it will rot up your mind« (Fienup-Riordan 1997). Beyond the continuous transmission of knowledge within one’s own group, there existed certain institutionalized patterns of sharing knowledge with members of other societies. Time and again elders recollect stories about reciprocal visits and the arrival of guests from other villages and distant tribes. There were special

57 native meeting places and ’trade-fairs’ - in Chukotka as well as in Alaska and Greenland -- where people of different origins, languages, and subsistence skills used to gather for highly institutionalized interaction. These encounters always involved the exchange of gifts, trade, athletic and dancing competitions, and storytelling (Burch 1998, 158-159). One could hardly overestimate the amount of knowledge exchanged through personal narratives, singing, and dancing performances, shamanistic seances, and just by meeting with, listening to, and observing so many alien people beyond one’s own small kin-group. And fi nally, the Inuit people were always driven by curiosity and were anxious to gain more knowledge about strangers and visitors, as long as the encounter was not of a hostile nature. Few stories can match Knud Rasmussen’s account of his fi rst meeting with the Akilinermiut, or the Iglulik Inuit on the sea ice in the midst of arctic winter (Rasmussen 1929, 14-15): »[O]wing to the similarity of language, they took us at fi rst for distant tribal kinsmen from Baffi n Land. As soon as they saw we were friendly folk, as interesting to them [sic!] as they were to us, they went wild with delight. ...This frank, spontaneous friendliness was a great pleasure to me, for I realised that among such people I should fi nd no diffi culty in learning from them all they could tell about themselves and their past.«

Therefore, many early encounters between the Inuit people and the ﬁ rst Europeans to visit their area - travelers, whalers, and early scientists - followed certain patterns that were quite familiar to the Inuit participants. The problem is that this interaction was always a two-way process, while its documentation usually came from or, at least, was securely stored by one side only. From the written records left by visiting scholars and travelers we can often ﬁ gure out how, from whom, and what was learned by the European visitors from Inuit experts, and what were the motives for collecting certain kind of information. The Inuit certainly disseminated their own memories of the same encounters but they did it orally. As the Inuit remembered the explorers in their own way(s), they rarely maintained an enduring record that could be tested and re-examined through time: »My father, Sighu, did remember Bogoraz in Chaplino [Waldemar Bogoras, Russian anthropologist in 1901]. But he never told me this until I went to Leningrad [in 1934] and saw Bogoraz myself. Then father asked me whether

58 I met Bogoraz there and whether he was still alive. He (father) said that Bogoraz was indeed a very strange guy. He had a notebook and he walked through the village asking questions, hundreds of questions. Such a strange guy!« (Ivan Ashqamaakin, 1911-1994; recorded in 1981).

More often these oral narratives were repeatedly recycled through storytelling and they quickly became epic stories and even part of the local mythology. Hence, the original perspectives and real experiences of the Inuit meeting scientists and explorers remain poorely (if ever) documented and are mostly unknown. This paper is aimed at searching for the reasons for both sides to engage in the collection and sharing of cultural information. The 250-year record of intellectual interaction in the Bering Strait area, as probably elsewhere across the Arctic, can be divided into ﬁ ve stages, according to the changing types of visitors (and their research) encountered by the Inuit people. We may identify the following major types of researchers (though not necessarily arriving in strict chronological order): 1) early explorers and natural scientists; 2) ﬁ rst professional anthropologists; 3) missionaries and teachers; 4) academic scientists; and 5) modern scholars of subsistence studies and documentation of indigenous knowledge. For the purpose of this paper, I limit my focus to a few key features of each stage, namely: motives for the Inuit participation in data collection; level of control exercised by the Inuit informants over documentation; acknowledgement granted to the Inuit experts by researchers; and patterns of dissemination of knowledge collected in Inuit communities.

Early Inuit Encounters: Explorers and Natural Scientists The era of the ’early encounters’ in the Bering Strait was started by Vitus Bering’s documented interaction with the crews of Yupik(?) skin-boats on his fi rst voyage of discovery in 1728. It marked the beginning of systematic data collection in the area by European science. For almost 150 years it was undertaken primarily by educated navy offi cers who were trained to keep diaries, make notes on native customs and ways of life, and produce reports and books about their voyages. Eventually, it brought trained naturalists (natural scientists) to the area on board navy ships and, later, small professional teams for natural science research and museum collection purposes. The latter is best illustrated by the trip of the Krause brothers in 1881 sponsored by the Bremen Geographical Society (Krause 1984). The prime method of scientifi c data collection during this time was situational interviews with a few ’knowledgeable natives,’ particularly with the local ’chiefs’ and

59 elders. It also included: map-making and the collection of native place-names for navigational charts; the purchase of ethnographic objects; making drawings and pictures of ethnographic settings and native types; and compilation of word lists. Every bit of this practice(s) required active native participation, and in many documented instances Inuit cooperation was ample, generous, and even beyond the level of contemporary European comprehension. For example, a recent analysis of the so-called ’Eenoolooapik’s map’ produced by the Cumberland Sound Inuit for Wil- liam Penny’s expedition in 1839 shows that the Inuit revealed accurate details about major coastal features, principal whaling grounds, caribou hunting areas, and each occupied site, even with the exact number of tents or huts (Stevenson 1997, 59-62). The latter information was never analyzed until recently2. The information collected from the Inuit was recorded in offi cers’ reports, personal diaries, and ship logbooks, maps, and word-lists, etc. It was reproduced and published extensively in books and journal articles, and was printed in and translated into several European languages. Inuit informants seemingly maintained a fi rm command over the information they wanted to disclose, due to language barriers and the limits of European experience in the area. The dissemination of data, however, was totally beyond their control but they seemingly did not care, as the two worlds and their knowledge systems were too far apart. Nor did they bother about any special acknowledgement by visiting travelers and researchers. The latter, however, normally cited the names of their most insightful informants, often with warm personal sketches and portrayed images. What mattered in these early contacts was the nature of native motives in sharing knowledge. Based on several accounts, the interaction was voluntary and purely pragmatic. It was driven primarily by curiosity and traditional incentives in knowledge acquisition and sharing, with the additional strong lure of trade. True, the Inuit informants had good and attentive listeners. They were usually reimbursed in new commodities, such as tobacco, iron tools, beads, hunting equipment. And they often felt quite amused by their own experience and the ’exotic’ knowledge gained about the strange people they encountered. Time and again, we come across references to native informants asking Europeans as many questions about their life as they were asked themselves. During the fi rst European ship wintering in Chukotka in 1848,

2. In a similar way, a far less friendly encounter of a Russian survey party with the Northwest Alaskan Iñupiat in 1838 produced a fairly accurate list of local groups, with their exact territories and group boundaries. These data, again, were not used for almost 150 years(!), until they were found to be a highly reliable source on Alaskan Iñupiat societies on the eve of the Euro-American contact (Burch 1980).

60 British sailors were always surrounded by the curious native residents (Hooper 1853/1976, 158). As reported by Hooper, Ahmoleen (Amulin) the most knowledgeable of his local informants: »[W]as [always] full of conversation, and never ceased to ply us with questions respecting our visit, our country, and our possessions, displaying great shrewdness in his queries, and, generally, a ready perception of our expla- nations. On the subject of [our] religion alone his ideas were almost entirely at fault; doubtless we were not the most apt teachers.«

Mutual goodwill, gift exchange, and even befriending were almost a precondition to any succesful encounter. And, again, both sides could easily withhold any ’sensitive’ information at will.

Arrive First Anthropologists A new pattern of research and relationships between the Inuit and scientists was established in the late 1800s. It was set up by a new type of players who arrived in the Arctic as the fi rst professionally trained (or, at least, professionally focused) anthropologists. Early anthropologists were true scientifi c ’universalists.’ They viewed their mission as gathering detailed and systematic data to produce comprehensive volumes of native ethnographies and making extensive museum collections to cover all aspects of Inuit culture. They stayed for several months or even years and they preferred to work alone or in small teams. Edward Nelson in western Alaska in 1877-1881 and Franz Boas in eastern Baffi n Island in 1883-1884 (both trained as natural scientists) pioneered this new pattern of research and of personal interaction with Inuit informants. It was crowned with Waldemar Bogoras’ study of the Chukchi and Yupik people in Chukotka in 1900-01. Knud Rasmussen’s work among the Igluligmiut and that of Kaj Birket-Smith among the Caribou Inuit (the Ahiarmiut) on the 5th Thule Expedition (1921-1924) was one of its last and the most glorious ventures. Early anthropologists opened the fascinating richness of Inuit traditions to social science, to the public, and to the world at large. They also introduced specifi c techniques of fi eld research, such as physical measurements; staged ethnographic photography; recording of folklore and language texts; compilation of grammars and dictionaries; phonographic recording of music and shamanistic performances; collection of myths and native drawings. In fact, they did almost everything and

61 they produced a stock of data on Inuit societies which was unprecedented in its variety and depth. Unlike most of the early observers and visiting travelers, early anthropologists mastered local languages, native mode of travelling, and subsistence skills. They also relied upon their personal knowledge of the area, of native customs, and of some culturally related communities that were of great interest to their Inuit audience. And they were always eager to rely on this expertise following a new pattern of data collection, which may be called ’communication between knowledge experts.’ Like the ’knowledge exchange’ of the previous era, it was, similarly, deeply rooted in Inuit tradition. Here the interaction was motivated by a mutual desire of two (or more) extremely knowledgeable individuals to learn from each other by sharing their stories. Again, Knud Rasmussen put it well: »I discovered at once... that Ivaluardjuk ...was remarkably well acquainted with the ancient traditions of his tribe. In order to draw him out a little, I narrated a few of the stories common in Greenland. These proved to be well- known here, and the surprise of the natives at fi nding a stranger from unknown lands able to relate old tales they fancied were exclusively their own, was such that in a short time the house was fi lled with inquisitive listeners. Thus I gained the old man’s confi dence and we were soon discussing the folk-lore of these people as experts [sic!], the reserve he had shown at fi rst being gradually discarded« (Rasmussen 1929, 17).

As we know, the knowledge learned by Rasmussen from Ivaluardjuk and other Igluligmiut informants is presented in his famous book, Intellectual Culture of the Iglulik Eskimos (1929). One may wonder what the Igluligmiut learned from Ras- mussen’s Greenlandic stories, and how this knowledge altered their vision of the cultural universe. Communication between the Inuit and early anthropologists was certainly voluntary. Native motives for interaction were primarily pragmatic, due probably to a growing Inuit familiarity with the Euro-American goods and life-styles. Anthropo- logists also contracted the ﬁ rst ’professional informants’ among the Inuit who were hired as assistants, guides, and storytellers. They were rewarded with payment for their services. One also witnessed the ﬁ rst deliberate partnerships in knowledge documentation, as Inuit experts were now eager to share data on endangered pieces

62 of their cultural legacy, like the old traditions and myths, and even to use ’European’ techniques, such as drawings, phonographs, and cameras to record their heritage3. Nevertheless, the dissemination of data collected remained completely out of the area and beyond the reach of and control by the Inuit communities. Patterns of acknowledgement were modiﬁ ed, compared to the early travelers’ accounts, as individual names and sources of information were now commonly dropped in monumental volumes of ’general ethnographies.’ In other contributions, however, anthropologists were quite eager to introduce native residents as individualized contributors, particularly as story-tellers, folklore and language experts - often with their photos and short biographical entries supplied.

The Arctic ’Enlightenment’: Teachers and Missionaries at Cultural Work Unlike many areas in Greenland and the Eastern Arctic, teachers and missionaries arrived in the Bering Strait region many decades after the early explorers, and even later than the ﬁ rst anthropologists. Still, they followed the same ideology of active change of Inuit life through education, spiritual (and often economic) transformation that they introduced elsewhere across the Arctic. It comes as no surprise that early anthropologists were often suspicious, if not outwardly critical, of the activities of missionaries and early teachers. Indeed, these two patterns of ’research’ could hardly be more different. Like the ﬁ rst anthropologists, early teachers and missionaries mastered native languages, but they were also quite active in promoting European languages as the mode of ’spiritual enlightment’ and even of daily interaction. Unlike anthropologists, both missionaries and early teachers considered their prime goal in introducing reasonable and, often, active changes in native life, that is, in ’social engineering’ rather than in documentation (and, to a lesser extent, preservation) of traditional customs. For these and other reasons, in their educational and religious pursuits

3. Aron of Kangeq (1822-1869) in Greenland was probably the earliest and by far the most renowned Inuit artist who was encouraged to illustrate Inuit folk-stories with his own watercolor drawings. Franz Boas on Bafﬁ n Island in 1883-84 engaged several of his Inuit friends and informants in drawing maps with native placenames. Bogoras in Chukotka in 1900-01 was also very active in promoting his Chuk- chi and Yupik informants to make pencil drawings illustrating shaman stories and myths he duly collected. He also documented the use of a phonograph by one Yupik family in the village of Ungazik (Chaplino) to record songs by members of another tribe. On a later use of cameras by the Inuit in the Canadian Arctic see: Graburn 1998, 24.

63 in Inuit communities they often skipped the most knowledgeable elder experts by far preferred by anthropologists and deliberately antagonized them as ’pagans’ and ’shamans.’ Instead, they relied on new dedicated cadres of their own - the converts, the enthusi- astic youth, the orphans, and the activists. These people were eager to deliver everything they knew, although usually they did not have access to the most sacred strata of native intellectual culture. Hence, the new motives in data collection were introduced via the ideological polarization of native communities. In response, many new control mechanisms were installed by the elders, this time against the younger segment of their own society. For example, we know of many cases in Chukotka in the 1930s and 1940s when knowledge of rituals, shamanistic practices, and sacred myths was deliberately withheld by elders from the native youth. It was eventually lost because of the break in transmission and the new Communist values espoused by the young converts (Krupnik and Vakhtin 1998). Despite their craving for social/spiritual ’engineering,’ missionaries and teachers made an invaluable contribution to arctic cultural studies, and many of them eventually became professional scientists. They have to be credited with the introduction of individual Inuit voices and Inuit languages to arctic cultural research. They were the ﬁ rst to advance literacy in native communities and to encourage writing in European and Inuit languages as a mean of documenting historical events and old stories4. They collected and published early native diaries and personal life stories, and they highly favored individual accounts of the ’old life’ and of personal spiritual transformation5. They also promoted various forms of native art, particularly drawings, and later sculpture and ivory carving, as cultural documentation (Phebus 1972), ’artistic expression,’ and as potential sources of occupation and income. Mis- sionaries and, later, secular teachers were also very active and highly successful in disseminating their materials in targeted native communities and across a broader Inuit audience. They pioneered and encouraged native participation and various new forms of cooperation via joint authorship in text- and prayer books, and later by pub- lishing materials written exclusively by native authors. Hence, new patterns of direct and individual acknowledgement of native contribution were established. In Siberia

4. Petersen 1984, 640-641. Of course, the best-known case is Hinrich Rink’s published call for Green- landers to document old myths and personal stories; it culminated in four volumes of Inuit tales and narratives (1859-63). This effort was preceded by an earlier attempt undertaken in 1823-28 by Peter Kragh, a Danish missionary in Egedesminde (Thisted 1996, 254-255). 5. The ﬁ rst pieces of native writing in the Bering Strait area were published by teachers-missionaries in 1903, as excerpts from the daily journals of Yupik reindeer apprentices on St. Lawrence Island.

64 dozens of Soviet school text- and reading books were printed in the 1930s under the names of newly educated Yupik and Chukchi students or in co-authorship with their Russian teachers (Krauss 1973). Unfortunately, these patterns of knowledge dissemination via native-authored publications produced for local audiences and often in native languages were all but abandoned in later decades (at least, in the Bering Strait area), during the subsequent period dominated by ’pure’ academic research.

