DOCSLIB.ORG

The Case Studies of Bristol and Northampton Matthew Kidd Thesis

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Case Studies of Bristol and Northampton Matthew Kidd Thesis Popular Political Continuity in Urban England, 1867-1918: The Case Studies of Bristol and Northampton Matthew Kidd Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2015 Abstract This thesis examines the transition between working-class radicalism and labour politics in two provincial English constituencies, Bristol and Northampton, between 1867 and 1918. By combining local case studies with a textual analysis of empirical material and a conceptual approach to ideology, it offers fresh insights into popular political change in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britain. Its central argument is that, contrary to the prevailing historiography on labour politics and identity, a distinctive sense of class could shape working-class radical and labour strategies, languages, identities, and ideologies continuously between 1867 and 1918. In particular, it demonstrates that before the mid-1880s, working-class radical activists in Bristol and Northampton exhibited a non-adversarial sense of class that shaped their perceptions of the social order, their interpretations of radical ideology, and their relationships with both mainstream liberals and middle-class radicals. It also suggests that while working-class radicals came to use 'labour' to describe themselves and their organisations from the mid-1880s, this was primarily a rhetorical move rather than one reflecting a substantive change in their political identity. Over the next thirty years, labour activists in both Bristol and Northampton remained fiercely committed to the dominant strategy, the non-conflictual conception of class, and the political ideology that had long shaped local working- class radical traditions. In these constituencies, the Victorian tradition of working- class radicalism left an indelible mark on twentieth-century labour politics. This study has important implications for our understanding of political and ideological change in modern Britain. Firstly, confirming the existence of a decidedly working-class radical movement makes it easier to understand the rise of a class- based labour politics in late Victorian Britain without having to account for either discontinuities in popular politics or the re-emergence of a dormant class consciousness within the British working class. Secondly, establishing a line of continuity between working-class radicalism and later labour politics helps us to explain some of the tensions that characterised progressive politics in the Edwardian era. Finally, seeing working-class radicalism as a distinctive ideology with its own conceptual framework enriches our understanding of non-liberal progressive thought in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Acknowledgements Above all, I would like to thank my two supervisors for their support, encouragement, and feedback over the last three and a half years. Sascha Auerbach has offered me advice and guidance that, especially in the initial stages of the project, proved to be invaluable. Also, thank you Sascha for the satchel. Special thanks are also due to Dean Blackburn, particularly for his patience during our long discussions about ideology. Also, thank you Dean for the music recommendations. I am also grateful to those who have provided me with feedback on my research in informal discussions and at conferences during the course of my study. Thank you to my fiancée, Raen, for putting up with me and for keeping me sane. Thank you to Christine for supplying me with a steady stream of useful books. Thank you to my sister and my Mum for checking my spelling, punctuation, and grammar. Finally, for making this project possible, I thank my Nan. Table of Contents List of Abbreviations i 1: Introduction 1 1.1 Historiography 2 1.1.1 Traditional and Liberal Revisionist Perspectives 2 1.1.2 Populism and Liberal Revisionism 8 1.1.3 Class and Non-Liberal Revisionism 13 1.2 Methodology 19 1.2.1 Local Studies 19 1.2.2 Political Ideology: A Conceptual Approach 22 1.2.3 Political Language and Sources 28 1.3 Chapter Outline 31 2: Radicalism and the Politics of Class, 1867-1885 34 2.1 Bristol 38 2.2 Northampton 52 2.3 Summary 67 3: The Emergence of Labour Politics, 1885-1889 69 3.1 Bristol 73 3.2 Northampton 85 3.3 Summary 97 4: Industrial Conflict and Labour Politics, 1889-1900 100 4.1 Bristol 104 4.2 Northampton 117 4.3 Summary 130 5: Going in 'Strong for Labour', 1900-1914 133 5.1 Bristol 136 5.2 Northampton 151 5.3 Summary 164 6: 'A Poor Man's War', 1914-1918 166 6.1 Bristol 169 6.2 Northampton 181 6.3 Summary 194 7: Conclusion 197 Bibliography 205 Appendix 224 List of Abbreviations Archives BL British Library, London BRO Bristol Record Office, Bristol LHA Labour History Archive and Study Centre, Manchester MRC Modern Records Centre, Warwick NCL Northamptonshire Central Library, Northampton NRO Northamptonshire Record Office, Northampton Collections GRC British Library General Reference Collection JG John Gregory Papers, University of Bristol LSECOOKE Arthur Cooke Papers, LSE LSEILP ILP papers, LSE UBSC University of Bristol Special Collections, Bristol Newspapers BF Bristol Forward BG Bristol Guardian