Building the Tower: The Academic Social Science The term ’academic scientists’ is used here to embrace a highly diversifi ed spectrum of social and cultural scholars who dominated research at the university depart- ments and museums after the 1930s and 1940s. They represented an expanding family of sub-disciplines, such as ethnology (cultural anthropology), linguistics, archaeology, physical anthropology, sociology, acculturation, and health studies. Each of these sub-disciplines advanced its specifi c methods and a pattern of distinctive fi eld research of its own. The key contribution of this period was an understanding of the complexity and the ongoing changes in Inuit culture, community structure, and life in the North. Moti- ves for native engagement in research also became increasingly mixed. Several sub- fi elds, like linguistics and museum and folklore studies, often appealed to the need to preserve and to save the old cultural legacy, and this usually generated a strong native response. Other fi elds, like archaeology or native art studies, could hardly provide reasonable motives for engagement rather than offering additional sources of income to native co-workers. Based on my personal experience in Chukotka in the 1970s, the local Yupik and Chukchi people rarely voiced concern about control over collection of scientifi c data. Evidences of informant fatigue and skepticism were quite obvious, but people were far more worried about other important aspects of their life, including economy, political power, child education, and spiritual expression. Interaction with scientists was somehow monitored through bonds of trust and personal friendship, and so were patterns of acknowledgement and dissemination. Academic life continued to be too far apart from the native communities, and few efforts were made to accommodate scientifi c publications to local audiences. Certain sub-fi elds (like physical anthropology, stress, nutrition, and budget studies) became increasingly alienated from the native residents and relied upon their resemblance to governmen- tal and medical surveys, in which local villagers participated with growing indif- ference.

65 This period of almost fi fty years witnessed several confl icting transitions in the Inuit communities. On the one hand, profi ciency in many forms of traditional cultural legacy, particularly in language, folklore, historical and spiritual knowledge, became increasingly unequal and concentrated primarily within a limited group of elders and individual experts (Krupnik and Vakhtin 1997, 237-238). On the other hand, while the amount of research (and the number of incoming researchers) was growing, it had hardly any visible positive impact upon native communities. As more local villagers became better educated and more familiar with the written means of transmitting and disseminating knowledge, competition and tension increased. For the fi rst time northern residents, particularly the younger ones, perceived portions of their historical legacy as being written down, ’packaged,’ and shipped out of the area for use by outsiders. It did not count that the elders still exercised control over the most sensitive cultural data. Nor did it matter that written documentation by scholars was often the only alternative to the eventual loss of invaluable cultural resources as traditional oral forms of transmission lost ground. As selected Inuit experts and scientists continued to forge friendship and intellectual partnerships6, other segments of the native community experienced a growing sense of alienation from the benefi ts of such exchanges.

Modern Era: Subsistence and ’Indigenous Knowledge’ Stu- dies This alienation, followed by the political empowerment of Inuit communities in the 1970s, planted the seeds of controversy that fully emerged during the most recent period in interactions between the Inuit and academic science. This ’modern era’ is dominated by studies of native subsistence practices (since the early 1980s) and, later, by research on indigenous (or ’traditional’) ecological knowledge. To the Inuit people, this is probably the largest portion of their cultural legacy in active daily use, and it is one of immense practical value. It also ﬁ ts the accepted standards of ’intellectual property,’ since environmental and subsistence knowledge is usually locally focused and extremely individualized as one’s personal expertise. Even in traditional times successful hunters, artists and craftsmen, tended to guard this kind of knowledge and to keep it within their family and lineage.

6. On the individual partnerships and outstanding input(s) of some Inuit contributors to scientiﬁ c research in northern Alaska (primarily in natural sciences), see Brewster 1997.

66 At this most critical junction in the history of cultural research in the Arctic all key issues of motives, benefi ts, and control were vigorously questioned by the Inuit community. Responses are still highly controversial, and no single strategy offers a solution. On the one hand, Inuit intellectual expertise gained a new status and an unprecedented level of respect and public recognition. In many cases, Inuit col- laborators were empowered as critical contributors of knowledge, on an equal (if not a higher) footing with the professional scientists (Fienup-Riordan 1999, 2). Several Inuit elders and local resource users have been recognized as acknowledged histo- rians, environmental experts, and skilled game management practitioners. Inuit voices are now documented and individual authorship is acknowledged and promoted at a level unknown since the days of the early missionaries and teachers. Parti- cipation in subsistence research projects also brought new skills as well as prestige and fi nancial rewards to the Inuit communities. Dozens of new Inuit institutions, grass-root agencies, and local boards were established, with their primary mission to document native knowledge and to conduct cultural and environmental research. Finally, thanks to the many scientifi c projects, northern residents became aware of numerous invisible modern perils brought to the Arctic, such as pollution, nuclear contamination, increased UV radiation, mineral defi ciency. Still, benefi ts did not always count against potential hazards as communities wat- ched their elders’ knowledge being taped over days and hours of protracted interviews. Nor was there a visible feedback delivered as a result of or rewards for Inuit participation in many local subsistence and knowledge studies. While these were initially advocated as the means to ’incorporate’ native knowledge in game management regimes, environmental assessments, and economic recommendations, the regimes and game quotas enforced still remained primarily the product of lobbying, political negotiation, and bureaucratic decision-making beyond the Inuit regions. Whenever this happened, the stage was set for alienation and even for open resent- ment, which was often aimed at scientists engaged in the collection and documentation of Inuit knowledge.

Lessons Learned? What are the lessons to learn from a 250-year record of interaction between Inuit knowledge and academic science? It certainly reveals that the early patterns of sharing, acknowledgement, and dissemination were hardly adequate, according to modern standards. The record, however, does not speak for any critical opposition between the Inuit and academic knowledge. Nor does it point to any insurmounta- ble barriers in matching these two types of wisdom. Sure, a certain level of elitism

67 exists on one side paired by a frequent anti-academism (’anti-intellectualism’) on the other. But overall, this is far more a story of cooperation than of antagonism, of mutual respect rather than of one-sided advantages. While cultural/anthropological research in native communities could sometimes look insensitive and often exhibited a certain ﬂ avor of ’social engineering,’ it was rarely ill minded and hardly aimed at the cultural destruction of the societies under study. Sure, arctic anthropology was an intellectual byproduct of the European (Euro-American) expansion to the North, but it should and could not in any way be equated with the colonial domination and the ’Christian versus Native’ stereotypes of the dominant society. Hence, patterns and paradigms developed through political negotiations or modern land-claim processes hardly serve in the ﬁ eld of intellectual interaction and knowledge dissemination. At the very end, it was academic social science that brought an understanding of the diversity and richness of Inuit culture and introduced the voices and languages of the Inuit people to the public and the world at large. I can also cite at least three critical contributions that can be drawn from this story of changing intellectual encounters between Inuit and academic knowledge over 250 years. Firstly, the issue of native control over documentation and dissemination of knowledge by academic researchers was hardly a matter of concern most of the time. As stated, Inuit informants were always able to maintain a certain level of control over data they shared through many mechanisms - from avoidance to language barriers to withdrawal from the most sensitive issues. Several new powerful checks are now in place to guarantee free and voluntary exchange of information, including community approval, individual formal consent, and the new principle of ’intellectual property rights.’ Overall, nothing in current research techniques can dramatically alter today the level of Inuit control over information collected by social scientists - as one can hardly force people to talk about their culture against their will. The dissemination of collected knowledge is a different matter. Here, academic patterns of data presentation in books and articles or in papers delivered at professional meetings have barely changed over the last 100 years. For most of the time these venues remained of little interest to northern communities because of language, distance, and educational barriers. Most of these barriers are now overcome due to recent advances in education and communication technology in northern areas. Educated and politically active, modern Arctic residents increasingly see themselves as a constituency engaged in and concerned about the outcomes of academic research in the North. Formats of data dissemination and of reaching out, which are

68 still commonly used by academic scholars, lag far behind this rapid transition. In a similar way, established patterns of acknowledgement of native input and contribution of individual experts in academic publications often seem inadequate these days. Secondly, the story clearly illustrates that the gap between native knowledge and academic cultural studies in the Arctic is not growing; in fact, it is narrowing. Since the 1970s, the Inuit people themselves (fi rst in Alaska, later in Greenland and Canada) made tremendous efforts in documentation of their historical knowledge and cultural tradition(s) - with or without any direct input from professional scientists. More and more Inuit participants are now attending professional scientifi c meetings and international conferences - as panel members, plenary and invited speakers, students, and guests. Inuit researchers and local experts serve on the boards of professional scientifi c associations (such as the International Association of Arctic Social Scientists) and/or academic periodicals (such as Études/Inuit/ Studies). As northern communities and individual residents improve their knowledge of and their access to the scientifi c meetings, written records, universities, libraries, museum and archival collections, and modern electronic communication, they acquire a new interest and stake in academic research. These were simply non- existent 50 or even 20 years ago. Thirdly, several fi elds of cultural and social studies already suffer from an emerging break in communication between scientists and local communities, as research in the Arctic becomes increasingly complicated, logistically challenging, and politically charged. The ’hard core’ of arctic social scientists is now a dwindling population, with an average age of 47 (Burch 1997, ii). As the academic community slips beyond the level of replacement, shrinking of research (and of shared academic knowledge) in certain fi elds becomes a somber reality, particularly for such areas as archaeology, kinship, comparative linguistics, early and contact history. I believe certain strategies can be helpful in addressing this critical situation. Con- tinuous efforts in academic documentation and presentation of native knowledge should be matched with an advance in native ’ways’ or patterns in cultural research. Several new formats for bridging academic and native science can be forged based on modern visions of and technologies in public outreach and communication. In a sense, arctic anthropology has to transform itself as quickly as the cultures and communities it studies are developing into modern societies (Krupnik 1998). Advancing ’academic patterns’ in the documentation of Inuit knowledge may eventually help to bring it closer to the highly individualized academic scholarship, which

69 is based upon established rules of personal authorship, copyright, and required references to the individual sources of information. This will certainly improve the recording, publication, and acknowledgement of expertise possessed by Inuit elders and whole communities. More academic publications are now submitted (and, surely, will be submitted in future) as joint contributions co-authored with native experts, elders, or even local communities at large (e.g. Condon et al. 1997; Fienup-Riordan et al. 1996; Huntington et al. 1999; Mymrin et al. 1999, etc.). This will inevitably guarantee an appropriate control over information, which people may consider ’sensitive’ for the time being. As knowledge about the ways and rules that govern academic research and the life of researchers becomes more common in Inuit communities, it will open new grounds for cooperation and respect. It will also leave less ’gray areas’ for potential animosity and competition. The expansion of the ’Inuit formats’ in modern cultural studies means just the opposite process, as it champions the efforts aimed at knowledge sharing, encoura- ges collective authorship, and elevates community (rather than individual) focus in research and data dissemination. An increasing number of cultural and ’knowledge’ projects in the North are currently designed with a perspectives and advice of their native participants, or are initially framed following Inuit view on how the study should be done7. Dozens (maybe hundreds) of northern residents are now engaged in the collection and documentation of knowledge, its subsequent analysis and publication, that is, research. As a result, growing body of scientifi c information is coming from projects conducted by the Inuit themselves, including such new forms of data collection as ’elders conferences’ and elder-youth cultural camps (Thorpe 1998). In a similar way, information once collected by scientists as a product of cultural research could be converted back into a ’common resource.’ It can be easily dupli- cated, processed, and returned to the Inuit communities for their use. Historical pho- tographs, old censuses and village lists, genealogical charts, unpublished reports, old folklore texts, and personal life stories preserved in archives, fi eld notes, and in early publications are among the academic sources that are of particular value to northern residents. Museum collections can be put in small travelling or locally constructed exhibits or published as illustrated catalogs produced for specifi c local areas or even for individual communities. These and other venues in intellectual sharing initiated by professional scholars and museum curators will, again, bridge the more individualized academic social science and community-oriented local knowledge.

7. See the discussion and examples in Ferguson and Messier 1997; Ferguson et al. 1998; Fienup-Rior- dan 1997; 1999; Huntington 1998; Stevenson 1996.

70 And, fi nally, there is a whole new arena of cooperation that can capitalize on advances in modern communication technology and on the new resources channeled into community education and research in northern regions. This ’third way’ for bridging native knowledge and academic science is currently being pursued by several new colleges and universities with their cultural (heritage) programs established across the circumpolar area, from Barrow to Iqaluit to Nuuk to Rovaniemi to Salek- hard to Anadyr. It is actively promoted in classes and seminars co-chaired by pro- fessors and local elders (as in Iqaluit and Barrow). It is advanced by new museum programs, as collections are being brought directly to native villages (ASC Newslet- ter 1998) and Inuit elders go on long trips to foreign museums to see and to talk about old ethnographic objects (Fienup-Riordan 1998). There is a burgeoning fi eld of the Internet communication and the emerging audience of ’Inuit in cyberspace’ (Christensen 1998) that creates new interactive venues in the virtual imaging of native cultures none of us even dreamed about even a few years ago. These new channels may eventually produce new patterns of partnership, which will reshape the face of Arctic anthropology and will open the fi eld of ’Inuit studies’ to its most devoted constituency, the Inuit people. Acknowledgements. I want to thank the organizers of the 11th Inuit Studies Confe- rence (Dr. Claus Andreasen from the Ilisimatusarfi k/University of Greenland, in particular) who offered me a chance to address this topic at the plenary session in Nuuk. Several conference participants followed up with words of encouragement as well as with useful comments and criticism. While working on this paper I received invaluable help from Ernest S. Burch, Jr., Henry P. Huntington, William Sturtevant, Nikolay Vakhtin, and James W. VanStone. Knowledge sharing and cooperation with my colleagues at the Smithsonian Arctic Studies Center, William Fitzhugh, Ste- phen Loring, and Aron Crowell, provided critical fi rst-hand experience in many programs aimed at bridging academic science and native communities across the Arctic. Thank you all.

References ASC Newsletter 1998 Arctic Studies Center Newsletter 6. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Insti- tution. Brewster, Karen 1997 Native Contributions to Arctic Science at Barrow, Alaska. Arctic 50(3):277-284.

71 Burch, Ernest S. Jr. 1980 Traditional Eskimo Societies in northwest Alaska. Senri Ethnological Studies 4:253-304. Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology. 1997 International Directory of Arctic Social Scientists. Compiled by Ernest S. Burch, Jr. Arlington, VA: National Science Foundation. 1998 The Cultural and Natural Heritage of Northwest Alaska. Vol. 7 - Interna- tional Affairs. Volume prepared for the NANA Museum of the Arctic and the U.S. National Park Service, Anchorage, Alaska. Christensen, Neil Blair. 1998 Inuit in Cyberspace: Arctic Users Networking Between Past and Future. Paper presented at the 11th Inuit Studies Conference. Nuuk, Greenland (September 23-27, 1998). Condon, Richard G., with Julia Ogina and the Holman Elders. 1996 The Northern Copper Inuit. A History. Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press. Ferguson, Michael A.D. and François Messier. 1997 Collection and Analysis of Traditional Ecological Knowledge about a Population of Arctic Tundra Caribou. Arctic 50(1):17-28. Ferguson, Michael A.D. Williamson, Robert G. and François Messier. 1998 Inuit Knowledge of Long-term Changes in a Population of Arctic Tundra Caribou, 1998. Arctic 51(3): 201-219. Fienup-Riordan, Ann. 1997 Our Way of Making an Exhibit: Lessons Learned. Unpublished paper presented at the Opening of the Yup’ik Masks Exhibit, Agayuliyararput. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution [Quoted with author’s permission]. 1998 Yup’ik Elders in Museums: Standing Fieldwork on its Head. Arctic Anthropology 35(2) [in press]. 1999 Yaqulget Qaillun Pilartat (What the Birds Do): Yup’ik Eskimo Under- standing of Geese and Those Who Study Them. Arctic 52(1): 1-22.

72 Fienup-Riordan, Ann (ed.) 1996 Agayuliyararput. Kegginaqut, Kangiit-llu. Our Way of Making Prayer. Yup’ik Masks and the Stories They Tell. Transcribed and translated by Marie Mead. Seattle and London: Anchorage Museum of History and Art and the University of Washington Press. Graburn, Nelson 1998 Weirs in the River of Time: The Development of Historical Conscious- ness among Canadian Inuit. Museum Anthropology 22(1): 18-32. Hooper, William H. 1976 Ten Months Among the Tents of the Tuski. New York: AMS Press (1st Edition, London 1853). Huntington, Henry P. 1998 Observations on the Utility of the Semi-directive Interview for Documen- ting Traditional Ecological Knowledge. Arctic 51(3): 237-242. Huntington, Henry P. and the Communities of Buckland, Elim, Koyuk, Point Lay, and Shaktoolik 1999 Traditional Knowledge of the ecology of Beluga Whales (Delphinapterus leucas) in the Eastern Chukchi and Northern Bering Seas, Alaska. Arctic 52(1): 49-61. Krause, Aurel 1984 Zur Tschuktschen-Halbinsel and zu den Tlinkit-Indianern 1881/82, Rei- setagebücher und Briefe von Aurel and Arthur Krause. : Dietrich Reimer Verlag. Krauss, Michael E. 1973 Eskimo-Aleut. Current Trends in Linguistics 10 (Linguistics in North America):796-902. The Hague-Paris. Krupnik, Igor 1998 The Changing Arctic: New Visions for Arctic Anthropology. ASC News- letter 6: 2-4. Krupnik, Igor and Nikolay Vakhtin 1999 Indigenous Knowledge in Modern Culture: Siberian Yupik Ecological Legacy in Transition. Arctic Anthropology 34(1): 236-252.

73 1998 Remembering and Forgetting: Indigenous Knowledge and Culture Change in Chukotka [in press]. Mymrin, Nikolay I., the Communities of Novoe Chaplino, Sireniki, Uelen, and Yanrakinnot, and Henry P. Huntington 2000 Traditional Knowledge of the Ecology of Beluga Whales (Delphinapterus leucas) in the Northern Bering Sea, Chukotka, Russia. Arctic 52(1): 62-70. Petersen, Robert 1984 Greenlandic Written Literature. In: D. Damas (ed.). Arctic. Hanbook of North American Indians 5: 640-645. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. Phebus, George, Jr. 1972 Alaskan Eskimo Life in the 1890s As Sketched by Native Artists. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. Rasmussen, Knud 1929 Intellectual Culture of the Iglulik Eskimos. Report of the 5th Thule Expedition 1921-24, 5(1). Copenhagen. Stevenson, Marc G. 1996 Indigenous Knowledge in Environmental Assessment. Arctic 49(3): 278-291. 1997 Inuit, Whalers, and Cultural Persistence. Structure in Cumberland Sound and Central Inuit Social Organization. Toronto: Oxford University Press. Thisted, Kirsten 1996 Republication of Greenlandic Tales Collected in the Nineteenth Century. In: B. Jacobsen (ed.). Cultural and Social Research in Greenland 95/96. Essays in Honour of Robert Petersen. Nuuk: Ilisimatusarﬁ k, pp. 253-264. Thorpe, Natasha L. 1998 The Hiukitak School of Tuktu: Collecting Inuit Ecological Knowledge of Caribou and Calving Areas Through an Elder-Youth Camp. Arctic 51(4): 403-408. Wenzel, George W. 1999 Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Inuit: Reﬂ ections on TEK Research and Ethics. Arctic 52(2).

74 Border under Siege: An Author’s Attempt to Reconcile two Cultures Michael P. J. Kennedy

Since the early 1970s, the poetry, fi ction, and non-fi ction of Alootook Ipellie have found voice in various publications printed in English. The initial poetry and non- fi ction which appeared fi rst in journals such as North and Inuit Monthly marked the beginning of a literary career which has illustrated well what it is to be an Inuk in Canada during the latter half of the twentieth century. In over two and a half decades of writing, Ipellie has created literature which largely erases the border that has separated pre-colonial Inuit cultural traditions from post- colonial contemporary cultural elements of the South. How he has managed to do this will be illustrated through a discussion and evaluation of samples of his work including autobiographical non-fi ction, poetry, and short fi ction. Reference will be made to specifi c works which have appeared in various literary and cultural publications including such journals as Canadian Literature, The Beaver, Canadian Jour- nal of Native Studies, Studies in Canadian Literature, and Inuit Fiction Magazine as well as to works which have been published in anthologies such as Paper Stays Put, Northern Voices, and An Anthology of Canadian Native Literature in English. In addition, the discussion will include examination of Ipellie’s own ground-breaking collection of short fi ction, Arctic Dreams and Nightmares and selected drawings. »Walking Both Sides of an Invisible Border«

It is never easy Walking with an invisible border Separating my left and right foot

I feel like an illegitimate child Forsaken by my parents At least I can claim innocence Since I did not ask to come Into this world

Walking on both sides of this Invisible border

75 Each and every day And for the rest of my life Is like having been Sentenced to a torture chamber Without having committed a crime

Understanding the history of humanity I am not the least surprised This is happening to me A non-entity During this population explosion In a minuscule world

I did not ask to be born an Inuk Nor did I ask to be forced To learn an alien culture With an alien language But I lucked out on fate Which I am [un]able to undo

I have resorted to fancy dancing In order to survive each day No wonder I have earned The dubious reputation of being The world’s premier choreographer Of distinctive dance steps That allow me to avoid Potential personal paranoia On both sides of this invisible border

Sometimes this border becomes so wide That I am unable to take another step My feet being too far apart When my crotch begins to tear apart I am forced to invent A brand new dance step The premier choreographer Saving the day once more

76 Destiny acted itself out Deciding for me where I would come from And what I would become

So I am left to fend for myself Walking in two different worlds Trying my best to make sense Of two opposing cultures Which are unable to integrate Lest they swallow one another whole

Each and every day Is a ﬁ ghting day A war of nerves And to show for my efforts I have a fair share of wins and losses

When will all this end This senseless battle Between my left and right foot

When will the invisible border Cease to be

(Moses and Goldie 1998, pp.323-325)

In creating this poem, writer-artist Alootook Ipellie has described the chasm that has existed between traditional Inuit culture and lifestyle and that of the dominant society of southern Canada to which Canadian Inuit have been exposed for generations. The poem voices much of what Ipellie himself has experienced as an Inuk caught up in the changing world which has been the Canadian Arctic of the latter half of the twentieth century. He was born into a semi-nomadic family on Bafﬁ n Island in 1951, yet he lived primarily in Iqaluit, thus experiencing the inﬂ uence of two diverse cultures. In his words: ...I spent most of my adolescence in Iqaluit during a period of Inuit cultural upheaval....It was a trying period because most families were struggling to adjust to community living that festered with new social

77 problems....I went through school wanting to write about what I had seen.

(Moses and Goldie 1998, pp.503-04).

What Ipellie had seen ﬁ rst-hand was a period of remarkable change in the Arctic. As a boy in Iqaluit and environs, he spent time with his grandfather and learned the art of story as well as an appreciation for broader concepts of Inuit tradition: »I have always been fascinated by stories ever since I used to hear my grandfather telling them. I had the feeling that I wanted to do it for a lifetime...« (Ipellie 1995, n.p.). He also spent time on the land with his uncle and learned to respect further his ancesters and their way of life. He discusses the signiﬁ cance of the land in an interview that appeared in Studies in Canadian Literature in 1996: I’ve never lost that pull of the land. It’s part of a people who are very connected to Nature, because they know that the land is very sacred to them and there is always that spiritual connection to the land. They know that they cannot go on without that special connection to the land - the sacredness of the land. You have to have that spiritual connection with it, otherwise you’re gone, you’re not a people anymore.

(Kennedy 1996, p.157)

In a 1983 article entitled »My Story,« Ipellie states: »The transition from a nomadic way of life to a modern community- oriented living has had some pretty enormous consequences on the personal lives of the Inuit« (Ipellie 1983a, p.57). Ippelie has sought to give voice to the changes experienced by Inuit in Canada’s eastern Arctic and, in his words, to« make known the dilemma my people are facing in the midst of this great transition from a nomadic way to urban and community way of life« (Ipellie 1983a, p. 58). His is very much a post-colonial voice. Thomas King in his article »Godzilla vs. Post-Colonial« outlines the difference between pre and post-colonial literature among North America’s indigenous people: ...pre-colonial literature was that literature, oral in nature, that was in existence prior to European contact, a literature that existed exclusively within speciﬁ c cultural communities. Post-colonial literature then must be the

78 literature produced by Native people sometime after colonization, a literature that arises in large part out of the experience of colonization.

(King 1990, p.11)

While some may see the post-colonial creative voice of indigenous people as being alien to and detached from Native oral tradition, King believes otherwise. Indeed, as an indigenous writer himself, he views some post-colonial work as being what he refers to as »interfusional,.... a blending of oral literature and written literature« (King 1990, p.13). Kateri Damm in »Says Who: Colonialism, Identity, and Deﬁ ning Indigenous Lite- rature,« notes how for some aboriginal writers, and Ipellie would appear to be one of these, contemporary works need not be divorced from past traditions: We remember the past and carry it with us. It means that because of our ancestry and our connections to the land we’re distinct peoples within our societies, but that [hundreds of] years of contact have not left us unaffected. We are affected by the world around us, albeit some more than others, and we are less and less likely to conform to the deﬁ nitions of a non-Native imagination. What it means is that the reality is that we have not faded into the earth like snow before the summer sun of »progress« nor have we stagnated in some sort of retrograde time capsule. We have survived and will continue to survive because of, and in spite of, the changes.

(Damm 1993, p.16)

In The Canadian Post-Modern, Linda Hutcheon discussess how »the post-modern ’different’ is starting to replace the humanist ùniversal’ as a prime cultural value« (Hutcheon 1988, p.ix). She expresses how »contemporary Canadian fi ction is full of examples of a postmodern challange to the boundries« (Hutcheon 1988, p.5) Collec- tively, Ipellie’s body of work exemplifi es this concept. It builds on Inuit orature and tradition and borrows ideas and conventions from the dominant culture of southern Canada to create a »different;« a new voice for contemporary Inuit.

79 According to Penny Petrone in Northern Voices: Inuit Writing in English, »Accul- turated young people are articulating the feelings of a generation caught in a crisis of identity trying to determine a way of life that will protect their identity and at the same time cope with the massive outside infl uences in their lives« (Petrone 1988, p.201). In »Walking Both Sides of an Invisible Border«, Ipellie speaks of the inability of the »two different worlds« or »two opposing cultures« to integrate. Ironically, in his own creative work - his poetry, fi ction, non-fi ctional prose, and art, he has attacked invisible borders with great vigour. Indeed, the borders that divide Inuit from non- Inuit, pre-colonial from post- colonial, and the »different« from the universal are under constant siege throughout the works of Alootook Ipellie. He is a post-modern writer who links the pre-colonial traditions of Inuit song and tale with post-modern social criticism and imaginative magic realism. Jeannette Armstrong in a paper presented at the Saskatchewan Writers Guild Annual Meeting in 1990 states: »Our task as Native writers is twofold. To examine the past and culturally affi rm toward a new vision for all our people in the future...« (Armstrong 1990, p.145). Before any new vision can be explored, a knowledge of and respect for the artistic traditions of the past are essential. Ipellie’s early work relies extensively on Inuit tradition: In most of the early poetry that I did, I was trying to interpret some of the old ways of my people. Even though I was very young at the time when I did the [early] poems, I was infl uenced by my immediate family and the elders in Iqaluit. I was thinking about the culture that was dying, trying to remember some of the things that I knew from the land.

(Kennedy 1996, p.158)

In its subject matter and presentation, his early poetry reﬂ ects well Inuit oral tradition as recorded by Knud Rasmussen (Fifth Thule Expedition 1921-1924), collected by Diamond Jenness between 1913 and 1918 and documented by Paul Emile Victor in the 1930s (McGrath 1984, p.40). In her work Canadian Inuit Literature: The Development of a Tradition, Robin McGrath (Gedalof) discusses Inuit orature and its evolution to contemporary literary expression. She refers to »The Inuit fondness for words and pictures together...in a number of aspects of Inuit culture« (McGrath 1984, p.19) and how »illustration seems to be a signiﬁ cant and integral

80 part of Eskimo [Inuit] literature« (McGrath 1984, p.21). Referring to traditional Inuit orature McGrath says there is a »simplicity of tone, language, and subject matter, all of which combine to suggest the depth of the importance of brief moments of emotion« (McGrath 1984, p.45). Penny Petrone refers to traditional Inuit poetry as being »intense and direct« with the »power of imagination« being »straightforward and sparse...the power of emotion is isolated in a few words in sharp and vivid images« (Petrone 1988, p.5). Not dissimilar from the songs of his ancestors as discussed by McGrath and Petrone, Ipellie’s early published poetry such as the three illustrated poems encompassing »Hot to Warm and Cool to Cold,« captures in an unadorned fashion something of the relationship between Inuit and their environment. Using categories of Inuit song ﬁ rst delineated by Rasmussen and elaborated upon by McGrath, the following poem would adhere to the tenets of songs of mood (McGrath 1984, pp.44-45). This early poetry is unencumbered by southern values, attitudes, and beliefs: The mosquitoes are at large today As the wind stills, as the sun heats, And we walk the rocks under, Searching the hills for the meat And hide of the useful caribou That feeds and clothes my family, Through four different seasons When the winds change from Hot to warm, and cool to cold.

It’s hot today and my boy is tired We’ve been walking for miles too long With a pack of things we need to eat and sleep While we’re on a hunt searching the hills For food. We need so very much to date, But we will have to stop to rest Ourselves, hoping and hoping all the time, The hunted one will come to sight When the winds change from Hot to warm, and cool to cold.

(Ipellie 1971, p.34)

81 His 1974 cover for Inuit Monthly (Volume 3, Number 1, January 1974) illustrates well how early ink drawings of Ipellie also showed an understated directness reminiscent of his ancestors. Intricate brush strokes »quietly« form an understated picture of a family taking home a seal which they have killed.

(Ipellie, 1974a, cover) McGrath’s observation regarding what she refers to as »Inuit fondness for words and pictures together« (McGrath 1984, p.19), can be seen throughout the work of Alootook Ipellie conﬁ rming his creative link with pre-colonial creative tradition. A series of poems published in Inuit Today embodies elements of song and illustration that are reminiscent of his ancestors. Under the collective title of »Arctic Poetry« these poems appeared in June 1981: »The Water Moved An Instant Before« They appeared out of the blue! These beautiful beasts are Feast to our eyes! They never fail to hasten our blood! These providers of food, Of spearheads, and oil. We have reached their domain at last!

(Ipellie 1981, p.43)

82 »Comfort on the Shoulders«

No. There is no chance. The land is too vast. The legs can only go so far Before they become limp. Is it not right The north is vast? Aye’, says the child.

(Ipellie 1981, p.42)

83 »A Child and Puppy«

These two. Innocent. Free. They possess A freshness of youth.

(Ipellie 1981, p.39)

84 These poems, like the Inuit songs of old, reﬂ ect a clarity which speaks directly of the reality of pre-colonial times. They show a knowledge of and respect for traditional expression and the immediacy of experience; the »importance of brief moments of emotion« (McGrath 1984, p.45). Using the categories discussed by McGrath, they would appear to be within the tradition of songs of mood (McGrath 1984, pp.44-45). Other poems by Ipellie which provide similar evidence of his use of traditional expression include: »I Shall Wait and Wait« (Ipellie 1974c, p.65) which is in the tradition of Inuit hunting songs (McGrath 1984, pp.44-45) and a series of poems which were collected in the 1976 volume Canada: Pictures of a Great Land by Jur- gen Boden and Hans Scherz: »I Shall Wait and Wait«

As I stood alone on the middle of the ice The sky above was getting darker by the minute. The seal had not yet come.

85 It must be somewhere out there where I cannot see it. It must be playing in the water below the ice, Or searching for food as I am doing now. He lives his life too, as I do.

I came here to bring food to my family, So it is most important that I stay and wait. Wait till the seal comes up to the hole below me. A hole that is ﬁ lled with salted water. Food is waiting there.

My children are waiting for me too. Waiting to be fed from the seal that has not yet come.

The long wait is worth every single length of time. I shall wait until the seal arrives to breathe for life. Then I shall push my spear down into the hole As hard as I can and let the blood appear. Then I shall pull the seal, smiling with the wonderful Feeling that food is on its way to my family; To my wife, to my children.

They are still waiting for the moment When fresh meat will touch their tongues, Visit their tummies and enjoy the taste of the seal That hasn’t made an appearance yet through the hole below.

I shall wait and wait until it comes.

(Ipellie 1974c, p.65)

The Boden and Scherz volume includes »The Dancing Sun« and »The Passing of Spring and Summer« both of which illustrate the characteristics of songs of mood as well as the very special relationship between Inuit and Nature (McGrath 1984,pp.44-45,47). The magical and the spirtual elements of Inuit tradition are also captured in Canada: Pictures of a Great Land, with Ipellie’s »One of Those Wonder- ful Nights« and »The Midnight Shaman.«

86 »One of Those Wonderful Nights«

It was one of those wonderful nights When we gathered at the dance house. I recall the familiar sights When everyone laughed and danced And had a tremendous time. The great drums were booming, Hands were clapping, And happy faces were rocking back And forth with the rhythmic dancing Of the woman who had four legs. Happy were those days when this Woman danced all night long without Resting for a moment. She gave us so much joy, So much feeling for life, That the hazards of the land were Forgotten - In one of those wonderful nights When we gathered at the dance house.

(Boden and Sherz 1976, p.126)

»The Midnight Shaman« ﬁ rst appeared in Inuit Monthly (Ipellie 1974c, p.65), and One of Those Wonderful Nights« which was initially entitled »Art and Poetry,« ﬁ rst appeared in North/Nord (Ipellie 1975c, p.42) showing Ipellie’s early use of the magical in his work. Yet all these poems remain primarily traditional in subject matter, and not critical evaluations of contemporary social issues in the North. For Ipellie, capturing contemporary Inuit life has meant more than celebrating the pre-colonial. Indeed, much of his creative work has targeted problems with post- colonial Inuit life in Canada. One of the means by which he has done this is through the wit and artistry of his cartoons. His ongoing series of cartoons about the Nook family who live on the land in the changing North is seen in »Ice Box« which began in 1974 in Inuit Monthly. In Ipellie’s own words: My cartoons are often a mixture of the two cultures. Very often you’ll see the setting is the Arctic, but the storyline

87 itself is very often from the South. I think that’s mostly what I try to interpret in my cartoons, a mixture of the two cultures.

I realized that there was a need for my work I helped to fi ll each magazine with what was happening with my people, what needed to be said about current events. It was to fi ll a void that needed to be fi lled.

(Kennedy 1996, p.159)

The borders between Inuit ink drawings depicting in straightforward terms the life of the people of the North and contemporary satiric cartoons of social commentary as drawn in the Canadian South are defi nitely obliterated by Ipellie. In »Ice Box« the Nook family although living on the land are »aware of the Qallunaat (white people) and their modern technologies on their land, they have refused to be trapped into living in a community where many of their fellow Inuit have settled« (Ipellie 1983a, p.56). A cartoon entitled »Well Brother, That’s Progress« which appeared in the autobiographical piece entitled »My Story« in 1983, typifi es in humorous fashion the ongoing confl ict that exists between different generations and their approach to daily tasks. In this single drawing (Ipellie 1983a, p.55), the dichotomy that is Inuit life in the post-colonial era is presented in a light but concise manner. A »modern« hunter whose motor toboggan has become disabled, looks up as a »traditional« hunter with dog team whizzes past. With cartoon captions reminiscent of the straightforward songs of old, and with ink illustrations, Ipellie has managed to link the verbal with the visual, the humorous with the serious in his cartoons. »Nuna & Vut« was another cartoon series which Ipellie used to provide thoughful humour. Appearing in Iqaluit’s Nunatsiaq News from January 1994 until March 1997, this cartoon series dismantles borders between traditional ink drawings and modern subject matter, between the purely visual and the purely verbal, and between serious subject matter and humorous presentation. Ipellie’s cartoons, like many of his literary creations, attack borders: If I am thinking about something that is affecting my people in some way, then if I can somehow make it

simpler in one picture, or in one cartoon, then maybe I can help people to understand it better and have a laugh at the same time. In the cartoons and in the stories, humour has been a big part of my work from the beginning. But there has always been the underlying message about our people and the changes that were happening to us. I use humour because it attracts the minds of readers.

(Kennedy 1996, p.160)

The border that exists for some between humour that elicits laughter, and wit which provokes intellectual stimulation is not present in the work of Ipellie. Whether it is the method of presentation, subject matter, or target audience, part of the effective- ness of Ipellie’s work is its ability to open outward and to create work that is not conﬁ ned within limiting borders. The cartoons illustrate well a sense of the passing of the old ways, as the ideas, attitudes, and beliefs of the South encroach upon the North. As early as 1975, Ipellie wrote that »there is much to lament over the fact that the Inuit culture has become secondary in the daily lives of most Inuit, because the white culture has forced itself on their lives without their being given a chance to express their views,...« (Ipellie 1975b, p.78). In poetry, and in particular in the poem »«Akavik,« Ipellie speaks with respect about the loss of the old ways. The poem and accompanying drawing are familiar in expression--simple, straightforward, contemplative. Yet it is clear that the world of Akavik, »an old man of the North« is changing: »Akavik«

Akavik was now an old man - An old man of the North. Akavik sat in an old way And told tales of the old North. Akavik said; »Let me tell you of the old ways.« And he told until the night fell.

Akavik woke the next morning In an old way.

90 »The sun rises and I must rise, It is an old tradition.« And he rose from the bed In an old way.

Akavik said; »Let me tell you another story of the old North.« And he told till the night fell.

Akavik woke the next morning Laughing in an old way. »I dreamt about myself as an old Man living in the new times Of the North, telling tales Of the old ways. A young man came up to me and Said: `Akavik, you are too old for our times.’ I felt old for the ﬁ rst time.«

(Ipellie 1974b, p.102)

The post-colonial world, or in Akavik’s words, the »new times of the North,« are seen to be alien to those who are products of the old traditions. Ipellie is cognizant of this conﬂ ict of generations and lifestyles and presents it well. In so doing, his poem becomes the means of linking the past with the present.

91 In ﬁ ction, Ipellie’s short story »Nipkti: The Old Man Carver« which ﬁ rst appeared in 1976 (Ipellie 1976a; Ipellie 1976b; Ipellie 1980a; Ipellie 1980b) has the expression and tone of an oral tale being related by a storyteller. Yet, like the cartoons and the poem »Akavik,« it maintains resonance from the past while illustrating contemporary issues. It becomes »interfusional« literature in which the author has successfully attacked borders of categorization which would label it pre or post-colonial alone. Nipikti has a relationship with his environment, especially the three rocks upon which he rests each time he goes to the co-op store to sell his carvings. As he walks he recalls: »This is the place where he had hunted the good animals of the land. That is where he had taken care of his wife and family when they were growing up. `Those were good times of the past...’« (Ipellie 1980b, p.97). Ipellie captures well a period of change in the Arctic and how that change threatens the lifestyle of people like Nipkti. As Nipikti ventures along the road, his friends the rocks upon he can sit and contemplate his life, are a constant reminder of the good old days of the past. Yet his carvings are now for the store and its customers from the South and his friends the rocks are threatened by bulldozers and so-called »progress« (Ipellie 1980b, p.97). Ipellie successfully erases the border between pre and post-colonial as his work evolves into the contemporary without ignoring the past. His art and writing took a dramatic step toward contemporary expression with his exhibit of pen and ink drawings at Sisimiut, Greenland during an Inuit Circumpolar Conference in 1989 (Alia 1989, p.59). These forty drawings became the impetus for the twenty which were included with stories in his groundbreaking collection Arctic Dreams and Nightma- res (Gessell 1994, p.D5). In his Introduction, Ipellie says: »I write about what I think is right in translating the failures and accomplishments of a distinct culture caught in an unpredictable cultural transition« (Ipellie 1993, p.xii). »I became enthralled with the idea of writing stories based on some of the drawings« (Ipellie 1993, p.xviii). Using Thomas King’s term »interfusional« (King 1990, p. 13), the link between pre and post-colonial can be seen in Ipellie’s borderless creations. In this collection, visual is linked with verbal, pre-colonial imagination with post-colonial pop culture, the spiritual and aesthetic with the material and the mundane: Some of the stories the drawings inspired are true in a sense they happened in my dreams and nightmares. Other stories were inspired by people and events sur-

92 rounding my daily life. Still other stories and drawings came to me inspired by my ancestors’ extraordinary gift for inventing myths, stories, and legends. So, this book has become, quite by accident, a smorgasbord of stories and events, modern or traditional, true or imagined.

(Ipellie 1993, p.xix)

The fi ctional world of Alootook Ipellie has evolved beyond the traditional Inuit story, yet it depends on that tradition to be effective. The stories in Arctic Dreams and Nightmares refl ect the author’s knowledge of Inuit tradition as well as a sensi- tivity to how that tradition has been affected by southern culture and values. Mere retention of the old means of expression and accompanying tales alone does not refl ect the contemporary Inuit experience. Indeed, in Ipellie’s opinion Inuit writers must learn to »adapt their imagination and their story-telling tradition to suit today’s artistic demands« (Ipellie 1993, p.xv). In doing so in his own work, he has attacked any borders which would compart- mentalize and separate the old from the new and thereby he expands his potential audience. Ipellie has fabricated a fi ctional world which is inhabited by such familiar Inuit beings as the Sea Goddess Sedna (Arnarkuagsak or Nerrivik), shamans, and walru- ses yet through the creative hand of the author these are combined with recognizable Qallunaat individuals such as William Shakespeare and Brigitte Bardot to provide effective stories relevant to readers in the 1990s (Kennedy 1995, pp.355-356). In »Walrus Ballet Stories« the traditional hunt is linked with contemporary people and situations such as the Leningrad Ballet School, Dame Margot Fonteyn, the Royal Family, and Rudolf Nureyev (Ipellie 1993, pp.115-123). Similarly, the magical is linked with the realistic and historical in stories such as »When God Sings the Blues« (Ipellie 1993, pp.44-57), »After Brigitte Bardot« (Ipellie 1993, pp.104-113), and »Summit With Sedna, The Mother of Sea Beasts« (ipellie 1993, pp.34-42). The »Summit With Sedna,« is grounded in the traditional Woman of the Sea legend which is pan-Arctic in scope. In Ipellie’s hands, Sedna is described in frank terms relevant to contemporary readers as well. She is described as a sexually frustrated woman, victim of an abusive childhood: It had started when she was still a little girl living in the natural world a few years before she became Goddess of the Sea. Her father had sexually abused her many

93 times, and when it occurred, it lasted for hours on end. It was because of this prolonged abuse that she became emotionally, mentally, and physically doomed to sexual impotency - unable to have an orgasm no matter how hard or what method she tried.

(Ipellie 1993, p.39)

Ipellie has taken one of the stories from his Inuit heritage, added psychologically realistic elements and combined these with the magical. The result is a disturbing work which attacks with great vigour any borders which would separate the traditional from this timeless yet very contemporary subject matter. The tradition of the Woman of the Sea is one which deals with creation but also with sexuality and with a sometimes violent rejection of the woman by others. Ipellie has developed that tradition further using modern psycho-sexual terminology and contemporary sociolo- gical description to reach a wide audience. He has created »the different« based on the traditional to have the potential to affect new generations of readers who might otherwise have no connection with Inuit legend. In poetry, too, Ipellie’s works have evolved to move beyond works which have a clear link with traditional Inuit songs to include contemporary situations. In addition to poems such as »Walking Both Sides of an Invisible Border« there is »Take Me To You r Leader«: »Take Me to Your Leader«

»Take me to your leader,« the weird creature smiled at me. Well, which leader do you want? I asked. »The one who sits in his ofﬁ ce and reads.« Can you describe his appearance? »Plump. Furry. Moon-shaped face. Beautiful teeth.« What language does he speak? »Inuktitut. French-Canadian accent.« What does he eat? »Snow. Blood and guts. Cocaine.« Black hair, brown eyes, right? »Your getting the idea.« May I ask where he resides?

94 »Yellowknife. Ottawa. Britain.« Are you sure he doesn’t live in Nunavut? »He’s never set foot on it in his entire life.« Is this so? »So true. So true.« You mean our leader? You must be kidding me? »Well, want the real identity of your leader?« Okay, give it a good slow shot right here. »He’s a professionally-trained Qallunnaaq bureaucrat made up like an Inuk. Just like at Halloween!« (Silence) Quicklyyy! The smelling salt’s in my tobacco pouch! PLOP

Ipellie 1980, p.31)

The dialogue here is reminiscent of the song duals of traditional Inuit orature, yet the subject matter is most contemporary. Here Ipellie has encapsulated much much of the »both sides« referred to in »Walking Both Sides of an Invisible Border.« What is contemporary Inuit life in Canada’s North? Through the critical eye of the author, it is one in which alien values of the South are foisted upon Inuit by absent and insensitive bureaucrates and politicians. This poem, like so much of the work of Ipellie, is able to reach an audience on both sides of the invisible border. With echoes of traditional Inuit song, he uses wit and literary dexterity to create a work which itself removes borders. Alootook Ipellie is successful throughout his literary and artistic work in attacking borders that would divide pre and post-colonial, verbal and visual, traditional Inuit and contemporary southern Canadian. His work opens borders and allows those who experience it to understand better what it is that Canadian Inuit have experienced in the latter half of this century. He speaks to a variety of people, yet his voice is clearly grounded in Inuit tradition. By attacking borders which divide, Alootook Ipellie has taken great strides to reconcile Inuit and non-Inuit cultures within his work.

95 References Alia, Valerie 1989 Ipellie’s Interior Visions, Up Here, vol.5, no. 5, pp.59. Armstrong, Jeannette 1990 The Disempowerment of First North American Native Peoples and Enga- gement with their Writing, (Presented to Saskatchewan Writers Guild 1990 Annual Conference), Gatherings: The En’owkin Journal of First North American People, vol.1, no.1, pp.141-146. Boden, Jurgen and Scherz, Hans eds. 1976 Canada: Pictures of a Great Land, Umschau Verlag, Frankfurt. Poems include The Dancing Sun, One of Those Wonderful Nights, The Passing of Spring and Summer, I Shall Wait and Wait. Damm, Kateri 1993 Says Who: Colonialism, Identity, and Deﬁ ning Indigenous Literature; in Armstrong, Jeannette (ed.), Looking at the Words of Our People: First Nations Analysis of Literature, pp. 94-113, Theytus Books, Penticton, British Columbia. Gessell, Paul 1994 Dreaming in the Arctic, Ottawa Citizen, p. D5. Hutcheon, Linda 1988 The Canadian Postmodern: A Study of Contemporary English Canadian Fiction, Oxford University Press, Toronto. Ipellie, Alootook 1971 Hot to Warm and Cool to Cold, North/Nord vol.18, no.3, pp.34-35. 1974a Cover Drawing, Inuit Monthly, vol.3, no.1, cover. 1974b Akavik, Inuit Monthly vol.3, no.8, p.102. 1974c I Shall Wait and Wait, Inuit Monthly, vol.3, no.1, p.65. 1974d The Midnight Shaman, Inuit Monthly, vol.3, no.9, p.86. 1975a Art and Poetry, North/Nord, vol.22, no.2, p.42. 1975b I Know We Are Different...But (Part 1), Inuit Today, vol.4, no.5, pp. 76 - 81.

96 1980 Take Me To Your Leader, Inuit Today, vol. 8, p. 31. 1980a [Nipkti] The Old Man Carver, The Beaver, vol.311, pp. 49-52; 1976a, Inuit Today, vol.5, No.3, pp.47-49; 1976b, Inukshuk vol.3, no.50, p.16; Gedalof, Robin ed., 1980b, Paper Stays Put, Hurtig Publishers, pp. 96-99. 1981 Arctic Poetry, Inuit Today, vol.9 pp. 38-43. Poems include A Child and Puppy, Comfort on the Shoulders, and The Water Moved and Instant Before. 1974-1982 Ice Box, Inuit Monthly (and successor Inuit Today) 1974 - 1982. 1983a My Story, North/Nord, vol.30, no.1, pp. 54-58. 1983b Inuit Today Magazine, North/Nord, vol.30, no.1, pp.20-23. 1993 Arctic Dreams and Nightmares, Theytus Books, Penticton, British Columbia. 1995 Personal Interview [Unpublished], n.p. 1994-1997 Nuna & Vut, Nunatsiaq News. Kennedy, Michael P. J. 1996 Alootook Ipellie: The Voice of an Inuk Artist, Studies in Canadian Literature, vol. 21, no.2, pp.155-164. 1995 Southern Exposure:Belated Recognition of a Signiﬁ cant Inuk Writer- Artist, Canadian Journal of Native Studies, vol.40, no.2, pp.347-361. King, Thomas 1990 Godzilla vs Post-Colonial, World Literature Written in English, vol.30, no.2, pp.10-16. Moses, Daniel David and Terry Goldie, eds. 1998 An Anthology of Canadian Native Literature in English, 2nd ed., Oxford University Press, Toronto. McGrath, Robin 1984 Canadian Inuit Literature: The Development of a Tradition, National Museum of Man Mercury Series (Canadian Ethnology Series Paper No. 94), Ottawa.

97 Petrone, Penny, ed. 1988 Northern Voices: Inuit Writing in English, University of Toronto Press, Toronto.

98 The Meaning of Discourse in Iqaluit Louis-Jacques Dorais, Susan Sammons

Since 1994, a research team under the direction of the authors has been investigating discourse practices in Iqaluit and two smaller Canadian Inuit communities (Igloolik and Kimmirut), due in part to an SSHRC (Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada) grant. Following Gumperz (1992), discourse practices may be defi ned as the culturally relevant ways through which various individuals and groups communicate linguistically among themselves within the confi nes of a multilingual community. As shown by Hensel (1996), these practices contribute, amongst other functions, to defi ne the ethnic identity of the speakers. They may be seen as expressions of the connection between linguistic and cultural categories, as it occurs in a specifi c geographical, societal and historical setting (Lewin 1991). The observation and the interpretation of discourse practices thus provide a key for understanding the cultural meaning of social relations. In this paper, we will briefl y explore our data on language usage in the principal research location, Iqaluit, and we will discuss our respondents’ ideas about the respective values they impart to Inuktitut and to English. A total of 202 interviews were conducted in Iqaluit, 126 with schoolchildren (101 of them Inuit, 20 Angl- ophone and 5 Francophone) and 76 with adults (51 Inuit, 20 Anglophone and 5 Francophone). This town, capital of the Nunavut Territory, is situated in the Baffi n region of the Canadian Arctic. Among its 4,500 inhabitants, 63% are Inuit and 37% Qallunaat, these last including 250 Francophones. It thus offers particularly good opportunities for investigating discourse practices in a multilingual and multiethnic setting.

Language usage in Iqaluit Among children As far as language behaviour is concerned among Inuit children, some variation is found between students whose two parents are Inuit (78% of our sample of 101), versus those from mixed marriages (22%). In the totally Inuit sample, about 50% of the children state that they speak Inuktitut or mostly Inuktitut with their parents. Varia- tion by age is not evident until the children reach high school, where their responses are closer to 40%. In the lower grades, almost 40% of these children state they speak Inuktitut or mostly Inuktitut with their siblings. This percentage decreases to approximately 30% from grades 5 to 7 and to 0% by high school. Almost 30% of this

99 group reports speaking Inuktitut/mostly Inuktitut with their friends up to grade 3, while only three children report speaking Inuktitut or mostly Inuktitut with friends by the time they reach high school. Within the mixed group, almost half the children state that they speak a combination of English and Inuktitut to their parents (probably English to one parent and Inuk- titut to the other), while the other half report speaking English or mostly English. Forty percent of younger children in the group report speaking mostly Inuktitut to their siblings, an interesting fact. A decrease in the use of Inuktitut in the middle years, similar to that in the totally Inuit sample, is noted, again with a language shift to a combination of Inuktitut and English and then to English by high school. Whether the children have mixed or non-mixed parents does not seem to be a factor in language choice, when these children are talking to their siblings. When speaking with friends, little Inuktitut is spoken. Only two of the children state they speak Inuktitut or mostly Inuktitut with friends. Most state they speak a combination of English and Inuktitut, or mostly English. As a rule, the 20 non-Inuit anglophone student respondents speak only English. The fi ve interviewed francophone children tend to speak English with their siblings and friends, and French with their parents and at school (all of them are in the francophone stream). Most of these students, both English and French, know a dozen or so Inuktitut words and expressions, but only one or two of them are able to speak elementary Inuktitut. The most surprising trend noted is, perhaps, the large percentage of English spoken by Inuit children with their siblings and friends, and the fact that this percentage increases signifi cantly with the age of the children. This confi rms the results of earlier research undertaken in the area (Dorais and Collis 1987), but it also shows, when compared to similar data collected in Nunavik (cf. Taylor 1990), that the use of Eng- lish as a daily language is more widespread among Baffi n children and adolescents than is the case in Arctic Quebec. Inuktitut, though, is not on the verge of disappearance. Most children living in Iqaluit, including a majority of those from mixed families, still speak it fl uently.

Among adults Interviews with 51 Inuit adults also show some interesting trends. For instance, it is noticeable that no difference is found between men and women as to their degree of bilingualism and their language behaviour. Most, if not all, individuals under 40 years of age are, to some extent, able to understand English and conduct at least a

100 simple conversation in this language. Among the respondents between 40 and 60 years of age, many understand English too. When asked what language(s) they usually speak with their spouses, respondents under 30 answer that it is either both languages (Inuktitut/English), or mostly Eng- lish: ﬁ ve (out of eleven respondents in a marital relationship) state that they use both languages equally, and six say that they speak mostly (or only) English. None answer that Inuktitut is their preferred language. It should be noticed, though, that four of the six informants who speak mostly English have a non-Inuit spouse. This means that the trend among younger non-mixed couples is towards bilingualism rather than English unilingalism. Among the 30-50 age group however, three out of the twelve respondents in a marital relationship speak mostly Inuktitut with their spouse. Five are bilingual, and four (all of them, but one, married with a non-Inuk) use mostly English. As for the respondents over 50 years of age, they make exclusive use of Inuktitut with their spouses. In all age groups, no difference is found among occupational categories (employed, unemployed, traditional). There thus seems to exist a slightly more marked tendency towards bilingualism and English unilingalism among the younger (-30) respondents. The proportion of those in the 30-50 age group who speak mostly Inuktitut is higher, and that of those who use mainly English with a non-Inuit spouse is lower, than among the younger category. When it comes to the language usually spoken with one’s own children, intere- stingly enough, on the average, more Inuktitut is spoken with them than with the spouse. Only one person (aged 30-50) speaks mostly English with his/her child. Even when one parent is a non-Inuk, the Inuk mother (none of our respondents was a male Inuk married to a non-Inuit woman) puts Inuktitut on an equal or superior footing to English when it comes to speaking with her children. The -30 age group speaks, proportionally, more Inuktitut to its children than is the case with the 30-50 group. Among the former, 43% of the respondents speak mostly Inuktitut with their kids, while among the latter, it is only the case with 23.5% of the individuals. As for respondents over 50, all of them speak mostly Inuktitut with their children and grandchildren, except for one old lady, who states that she addresses her grandchildren in English when they do not seem to understand Inuktitut. The more pervading presence of Inuktitut among younger parents addressing their children might be due to the fact that many of these kids are probably still under

101 school age, or are now in the lower grades, where Inuktitut is taught full time. This would mean that their exposure to English is very low and their conversational needs quite simple. The parents would thus have no reason to address them in English, since many informants state that they use this language when discussing topics for which Inuktitut words are non-existent, too long, too clumsy or unfamiliar. One should not rule out, however, the inﬂ uence of school itself, which, as seen when describing the student sample, seems to have a direct bearing on the language behaviour of the children. As is the case with their children, only one or two of the non-Inuit adult respondents are able to hold a conversation in Inuktitut. Most of them, though, know a few words of the language. All sampled francophone adults are relatively ﬂ uent in English, but the reverse is true of only about 25% of the 20 sampled Anglophones. English may thus be truly considered as the lingua franca of Iqaluit, since it is the only language common to Inuit, Francophones and Anglophones.

The meaning of discourse Most of our 25 non-Inuit respondents (20 Anglophones and 5 Francophones) say that they would be sad if Inuktitut disappeared, but they also assert that English is the most useful language in the North, because it is the only one to be spoken by every- body and to be understood outside of the area. As mentioned above, very few non- Inuit respondents speak any Inuktitut (even if some of them took a language course), but many state that more non-Inuit should speak it, provided nobody is forced to do so. Their attitude is thus one of practicality. Practicality ﬁ nds an echo in the discourse of our 51 adult Inuit respondents, as revealed by their answers to the three following questions: Is English more useful than Inuktitut? In which language is it easier for you to express your feeling? Is it important for young Inuit to speak Inuktitut?

Perceived usefulness of Inuktitut and English As usefulness is concerned, the youngest respondents (i.e. those under 30 years of age) men as well as women, generally state that in the contemporary Arctic, English is more useful than their native tongue, because it is generally the language of the workplace: English is more useful, especially here in Iqaluit, where work is in English and where English is the preferred language.

102 English is more important than Inuktitut if you want to ﬁ nd a good job and support your family.

Contrary to Inuktitut, English has no dialects so every- body understands it.

Inuktitut is useful for speaking to monolingual Inuit, but otherwise, English is preferable.

Several people, however, especially among the unemployed, state that both languages have an equal status in northern communities: When dealing with Qallunaat, we must speak English, and since Qallunaat hold many jobs, English is more useful at work, but within the community Inuktitut is very useful too.

English is a world language, thence its usefulness, but when we are among Inuit, Inuktitut is more useful.

Both languages should be equal, but English is more important at work.

Inuktitut should be more useful than English. Qallunaat who do not speak it may have problems communicating with elders.

As a rule, all younger informants are bilingual, which is not the case among the middle-age group (30-50), where many Inuktitut monolinguals or near-monolinguals are found. Among this group, statements on utility seem to depend on one’s degree of bilingualism. Monolinguals often ﬁ nd Inuktitut more useful, while those who speak both languages stress the importance of English, although many of the latter state that Inuktitut is very important too: Inuktitut is more useful for me, because my English is imperfect.

Inuktitut is more useful in the community in general. English is only useful at work.

103 I ﬁ nd Inuktitut more useful within my own social network, but outside this network and outside the community, English is more useful.

Both languages are useful, but as I am growing older, I am using more and more Inuktitut.

Many middle-aged respondents feel that with the advent of Nunavut, the importance and use of Inuktitut should increase, a phenomenon with which they generally agree: English is more useful for the time being, but this might change in the near future.

Inuktitut should be more widely used in the North, even in the workplace.

English is more useful at work and in the classroom, but we should move towards a wider use of Inuktitut.

Informants over 50, most of whom are monolingual in Inuktitut, generally ﬁ nd, without surprise, that Inuktitut is more useful for them, but some also stress the fact that their ignorance of English is a source of problems, thus recognizing the practical importance of this language: Inuktitut is more useful for monolinguals like me.

Inuktitut is more useful than English as a community language.

Inuktitut is more useful for adults, but English seems to be more useful for young people.

There is a problem for people like me, who are monolingual in Inuktitut. On many occasions, we need an interpreter.

104 The presence of English would not be a problem if I was bilingual, but since I only speak Inuktitut, I sometimes have communication problems.

The expressions of feelings When asked in which langage it is easier for them to express their feelings and inti- mate thoughts, the youngest respondents, those under 30, are quite neatly divided into two groups. With two exceptions, the eight young informants who hold a job prefer English for expressing their inner thoughts: I prefer English, because its words are more descriptive, and you speak it faster.

English is easier because it possesses more words than Inuktitut.

Inuktitut was easier when I was a boy, but now, I tend to feel more comfortable in English.

Among the young unemployed, with one exception (out of 8 answers), respondents feel more at ease in Inuktitut, or they are comfortable in both languages: I prefer Inuktitut. It is my language.

When I use Inuktitut, I can tell more to the person I am speaking with.

I use both languages, because we are bilingual now.

It depends on the situation and topic of conversation. For sentiments, you can be more vocal when you speak English.

This might mean that among full-time workers, who are daily exposed to the language of the Qallunaat, English, the preferred speech form at the workplace, tends to replace Inuktitut as the principal medium for expressing inner feelings. It may also be that these workers are more educated than most unemployed young people, since, as we saw in the preceding section, the use of Inuktitut tends to diminish with the number of years spent in school. This is perhaps conﬁ rmed by the answers of our

105 middle-aged respondents - whose level of formal education is typically lower than that of younger people -, who generally state (with three exceptions out of a total of 20 answers) that for expressing their feelings and inner thoughts, they feel more comfortable in Inuktitut - or, in a very few cases, in both languages -, and this, whether they be employed or not: I prefer Inuktitut. I grew up in this language, and it is easier for me.

Inuktitut is better, because I do not understand everything in English.

I prefer Inuktitut, because it is my language and I understand it better than English.

I use Inuktitut, because it is comfortable (akaummat).

I express my thoughts in Inuktitut when I am with Inuit, because I grew up in that language, but with Qallunaat, I speak English.

Inuktitut is easier but my husband is a Qallunaaq. So, when I have to communicate my feelings to him, I must express myself in English.

As for respondents over ﬁ fty years of age, unsurprisingly, all of them ﬁ nd it easier to express their feelings in Inuktitut: Inuktitut is my only language.

When I want to express myself completely (uqarlataaru- mallunga), I speak Inuktitut.

Inuktitut feels more comfortable (akauniqsaq).

I always express myself in Inuktitut, but I must explain the meaning of some words to my children.

106 Transmitting Inuktitut When respondents are asked if it is important for young Inuit to speak Inuktitut, all of them, with only one exception (a middle-aged informant who lived in the South for many years and feels it normal that English replace the native tongue), answer yes, whatever their gender, age, or occupation. The reasons they give mainly have to do with the preservation of Inuit identity: The Inuit are a small population. If their language becomes extinct, it will be very sad.

Language is a part of our tradition, it must be kept alive.

We are more Inuit if we speak Inuktitut.

I prefer that young people speak Inuktitut. It is our identity (inuunivut).

Inuktitut was transmitted from our ancestors, and it should continue.

If children do not speak like their parents did, their way of thinking will be changed.

Inuktitut is the native language of young people. They should speak it, even if their pronunciation is deﬁ cient (kutaktut).

Yes, I believe very much that young children should speak Inuktitut. It is our language, and this is our land.

Some younger respondents are able to conciliate the simultaneous use of both Inuk- titut and English, either by praising bilingualism/biculturalism, or by pointing out the fact that with the advent of Nunavut, Inuktitut could well become a useful language on the labour market: I do not exactly know about young people, but I guess they will use both languages.

107 Yes, young people should speak Inuktitut. It is good to share in two cultures.

With Inuktitut, it will be easier to get a job in Nunavut.

Young people should speak Inuktitut. It is the language of our ancestors, and in the near future, knowledge of Inuktitut will be compulsory if one wants to ﬁ nd work in Nunavut.

Older respondents are sometimes cautious in their statements. They may assert, for instance, that they wish young people would speak Inuktitut, but that most probably, youngsters will prefer to use English. Or they will point to the fact that if the language is to survive at all, a special effort must be made: I would like young people to speak Inuktitut, but the next generation will not speak it.

Yes, it is important for young people to preserve Inukti- tut, but they mostly speak English.

If we want youngsters to speak Inuktitut, we must address them in that language. Otherwise, it will be lost.

Yes, children must speak Inuktitut, but in order to do so, the school must make an increased use of the language.

Conclusion Our data seem to show that in Iqaluit, the two principal languages of the community, Inuktitut and English, are perceived differently by the residents. Inuktitut is the language of identity. A majority of respondents ﬁ nd it easier to express their inner feelings and thoughts in the native tongue, and almost all of them deem it important that Inuktitut be preserved by the younger generations, because it is part of their cultural heritage. On the other hand, most respondents ﬁ nd that English is more useful than Inuktitut when it comes to earning a living or communicating beyond the boundaries of the community. Monolinguals in Inuktitut may stress the fact that this language is very useful within their own social networks, but many of them nevertheless complain that their ignorance of English often entails practical problems.

108 Non-Inuit echo this dichotomy. They praise Inuktitut as the aboriginal language of Nunavut, but they feel that English is more useful, and that nobody should be forced to learn Inuktitut. The linguistic behaviour described by our respondents tends to show that the language of practicality, English, is replacing Inuktitut as Iqaluit’s preferred medium of communication. Most adolescents and school-age children state that they speak it with their peers, as younger couples say they do between spouses, and as many middle-aged people also do when it comes to addressing their children. As for the non-Inuit, with a very few exceptions, none of them speak any Inuktitut. English is thus apparently on the verge of taking the place of Inuktitut. But the analysis of the meaning of discourse also shows some other trends, more positive if one is concerned with the preservation of the aboriginal language. With the advent of Nunavut, some people - most of them young - ﬁ nd more use for Inuktitut: it might become a prerequisite for holding a job. Many Qallunaat are afraid about that, and they insist that the knowledge of Inuktitut should never become compulsory in the Canadian Arctic. Among the Inuit, the identity value of Inuktitut is so widespread and strong that its use for dealing with older members of the community - and for expressing one’s own innermost feeelings - as well as its transmission to the new generation, seem natural and desirable. This is reﬂ ected in the fact that young parents generally address their pre-school and lower elementary school children in Inuktitut. Even in mixed families, the Inuk parent most often speaks Inuktitut to his or, more frequently, her young children. Moreover, recent observations by our research team in 40 Inuit households show that Inuktitut is more widely used than respondents reported it to be when they were interviewed. For these reasons, it is still possible to be somewhat hopeful as to the future of Nunavut’s aboriginal language.

References Dorais, L.J. & D.R.F. Collis 1987 Inuit Bilingualism and Diglossia. Manuscript, International Centre for Research on Bilingualism, Université Laval, Québec. Gumperz, J.J. 1992 »Contextualization and Understanding«, in Rethinking Context: Lan- guage as an Interactive Phenomenon (A. Duranti & C. Goodwin, eds.). Cambridge, Cambridge University Press:229-252.

109 Hensel, C. 1996 Telling Our Selves. Ethnicity and Discourse in Southwestern Alaska. New York, Oxford University Press. Lewin, P. 1991 Language, Culture and Ethnicity. Manuscript, Department of Anthropo- logy, University of California, Berkeley. Taylor, D.M. 1990 Carving a New Inuit Identity: The Role of Language in the Education of Inuit Children in Arctic Quebec. Dorval, Kativik School Board.

110 The Controversy about Traditional Food: Nutrition, Contamination and Acculturation Tine Pars1, Gert Mulvad2

Introduction Every culture in the world has developed its own food systems that meet the nutritional needs of the people. In Kalaallit Nunaat, Greenland the food system evolved into a system mainly based on food of animal origin, which were balanced in a way that made it possible to survive in the Arctic. The healthy effects of the food made the Danish employees, that worked in Kalaallit Nunaat in the early colonization period, have a positive perception of Kalaallit´s (Inuit in Greenland) traditional food, called »refreshments« in part owing to their scurvy-preventing characteristics (Caulfi eld 1996). Also in the late 1800s doctors observed fewer cases of tuberculosis among Kalaallit with a high intake of traditional food (Helms 1996) and in 1970s Bang and Dyerberg studied the association between an unusually low incidence of ischaemic heart disease in Kalaallit Nunaat and a high intake of marine food rich in long- chain polyunsaturated fatty acids (Dyerberg et al. 1975). This started an enormous scientifi c and commercial interest in marine oils as preventive components in car- diac disease, the most frequent cause of death in Europe and the United States. In this paper the implications of the diet of Kalaallit will be emphasized with focus on the benefi ts from consuming traditional food but also the consequences from acculturation and contamination of traditional food. By traditional food is meant all the food that comes from locally harvested seal, whale, fi sh, wild fowl and a few terrestrial animals.

The Socio-Cultural Importance of Traditional Food Deﬁ ning features of the Inuit identity have included pleasure in eating traditional food in line with the genealogical links with Kalaallit ancestors and knowledge of Greenlandic language (Roepstorff 1997). With the advent of Home Rule in 1979

1 M.Sc., Danish Institute of Clinical Epidemiology, Nuuk 2 M.D. Center of Primary Health Care, Nuuk

111 the symbolic value of consuming traditional food has become more important as a marker for the identity of a Kalaaleq together with effect of acculturation, that also have contributed to the discussions about the identity of Kalaallit. »Traditional foods secure our future. Traditional foods give our people as Inuit our identity. In diffi cult years traditional foods are in all ways doing us good. Traditional foods are the gift from nature to us.« This was said by an ICC member at a conference about the sociocultural importance of traditional food (Jakobsen 1997). By »diffi cult years« was meant the feeling of being threatened by animal protection organisations making campaigns and negotiations against the hunting of whales. The opposition to these organisations and the protection of the livelihood of Inuit, does indeed contribute to the intensifying of the Inuit identity and the traditional food as symbols to it. Although the contribution of traditional food to the diet is less today, the dependence on marine food has not diminished through the years. On the contrary, the society has never been more dependent on the living resources from the marine environment: today 92% of the export consists of fi sh products (Grønlands Statistik 1998). Regarding the domestic sale of traditional food, improved production tecniques, improved infrastructure and storage conditions have made it easier for more people in Greenland to obtain specifi c traditional foods than it was a few years ago, and in this way the consumption and the demand for traditional food by the Kalaallit themselves is maintained. Data from a population based interview survey conducted in 1993/94 shows that seal and fi sh meat were eaten daily by 21% and 17%, respectively, of the Kalaallit population, and whale meat and wildfowl were eaten by 6% and 10% on a daily basis (Bjerregaard and Young 1998). Traditional foods were important for all age groups, although young people consumed traditional food less often than the elders. In addition, the consumption of traditional food was infl uenced by place of residence: in villages the frequency of consumption of traditional food was twice as high as in the towns, and people living in the Northern area consumed more traditional food than people from the South and Midwest regions.

Nutrition and Health Allthough the consumption of traditional food has decreased during the 20th century, the consumption still makes a vitally important contribution to the total nutri- ent intake. In a study conducted in two villages in Disko Bay in 1991 only 25% of the energy, but 46% of the protein and 39% of the fat were derived from traditional food. For several nutrients (vitamin A, D, E and B12 and iron) the traditional food

112 contributed more than half of the total intake, whereas calcium and vitamin C were the nutrients where traditional food contributed less to the total intake (Pars 1992). The low incidence of ischaemic heart disease among Kalaallit has been related to the high intake of marine oils, which contain large amounts of polyunsaturated fatty acids of the n-3 type. Autopsy studies conducted in 1989-94 have shown a lower degree of atherosclerosis in the coronary arteries and a much lower n-6/n-3 ratio in the samples from Kalaallit Nunaat compared with samples from Alaska natives and non-natives (Jul et al. 1994; Mulvad et al. 1996). The n-6/n-3 ratio is one of the risk factors for ischaemic heart disease, and studies have shown that a decrease in this ratio and in the level of triglycerid in the blood can be obtained by dietary supplementation with seal oil capsules (Hansen et al. 1997). Other benefi cial effects of the n-3 fatty acids that have been described in the litterature are the anti infl ammatory effects, and a study in Greenland has shown dosis dependent effects on the progresses of rheumatroid arthritis, which in general had a milder course (Helin 1997). The low incidence of breast cancer is also believed to partly be due to the diet rich in n-3 fatty acids (Storm 1997). The intake of selenium in Kalaallit Nunaat is high due to the high consumption of marine animals (Johansen et al. 1998). Selenium is an antioxidant and has a role in the regulation of eicosanoid synthesis, which regulates blood pressure, platelet aggregation and infl ammatory processes. Together with the specifi c fatty acid composition, it has been suggested that selenium favours a low oxidative stress and thereby act benefi cially by inhibiting the thrombotic and atherogenic process (Mulvad et al. 1996).

Contaminants in the Food In contrast to the positive effects of traditional food, the presence of persistent orga- nic pollutants, POPs, and heavy metals in the food has caused a concern on possible damaging effects on the people living in the Arctic environment (AMAP 1998). The presence of pollutants is due to the long range transport of industrial waste from lower lattitudes and the biomagniﬁ cation of contaminants in the marine food chain. Some of the concern is focused on the possible adverse effects of POPs on fetal and child development, fertility and the immune system. Analyses of maternal blood samples and umbilical cord blood samples have shown similar concentrations in mothers and babies. The levels in Kalaallit are found to be much higher than in similar studies in Canada, Finland and United States (Mulvad et al. 1996). Methyl- mercury is another contaminant that poses a signiﬁ cant risk to the health of Inuit. Methylmercury is a neurotoxic, but although the blood levels in Kalaallit and other

113 Inuit from Canada exceed the guidance levels suggested by WHO, poisoning from methylmercury has not yet been diagnosed (AMAP 1998).

Effects of acculturation Major changes in the dietary habits did not occur until after World War 2, when industrialization and urbanization were introduced to a rapidly changing society and more imported food was consumed at the expense of traditional food. Vitamins and minerals were added to a selected group of store-bought staple food items as a consequence of a concern of how well the nutritional needs were met, due to the altered balance between the consumption of traditional and store bought food (Uhl 1955). Today even more store bought food is consumed, but there is a greater variety including fresh fruit, vegetables and dairy products, although the variety depends on whether you live in a town or village. In a study of children´s diet in the capital Nuuk in 1986, only 7% of the energy were derived from traditional food (Helms 1985). If the young people maintain their habits and considering that the number of inhabitants in Nuuk constitutes 20% of the total population, a signiﬁ cant part of the population are eating less and less traditional food. The lesser extent in the use of traditional food, has also resulted in an alienation towards certain kinds of traditional dishes, for example fermented sealmeat, which is very seldom eaten, possibly due to fear of botulism, which has caused some deaths through eating seal meat stored in a wrong manner. The altered nutrition and the changing lifestyles of the Inuit in Alaska and Canada have been associated with the progression of obesity, diabetes and ischaemic heart disease (Kuhnlein and Receveur 1996). The prevalence of these diseases is much lower in Greenland but it may be only a question of time before they increase dramatically also in Greenland (Bjerregaard and Young 1998).

The Greenland Nutrition Council The Nutrition Council in Kalaallit Nunaat was established in November, 1997, with the aim of working for a nutrition policy. The council has decided to focus on traditional food and how it inﬂ uences not only health but also sociocultural conditions, to which the contamination of traditional foods also have to be considered (Grøn- lands Ernæringsråd 1998). The information on contaminants provides a poor basis for decisions owing to the many uncertainties, but knowing that the authorities in Faroe Islands and Sweden have recommendations for the maximum frequency of intake of whale meat and certain ﬁ sh, respectively, with the purpose of reducing the level of contaminants in humans [Pederby, 1995 #63] the Nutrition Council cannot

114 delay deciding on it´s policy and evaluating the consequences. On the other hand, effects on Inuit have not yet been described. The beneﬁ cial effects of traditional food on health as well as on economic and sociocultural life, are still considered to far outweigh the possible negative effects of pollutants (AMAP 1998). But that may only be a matter of time too, before new results will indicate other statements. With that in mind nutritionists and scientists working in the Arctic nutrition ﬁ eld must cooperate more in the questions about the the nutritional consequences of acculturation and pollution and how to deal with future recommendations and alternatives.

Conclusion Traditional food in Kalaallit Nunaat is not only a question about nutrition and health. It is a story of an old culture undergoing rapid changes, and where the maintained consumption of traditional food will be considered more and more important. Store bought food make up a major part of the diet today and for a majority of people in the towns it seems that it is merely a matter of alternatives and what to choose (store bought or traditional), that is decisive for what people eat. This is in contrast to people living in villages where people still subsist to a great extent on traditional food and also where proper store bought alternatives are inadequate. No matter how the advice will be formulated, as a result contaminant problem, an attempt to lower the intake of contaminants will have major impacts on the attitude towards traditional food and thereby the consumption. Many factors are involved in traditional food as a concept, beneﬁ ts on health, pollution issues and acculturation are just a few of them, while hunting and ﬁ shing as occupations; trade and export of traditional food; cultural symbols; traditional knowledge and history are others. In a way pollution is just a small spot in the whole picture - and yet looking near to it, it looks like a ticking bomb.

References AMAP 1998 AMAP Assessment Report: Arctic Pollution Issues. Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme (AMAP), Oslo, Norway. xii+859pp. Bjerregaard, P. and T. K. Young 1998 The Circumpolar Inuit: health of a population in transition. Copenhagen, Munksgaard.

115 Caulfi eld, R. Marquardt, O. 1996 »Development of West Greenlandic Markets for Country Foods since the 18th Century.« Arctic 49(2):107-119. Dyerberg, J., H. O. Bang, et al. 1975 »Fatty acid composition of the plasma lipids in Greenland Eskimos.« The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 28(September 1975):958-966. Food and Environmental Agency, Faroe Islands 1998 Diet recommendation concerning pilot whale meat and blubber - Faroe Islands August 1998. Chief Medical Offi cer, Department of Occupational and Public Health. Personal communication. Grønlands Ernæringsråd 1998 Årsrapport 1998. Nuuk, Direktoratet for Sundhed og Forskning. Hansen, J. C., E. B. Jørgensen, et al. 1997 »Sælolieprojekt Orsoq«. In: Mulvad G, Stensgaard T, Bjerregaard P, (eds). Nuna Med ´97- en grønlandsmedicinsk konference. Helin, P. 1997 »Traditionel grønlandsk kost og ledlidelse.« In: Mulvad G, Stensgaard T, Bjerregaard P (eds). Nuna Med ´97 - en grønlandsmedicinsk konference. Helms, P. 1985 Kostundersøgelse i Nuuk. Aarhus, Hygiejnisk Institut, Aarhus Universi- tet. Unpublished. Helms, P. 1996 »Fra fanger- til industrikost«. In: Andersen JR, Astrup A, Schiøttz-Chri- stensen E, (eds). Ernæring Kliniske, samfundsmæssige og forebyggende indfaldsvinkler. København, Månedsskrift for praktisk lægegerning. Særtryk nr. 133. Jakobsen, A. 1997 »Kalaalimernits indfl ydelse på samfundet og sundheden«. In: Hansen KG (ed). Kalaalimernit - rapport fra seminaret Den sociokulturelle og sundhedsmæssige betydning af kalaalimernit 6. og 7. maj 1997 i Nuuk.« INUSSUK - Arktisk forskningsjournal 1:17-19.

116 Johansen, P., Pars T., Bjerregaard P. 1998 »Lead, cadmium, mercury and selenium intake by Greenlanders from local marine food«. (In press) The Science of the Total Environment. Jul, E., G. Mulvad, et al. 1994 »The relationship between a low rate of ischaemic heart disease and the traditional Greenlandic diet with amounts of monounsaturated and N-3 polyunsaturated fatty acids.« Arctic Medical Research 53 (suppl 2):282-84. Kuhnlein, H. V. and O. Receveur 1996 »Dietary change and Traditional Food Systems of Indigenous Peoples.« Annu. Rev. Nutri. 16:417-42. Mulvad, G., H. S. Pedersen, et al. 1996 »The Inuit diet. Fatty acids and antioxidants, their role in ischaemic heart disease, and exposure to organochlorines and heavy metals. An international study.« Arctic Medical Research 55(supp. 1):20-24. Pars, T. 1992 »En kostundersøgelse - foretaget i to nordvestgrønlandske bygder: Saqqaq & Oqaatsut i 1991«. Odense: Odense Universitet,1992. Roepstorff, A. 1997 »Den symbolske betydning af kalaalimernit« in: Hansen KG (ed) Kalaalimernit - Rapport fra seminaret Den sociokulturelle og sund- hedsmæssige betydning af kalaalimernit 6. og 7. maj 1997 i Nuuk.« INUSSUK- Arktisk forskningsjournal 1:97-105. Grønlands Statistik 1998 Grønland 1998, Statistisk Årbog. Nuuk, Grønlands Statistik. Storm, H. H. 1997 »Cancer in Circumpolar Inuit - the possible role of diet.« INUSSUK - Arctic Research Journal 4. Uhl, E. et al. 1955 »Nogle undersøgelser af grønlandske levnedsmidler og kostforhold.« Beretninger vedrørende Grønland 1955 3(I-II). Pederby, P. 1995 »Reviderede råd om ﬁ skkonsumtion«. Vår Föda 1995; 2:7-9.

117 118 Societal Development, Epidemiologic transition and Health in Inuit communities Peter Bjerregaard

Among Native North Americans, the Inuit were the earliest to be contacted by Euro- peans as well as the last. The fi rst Europeans with whom the Inuit came into contact were the Vikings, who established a colony in Greenland towards the end of the 10th century. At its height in the 12th century, the population of the Norse colonies in Greenland reached as high as 5-7,000. However, for a variety of reasons such as cli- mate change, they died out by the late 15th century. By then, European whalers had already been hunting in the Baffi n Bay area off the coast of Labrador and Greenland for hundreds of years. The exploration of the Arctic started in the 16th century and colonization followed but parts of the central Canadian Arctic and Northern Green- land remained unexplored until the early part of the 20th century. Contact and colonization was accompanied by culture change, which proceeded at different pace across the circumpolar region. The Inuit adopted some items of Euro- pean material culture and Christianity replaced traditional beliefs, but the hunting life remained largely intact well into the 20th century in most regions. In Greenland, the start of the modern period can somewhat arbitrarily be set at 1925 when cod fi shing began to replace seal hunting as the main livelihood. This initiated a population movement towards the open-water towns on the south-central west coast. The population concentration became, however, much more pronounced after World War II, when an unprecedented development was started in all the Inuit areas in Alaska, Canada and Greenland.

Three phases of post-contact development The social changes that resulted from contact with non-Inuit people have followed the same general outline in all Inuit communities. The changes can generally be divided into three phases: An initial period of profound and disruptive transformation, a period of relative stability and adaptation, and another period of intense transformation (Bjerregaard & Young 1998). The ﬁ rst phase is the period from the ﬁ rst contact until the whole community was Christianized. This took place at different times, in West Greenland from the mid- 17th to the mid-19th century, but much later in other regions. The second phase was one of relative stability and recuperation. In West Greenland this took place from

119 around 1850 to 1950. The third phase started in all Inuit communities around 1950 and is still ongoing. Over a very short period the subsistence oriented traditional way of life gave way to wage earning and a western life style with an increased consumption of alcohol and tobacco. The size of the Inuit population in North America, including Greenland, was estimated to be about 74,000 during the 16th-18th centuries. The population declined throughout the 19th century and by 1900 it is believed to have reached its nadir, at 35,000. The population slowly recovered during the 20th century, reaching 52,000 by 1950, and reached the pre-contact level by 1970 (Ubelaker 1992). Introduced diseases, especially infectious diseases, are believed to have played a major role in the post-contact depopulation.

Phase 1 The fi rst epidemic (of smallpox) was reported in Greenland in 1734 only few years after the colonization. It allegedly killed more than two thousand people and was followed by the epidemic of 1800 in which entire districts were laid waste. Precise information from the following century is scarce but recurrent epidemics of respiratory infections, infl uenza, smallpox and typhoid fever probably killed a substantial proportion of the population. The last epidemic of smallpox took place in 1852 although a few isolated cases were seen later on (Gad 1974, Bertelsen 1945). In the 19th century a number of great epidemics swept through most native communities of Alaska. Most were caused by viruses which were highly contagious and spread rapidly through a population that had no prior immunity. Two of these epidemics rank among the most signifi cant single events in the history of the peoples they affected. These are the smallpox epidemic in 1835-40 and the epidemic of infl uenza and measles in 1900. Tuberculosis, syphilis, gonorrhea and alcohol misuse were also prominent causes of major ill-health in Alaska during the 19th century (Fortuine 1989). The impact of Euro-American whaling on Inuit health has been studied by Keenley- side (1990) with emphasis on the Canadian Arctic. The introduction of tuberculosis, syphilis, dental caries and epidemics of smallpox, measles, infl uenza, diphtheria and »enteric fevers« had a signifi cant impact on the health of the Inuit throughout the 19th and 20th century. The Inuit of the Mackenzie River Delta were particularly hard hit with an estimated population decrease from 2,500 in 1850 to 130 in 1910.

120 Phase 2 The disruptive ﬁ rst phase of social change was followed by some years of relative tranquility, at least in Greenland which was sealed off from the rest of the world by the Royal Greenland Trade Department. During this phase of development, severe epidemics of respiratory infections, diarrhea, whooping cough and poliomyelitis were common. For several epidemic diseases the Greenlandic population was too small to act as a reservoir for the infectious agent which had to be reintroduced from outside every time. Typhoid fever, dysentery, hepatitis and meningitis were ende- mic. Heart diseases and cerebrovascular disease were common in older people and cancer was probably not less frequent than in Denmark, but few people reached old age. Starvation and chronic malnutrition were still common and tuberculosis was the most serious threat to public health. During this period, fertility increased while mortality decreased, resulting in a continuous growth of the population (Figure 1).

Phase 3 By the end of World War II, the regions inhabited by the Inuit differed considerably with respect to their degree of integration into modern western society. However, in all Inuit communities it is the last 40-50 years that have completed the change from the relatively isolated self-reliant communities based on hunting and fi shing that existed at the time of contact, to communities that are fully integrated in their respective national states and the world economy. Among the most important changes that have affected health are the transition from subsistence hunting and fi shing to an economy based on wage earning, a thorough change of infrastructure and housing, generally brought about with the Inuit as spectators, an increased contact with the rest of the world through travel, radio and TV, and an unprecedented population growth and relocation to larger communities. Last but not least, non-Inuit people have poured into the Inuit communities and taken over many of the well paid jobs and infl uential positions that were created in the modernization process. Other changes with more direct effects on health and disease are dietary changes with an increased reliance on store bought food, an increasingly sedentary life style, increased access to alcohol and tobacco and improved health care. During the fi rst years of the post-war period, mortality decreased dramatically while fertility continued to increase. This resulted in a sharp increase in population size (Figure 1). Measles epidemics occurred for the fi rst time, due to increased speed of transport, and the epidemics were severe with many deaths. Otherwise, this was a period of receding epidemics. During the 1950s tuberculosis and acute infections lost their importance as causes of death.

121 Mortality decreased until around 1970, fi rst rapidly later at a more sustained speed (Figure 2). It was especially the mortality from tuberculosis, acute infections and »other causes« that declined. Since the 1970s, suicides gained an increased importance as cause of death, and cancer deaths increased in number primarily due to the ageing of the population. The suicide rates are exceptionally high in the circumpolar indigenous populations and higher among the Greenlanders than among the Inuit of Alaska and Canada. Contrary to the pattern in most western countries where the suicide rates increase with age, it is pre-dominantly young people, and most often men, who commit suicide in the circumpolar populations (Figure 3). In a recent Health Interview Sur- vey in Greenland, a close correlation was found among suicidal thoughts, alcohol problems in the parental home and sexual violence (Table 1) (Bjerregaard & Young 1998). Bearing the increased alcohol consumption in mind it is not surprising that the suicide rate has been on the increase. The temporal association of the suicide »epidemic« with the rapid societal development in many communities lends itself to a causal relationship, but it is as yet not clear what specifi c aspects of the modernization process that increase the suicidal behaviour in young people. The widespread use of tobacco, which in Greenland is now smoked by 80% of the adult population, is another factor with a signifi cant impact on the disease and mortality pattern. Cigarette smoking is not only the main cause of several cancers but also a contributing factor to low birth weight and chronic lung disease which are important health problems in Greenland. The traditional diet is nutritious and is believed to reduce the risk of developing arte- rio-sclerosis and diabetes. From this perspective it is disturbing to notice a decreasing preference for traditional food items with age (Figure 4). Furthermore, as the result of global pollution with PCBs, pesticides and mercury the marine mammals which make up a substantial proportion of the traditional diet of the Inuit have become contaminated. Blood concentrations of several organochlorines and mercury are exceptionally high among the Inuit of Greenland. Potential effects include sex hormonal effects, damage to the immune system and transgenerational effects, but overt damage to health has not yet been demonstrated (AMAP 1998).

Positive and negative consequences of recent societal development on health In much of the literature, rapid sociocultural change is seen invariably as detrimen- tal to physical and mental health. Change, however, is in itself not necessarily stres-

122 sful; in the recent history of aboriginal peoples it has often resulted in powerlessness and frustration but it may also offer increased opportunities for survival, and economic as well as cultural development. Some examples of recent changes in Inuit societies, which have resulted in negative and some, which have resulted in positive health consequences, are listed below (Bjerregaard & Young 1998): 1. The change from an economy based on hunting to modern wage-earning has resulted in a decreased mortality from accidents. The traditional Inuit life was extremely perilous and many hunters died at an early age leaving their wife and children in poor social conditions. Although mortality from accidents is still high, it has decreased considerably. Alcohol now plays a major role in accident causation. 2. Housing conditions, sanitation and food security have generally improved. House-hold sizes are smaller and houses are bigger, with more rooms, thus decreasing the transmission of infectious diseases, in particular tuberculosis and other respiratory infections. Sanitation has improved in towns and most villages, decreasing the exposure to several microorganisms. Nutrition has generally improved, if not qualitatively then at least with respect to reliability - seasonal starvation has disappeared from all Inuit communities thus increasing general resistance to infections. 3. Increased contact with the rest of the world through travel and migration has brought a number of infectious diseases to the Inuit communities, which had so far been spared: measles, gonorrhea, syphilis, AIDS. 4. The inﬂ ux of non-Inuit people, rapid growth of the Inuit population and increasing concentration in larger communities of up to several thousand inhabitants have pro-foundly altered the social structure of Inuit communities. Together with other sociocultural changes this has resulted in acculturative stress and increased prevalence of mental health problems including suicides. 5. Dietary changes to an increased reliance on store bought food and an increasingly sedentary life style have resulted in the emergence of chronic diseases well-known from western societies: obesity, diabetes, atherosclerotic heart disease and dental caries. 6. Increased access to alcohol and tobacco has led to an excessive use of these drugs in most Inuit communities. Although in some regions alcohol is pro- hibited in an appreciable proportion of villages, alcohol abuse is in general a major contributing factor to the high prevalence of violence, suicides and social pathologies among the Inuit. The extremely high prevalence of smoking has resulted in record high mortality from lung cancer in Inuit women

123 and tobacco use is a causative factor in many other cancers as well as chronic heart and lung disease. 7. Finally, along with infrastructural and sociocultural changes, the Inuit have achieved general access to modern health care systems. Although accessibi- lity is less for Inuit living in villages than for predominantly urban populations in southern countries, and although tertiary level care usually involves travel to hospitals in the south, the health care services have been an important factor in the reduction of morbidity and mortality from tuberculosis and several other infectious diseases, in the reduction of perinatal mortality and in the improvement of dental health. The health care services have furthermore played a substantial role in improving the quality of life of many people due to early treatment of disabling diseases. Discussion The epidemiologic transition The concept of the epidemiologic transition was introduced by Omran (1971) as a theory of the epidemiology of population change. On the basis of historical and recent data, Omran identifi ed three phases with different mortality and disease patterns: 1. The Age of Pestilence and Famine when mortality is high and fl uctuating, thus precluding sustained population growth. In this stage the average life expectancy is low and variable, vacillating between 20 and 40 years. 2. The Age of Receding Pandemics when mortality declines progressively and the rate of decline accelerates as epidemic peaks become less frequent and disappear. The average life expectancy at birth increases steadily from about 30 or 40 years to about 50 or 60 years. Population growth is sustained and begins to describe an exponential curve. 3. The Age of Degenerative and Man-Made Diseases when mortality continues to decline and eventually approaches stability at a relatively low level. The average life expectancy at birth rises gradually. The different disease patterns are illustrated by the percentage of cardiovascular deaths, which range from less than 10% during the fi rst phase to more than 50% during the third phase. The timing and speed of the epidemiological transition has varied among different countries. Omran identifi ed three models: the classical or western model with a transition time of several hundred years, represented in his paper by England and Swe- den; the accelerated model with a transition time of decades represented by Japan;

124 and the contemporary or delayed model with a yet undetermined transition time as represented by Chile and Ceylon (Sri Lanka). In Greenland, the epidemics began to recede in the latter half of the 19th century and at the same time the population started to grow steadily. Life expectancy was, however, low and remained below 35 years until the 1940s primarily due to tuberculosis and other infectious diseases. The change from phase 1 to phase 3 of the epidemiologic transition therefore lasted only 10-15 years, approximately from 1950 to 1965, compared with several hundred years in England or Denmark. Accordingly, Greenland conforms best with the accelerated model of the epidemiologic transition. The determinants of the transition from infectious to degenerative disease domi- nance are by no means simple. Ecobiologic determinants encompass the complex balance between disease agents and host. One example is the disappearance of pla- gue from most of Europe during the Middle Ages, which was in no way connected to the progress of medical science. Socioeconomic, political and cultural determinants, like e.g. housing conditions, hygiene and nutrition are probably the most important determinants. Medical and public health determinants are usually not as important as many people think. They came into play late in the transition in western countries but may have had an inﬂ uence in Inuit societies. Societal transformation changes health but diseases also change the society. Shortly after the contact with Europeans, epidemics of hitherto unknown diseases, in particular smallpox, hit the Inuit hard and killed substantial proportions of the populations. In many communities the elders succumbed to the disease and with them much of the spiritual knowledge and traditions. Missionaries subsequently converted the weakened and demoralized survivors and thereby completed the obliteration of the traditional beliefs.

Conclusion Whether health in general has improved or declined due to the recent societal changes depends on whether one chooses to emphasize the positive or negative, and a simple answer is impossible to give. It is undeniable that physical survival has increased in all age groups but it has probably been at the expense of mental and social health. In view of the increase in the prevalence of alcohol problems, sexual abuse and suicidal behaviour, it is interesting to notice that 51% of the elders state that the societal changes during their lifetime have all in all been good or very good while only 9% ﬁ nd them bad or very bad (Bjerregaard & Young 1998).

125 In 1997 the Greenland Health Research Council suggested three important themes for health research during the coming years. These were • The inﬂ uence of social, cultural and economic development on health • Social and regional inequity in health, including village health • Health services research The interphase between medical science, social science and the humanities is a pro- mising ﬁ eld for interdisciplinary research and I would like to encourage not only health professionals but also social scientists and scolars of the humanities to study these thrilling topics in the years to come.

Literature AMAP 1998 AMAP Assessment Report: Arctic pollution Issues. Oslo: Arctic Monito- ring and Assessment Programme. Bertelsen A. 1943 Grønlandsk medicinsk statistik og nosograﬁ : Undersøgelser og erfaringer fra 30 aars grønlandsk lægevirksomhed. Bd. IV: Akutte infektionssyg- domme i Grønland. Meddelelser om Grønland 1943;117(4). Bjerregaard P, Young TK. 1998 The Circumpolar Inuit. Health of a population in transition. Copenhagen: Munksgaard. Fortuine R. 1989 Chills and Fever. Health and Disease in the Early History of Alaska. An-chorage: University of Alaska Press. Gad F. 1974 Fire detailkomplekser i Grønlands historie 1782-1808. København: Nyt Nordisk Forlag. Keenleyside A. 1990 Euro-American whaling in the Canadian Arctic: its effects on Eskimo health. Arctic Anthropology 1990;27(1):1-19. Omran AP. 1971 The epidemiological transition: a theory of the epidemiology of population change. Millbank Q 1971;49:509-38.

126 Ubelaker DH. 1992 North American Indian population size: changing perspectives. In: Verano JW, Ubelaker DH, eds. Disease and Demography in the Ameri- cas. Washington, DC. Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992. p. 169-76. The paper is based on more references than cited above. The full list of references and a more comprehensive treament of the subject may be found in Bjerregaard & Young 1998.

Table 1. Prevalence of serious suicidal thoughts in Inuit of Greenland according to childhood conditions regarding alcohol misuse and sexual violence.

Alcohol problems in parental home No sexual violence Sexual violence (N=1150) (N=65) % %

Never (N=760) 10.3 21.7 Occasionally (N=355) 18.2 48.0 Often (N=100) 39.8 82.4

Figure 1. Fertility, mortality and population size in Greenland 1860 to 1990

127 Figure 2. Mortality by cause in Greenland 1924-1993. Mortality rates per 100,000 person- years

Figure 3. Suicide rates per 100,000 person-years in Inuit and corresponding southern populations 1980-89

128 Figure 4. Food preferences by age in Greenland 1993-94 (indsæt ﬁ gur 4 her)

129 130 Participants Family Name First Name Country Allen Shanley Holland Andersen Thomas Greenland Andersen Vinnie Denmark Andreasen Claus Greenland Appelt Martin Denmark Aylward Lynn Canada Backnäs Eva Marie Finland Berglund Nielsen Jørn Greenland Bjerregaard Peter Denmark Blumer Reto Schwitzerland Bordin Guy Belgium Bregnhøj Jukka Greenland Camphaug Nicole Canada Christensen Lene Denmark Christensen Neil B. Denmark Christiansen Liselotte Denmark Csonka Yvon Schwitzerland Dahl Jens Denmark Dahl Aviak’ Kr. Greenland Daveluy Michelle Canada Davidsen Tina Greenland de Meijer Els Holland Dickmeiss Charlotte Greenland Dickmeiss Eskil Greenland Dorais Louis-Jacques Canada Duvander Jens K. Greenland Dybbroe Susanne Denmark Edgren Johanna Finland Egede Ingmar Greenland Egede Martinsen Tukummeq Greenland Eistrup Jette Greenland Emingak Paul Canada Enequist Flemming Greenland Engelhardt Paul Erik Greenland Engell Mikaela Greenland Fletcher Chris Canada

131 Forchammer Rikke Denmark Fortescue Michael Denmark Frandsen Niels Greenland Frederiksen Bibi Greenland Funding Oluva Greenland Gant Erik Denmark Gendron Daniel Canada Gulløv Hans Christian Denmark Hansen Jan Greenland Hansen Klaus Georg Denmark Hansen Paornánguaq Greenland Hauptman Bruce USA Heinrich Jensen Jens Greenland Holm Mogens Greenland Holzlehner Tobias Germany Hovelsrud-Broda Grete USA Hubeau Maria-Krystyna France Huguet Jean Marc France Hynne Nielsen Anja Denmark Jacobsen Birgitte Greenland Jensen Marianne B. Greenland Jessen Soﬁ e Greenland Jessen Williamson Karla Canada Jones H.G. USA Junker Mortensen Hans Greenland Jørgensen Dorthe Greenland Kennedy Michael Canada Kielsen Lene Greenland Kleemann Nuka Greenland Kleist Mogens Greenland Kleist Lars Jørgen Greenland Kleist Pedersen Birgit Greenland Komangapik Dorothee Canada Kreutzmann Gladys Greenland Kristiansen Paornaannguaq Greenland Krupnik Igor USA Kublu Alexina Canada Kusugak Johnny Canada Kaalhauge Nielsen Jens Greenland

132 Lafortune Louise Canada Lange Hans Greenland Langgård Karen Greenland Larsen Frederik Greenland Larsen Birgit Greenland Levental Charlotte France Lund Sten Greenland Lussier Denise Canada Marquardt Ole Greenland Mathiassen Sara Greenland McAleese Kevin Canada McComber Louis Canada Mikaelsen Bibi Greenland Motzfeldt Vivian Greenland Mulvad Gert Greenland Myrup Mikkel Greenland Møbjerg Tinna Denmark Møller Kalaat Greenland Møller Rasmus Greenland Møller Lyberth Jakob Greenland Møller Thomassen Eva Greenland Maatiusi Ooloota Canada Nadji Kayhan Canada Nutall Mark Scotland Odgaard Ulla Denmark Ohokannoak Joe Canada Olesen Ingelise Greenland Olsen Markus E. Greenland Olsen Paaneeraq Greenland Olsen Kunuk A. Greenland Olsen Carl Cristian Greenland Olsen Johanne Greenland Olsen Hans Henrik Greenland Olsen Dorthe Kathrine Greenland Pars Tine Greenland Petersen Hanne Greenland Petersen Kirstine Greenland Petersen Robert Denmark Pheilmann Kirsten Greenland

133 Pinard Claude Canada Poppel Birger Greenland Poppel Mariekathrine Greenland Poulsen Aannguaq Greenland Ramsøe Karen Greenland Rasmussen Henriette Greenland Rasmussen Steen Greenland Rendal Grete Greenland Robert-Lamblin Joelle France Robinson Gordon Australia Roepsdorf Andreas Denmark Rosing Hanne Greenland Rosing Ivalo Greenland Rosing Jakobsen Aviâja Greenland Rygaard Jette Greenland Sadock Jerrold USA Saladin d’Anglure Bernard Canada Sammons Susan Canada Schantz Hans Jørgen Denmark Schultz Soﬁ e Greenland Sejersen Frank Denmark Siegstad Paneeraq Greenland Sloth Pedersen Henning Greenland Stigmamiglio Emmanuelle France Suluk Joy Canada Swift Mary Holland Tersis Nicole France Therrien Michele France Thisted-Petersen Kirsten Denmark Thomsen Karo Greenland Thorleifsen Camilla Greenland Thorleifsen Daniel Greenland Thuesen Søren T. Denmark Tjørnelund Henning Greenland Tommasini Daniela Italy Traeger Verena Austria Tröndheim Gitte Greenland Turcotte Philippe Canada Vahl Olsen Kistâra Greenland

134 Varagnolo Louise Canada Vold Karen M. Greenland

Country Family Name First Name Australia Robinson Gordon Austria Traeger Verena Belgium Bordin Guy Canada Aylward Lynn Canada Camphaug Nicole Canada Daveluy Michelle Canada Dorais Louis-Jacques Canada Emingak Paul Canada Fletcher Chris Canada Gendron Daniel Canada Jessen Williamson Karla Canada Kennedy Michael Canada Komangapik Dorothee Canada Kublu Alexina Canada Kusugak Johnny Canada Lafortune Louise Canada Lussier Denise Canada McAleese Kevin Canada McComber Louis Canada Maatiusi Ooloota Canada Nadji Kayhan Canada Ohokannoak Joe Canada Pinard Claude Canada Saladin d’Anglure Bernard Canada Sammons Susan Canada Suluk Joy Canada Turcotte Philippe Canada Varagnolo Louise Denmark Andersen Vinnie Denmark Appelt Martin Denmark Bjerregaard Peter Denmark Christensen Neil B. Denmark Christensen Lene Denmark Christiansen Liselotte Denmark Dahl Jens

135 Denmark Dybbroe Susanne Denmark Forchammer Rikke Denmark Fortescue Michael Denmark Gant Erik Denmark Gulløv Hans Christian Denmark Hansen Klaus Georg Denmark Hynne Nielsen Anja Denmark Møbjerg Tinna Denmark Odgaard Ulla Denmark Petersen Robert Denmark Roepsdorf Andreas Denmark Schantz Hans Jørgen Denmark Sejersen Frank Denmark Thisted-Petersen Kirsten Denmark Thuesen Søren T. Finland Backnäs Eva Marie Finland Edgren Johanna France Hubeau Maria-Krystyna France Huguet Jean Marc France Levental Charlotte France Robert-Lamblin Joelle France Stigmamiglio Emmanuelle France Tersis Nicole France Therrien Michele Germany Holzlehner Tobias Greenland Andersen Thomas Greenland Andreasen Claus Greenland Berglund Nielsen Jørn Greenland Bregnhøj Jukka Greenland Dahl Aviak’ Kr. Greenland Davidsen Tina Greenland Dickmeiss Charlotte Greenland Dickmeiss Eskil Greenland Duvander Jens K. Greenland Egede Ingmar Greenland Egede Martinsen Tukummeq Greenland Eistrup Jette Greenland Enequist Flemming Greenland Engelhardt Paul Erik

136 Greenland Engell Mikaela Greenland Frandsen Niels Greenland Frederiksen Bibi Greenland Funding Oluva Greenland Hansen Jan Greenland Hansen Paornánguaq Greenland Heinrich Jensen Jens Greenland Holm Mogens Greenland Jacobsen Birgitte Greenland Jensen Marianne B. Greenland Jessen Soﬁ e Greenland Junker Mortensen Hans Greenland Jørgensen Dorthe Greenland Kielsen Lene Greenland Kleemann Nuka Greenland Kleist Mogens Greenland Kleist Lars Jørgen Greenland Kleist Pedersen Birgit Greenland Kreutzmann Gladys Greenland Kristiansen Paornaannguaq Greenland Kaalhauge Nielsen Jens Greenland Lange Hans Greenland Langgård Karen Greenland Larsen Birgit Greenland Larsen Frederik Greenland Lund Sten Greenland Marquardt Ole Greenland Mathiassen Sara Greenland Mikaelsen Bibi Greenland Motzfeldt Vivian Greenland Mulvad Gert Greenland Myrup Mikkel Greenland Møller Rasmus Greenland Møller Kalaat Greenland Møller Lyberth Jakob Greenland Møller Thomassen Eva Greenland Olesen Ingelise Greenland Olsen Markus E. Greenland Olsen Dorthe Kathrine

137 Greenland Olsen Hans Henrik Greenland Olsen Johanne Greenland Olsen Carl Cristian Greenland Olsen Kunuk A. Greenland Olsen Paaneeraq Greenland Pars Tine Greenland Petersen Hanne Greenland Petersen Kirstine Greenland Pheilmann Kirsten Greenland Poppel Birger Greenland Poppel Mariekathrine Greenland Poulsen Aannguaq Greenland Ramsøe Karen Greenland Rasmussen Henriette Greenland Rasmussen Steen Greenland Rendal Grete Greenland Rosing Ivalo Greenland Rosing Hanne Greenland Rosing Jakobsen Aviâja Greenland Rygaard Jette Greenland Schultz Soﬁ e Greenland Siegstad Paneeraq Greenland Sloth Pedersen Henning Greenland Thomsen Karo Greenland Thorleifsen Daniel Greenland Thorleifsen Camilla Greenland Tjørnelund Henning Greenland Tröndheim Gitte Greenland Vahl Olsen Kistâra Greenland Vold Karen M. Holland Allen Shanley Holland de Meijer Els Holland Swift Mary Italy Tommasini Daniela Schwitzerland Blumer Reto Schwitzerland Csonka Yvon Scotland Nutall Mark USA Hauptman Bruce USA Hovelsrud-Broda Grete

138 USA Jones H.G. USA Krupnik Igor USA Sadock Jerrold

139 140 The Steering Committee Rector Claus Andreasen, Ilisimatusarfi k; chairman Assoc. Professor Karen Langgård, Ilisimatusarfi k Assoc. Professor Ole Marquardt, Ilisimatusarfi k Professor, dr. jur. Hanne Petersen, Ilisimatusarfi k Librarian Dorthe S. Jørgensen, Ilisimatusarfi k Student Flemming Enequist, Ilisimatusarfi k, The Student’s Association INUK Researchfacilitator Mogens Holm, Department of Health and Research, Greenland Home Rule State Librarian Bolethe Olsen, The Greenland Library (from spring -98) Director Søren Porsbøll, Inerisaavik/Pilersuiffi k (from spring -98) Carl Christian Olsen (Puju) Chief statistician Birger Poppel, Statistics Greenland

Researchlibrarian Klaus Georg Hansen, The Greenland Library (left January 1998) Director Aqqalo Abelsen, Inerisaavik/Pilersuifﬁ k (left spring 1998) Assoc. professor Ivar Jönsson, Ilisimatusarﬁ k (left spring 98)

141 142 Thank You

Economy The organizers would like to express our sincere thanks to all who supported the conference.

Economic support were received from: • Commission for Scientifi c Research in Greenland 100.000,- kr. • Department for Health and Research, Greenland Home Rule 100.000,- kr. • Ilisimatusarfi k 75.000,- kr. • Conference-fees Institutional help were received from: • Department for Research, Greenland Home Rule (printing of the pro- ceedings) • Pilersuiffi k (printing of program & abstracts) • Incoming Greenland A/S (conference-badges) Individual help • Librarian Dorthe S. Jørgensen, Ilisimatusarfi k, organized the Home Page and solved many practical problems. The following Ilisimatusarfi k-students helped during the conference: • Tukummeq Egede Martinsen • Paornânguaq Hansen • Vivian Motzfeldt • Mikkel Myrup • Johanne (Terto) Olsen • Aviâja Rosing Jakobsen • Camilla Thorleifsen

143 144 Programme for the Conference Monday 21st and Tuesday 22nd Participants arrive Monday 21st evening Registration - Hotel Hans Egede Tuesday 22nd 17.00 Registration - Katuaq Tuesday 22nd 20.00 Welcome-reception - Katuaq Thursday 24th 18.30 Grand Dinner - Hotel Hans Egede Sunday 27th Last conference day

Wednesday 23.9. Thursday 24.9. 9.00-9.30 Welcome Claus Andreasen Key Note: Marianne Jensen Henriette Rasmussen 9.30-10.00 Key Note: Robert Petersen Session C Session E 10.00-10.30 Session C Session E 10.30-11.00 Coffee/tea Coffee/tea 11.00-11.30 Session A Session C Session F Session E 11.30-12.00 Session A Session C Session F Session E 12.00-12.30 Session A Session C Session F Session E 12.30-13.30 Lunch Lunch 13.30-14.00 Session A Session C Session F Session E 14.00-14.30 Session A Session C Session F Session E 14.30-15.00 Session A Session C Session F Session E 15.00-15.30 Coffee/tea Coffee/tea

145 15.30-17.00 Session A Session C Session F Session E Welcome, Keynote-Speeches, Grand Session in: Major Hall Lunch at: Hotel Hans Egede or Rockcafeen

Friday 25.9. No planned activities

Saturday 26.9. Sunday 27.9. 9.00-9.30 Session B 9.30-10.00 Session B Session D Session C Session G Session D 10.00-10.30 Session B Session D Session C Session G Session D 10.30-11.00 Coffee/tea Coffee/tea 11.00-11.30 Session B Session D Session C Session G Session D 11.30-12.00 Session B Session D Session C Session G Session D 12.00-12.30 Session B Session C Session D 12.30-13.30 Lunch Lunch 13.30-14.00 Session B Key Note: Session C Igor Krupnik Session D 14.00-14.30 Session B Grand Session C Session Session D 14.30-15.00 Session B Grand Session C Session Session D

146 15.00-15.30 Coffee/tea Coffee/tea 15.30-17.00 End of Conference

Key Notes Robert Pedersen - Kalaallit inuiattut siulersuisoqarnikkullu aaqqissuunneqarneranni allanguutit - On Changes in Oragnization and Leadership in Greenland Henriette Rasmussen - Active Partnership Policy of International Labour Organization. Partnership in Development? Polarizations in Inuit Society Igor I. Krupnik - Shifting Patterns, Lasting Partnerships. Inuit Knowledge and Academic Science in Arctic Cultural Research

Sessions Session A Linguistics. Special Session: Verb Incorporation. Chairperson: Karen Langgård Friendship Hall Session B: Health, Nutrition and Welfare Chairperson: Peter Bjerregård Backstage Session C: Prehistory and History Chairpersons: Claus Andreasen, Ole Marquardt, Daniel Thorleifsen Minor Hall Session D: Literature and Linguistics Chairperson: Karen Langgård Friendship Hall Session E: Political Issues in Contemporary Arctic Societies Chairpersons: Hanne Petersen, Flemming Enequist, Hans Junker Mortensen Friendship Hall

147 Session F: Technology and Indigenous/Local Knowledge. Knowledge as resource - resources as knowledge Chairperson: Susanne Dybbroe Minor Hall Session G: Open session Chairperson: Birger Poppel Backstage

148 149