BLH Bristol Labour Herald BM Bristol Mercury BO Bristol Observer BT&M Bristol Times & Mirror BWM Bristol Weekly Mercury NDE Northampton Daily Echo NI Northampton Independent NM Northampton Mercury NS Northampton Socialist RN Reynolds's Weekly Newspaper SP Socialist Pioneer i WDP Western Daily Press Organisations BILP Bristol ILP BLEA Bristol Labour Electoral Association BLRC Bristol Labour Representation Committee BLA Bristol Liberal Association BMA Bristol Miners' Association BSS Bristol Socialist Society BSP British Socialist Party BTC Bristol Trades' Council DWR Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Workers' Union GWGL National Union of Gasworkers and General Labourers ILP Independent Labour Party LRU Northampton Liberal and Radical Union NLRC Northampton Labour Representation Council NTC Northampton Trades' Council NUBSO National Union of Boot and Shoe Operatives NUBSRF National Union of Operative Boot and Shoe Rivetters and Finishers NUR National Union of Railwaymen OLA Operative Liberals' Association SDF Social Democratic Federation SDP Social Democratic Party WMRA Working Men's Reform Association Sources AR Annual Report CR Conference Report MR Monthly Report M Minutes ii Other For clarity, this study uses the term 'shoemaker' to cover the various categories of worker in the boot and shoe trade. It also uses shortened names for trade unions with potentially confusing abbreviations, such as the Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Workers' Union. For example, it uses 'Dockers' Union' rather than DWRGWU. Finally, it uses Labour with a capital 'L' to designate labour organisations, and labour with a lower case 'l' to designate the labour movement or labourist ideology. This also applies to other organisations, movements, and ideologies considered in this study. iii 1: Introduction This thesis examines the transition between working-class radicalism and labour politics in two provincial English constituencies, Bristol and Northampton, between 1867 and 1918. Combining local studies with a textual analysis of empirical material and a conceptual approach to ideology, it offers fresh insights into popular political change in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britain. Its central argument is that, contrary to the prevailing historiography on labour politics and identity, a distinctive sense of class could shape working-class radical and labour strategies, languages, identities, and ideologies continuously between 1867 and 1918. In particular, it demonstrates that, before the mid-1880s, working-class radical activists in Bristol and Northampton exhibited a non-adversarial sense of class that shaped their perceptions of the social order, their interpretations of radical ideology, and their relationships with both mainstream liberals and middle-class radicals. It also suggests that while working-class radicals in these constituencies came to use 'labour' to describe themselves and their organisations from the mid-1880s, this was primarily a rhetorical move rather than one reflecting a substantive change in their political identity. Over the next thirty years, labour activists in both Bristol and Northampton remained fiercely committed to the dominant strategy, the non- conflictual conception of class, and the political ideology that had long shaped local working-class radical traditions. In Bristol and Northampton, the Victorian tradition of working-class radicalism left an indelible mark on twentieth-century Labour politics. Seeing working-class radicalism as a culturally and ideologically unique movement has three important implications for our understanding of political and ideological change in modern Britain. Firstly, it makes it easier to understand the rise of a class-based labour politics in late Victorian Britain without having to account for either discontinuities in popular politics or the re-emergence of a dormant class consciousness within the British working class. Secondly, establishing a line of continuity between the working-class radical tradition and later labour politics helps us to explain some of the tensions within progressive politics in the Edwardian era. Finally, seeing working-class radicalism as a distinctive ideology with its own conceptual framework enriches our understanding of non-liberal progressive thought in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Related historical 1 questions, such
Load more

Recommended publications
  • People, Place and Party:: the Social Democratic Federation 1884-1911
    Durham E-Theses People, place and party:: the social democratic federation 1884-1911 Young, David Murray How to cite: Young, David Murray (2003) People, place and party:: the social democratic federation 1884-1911, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3081/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk People, Place and Party: the Social Democratic Federation 1884-1911 David Murray Young A copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Durham Department of Politics August 2003 CONTENTS page Abstract ii Acknowledgements v Abbreviations vi Introduction 1 Chapter 1- SDF Membership in London 16 Chapter 2 -London
    [Show full text]
  • Recall of Mps
    House of Commons Political and Constitutional Reform Committee Recall of MPs First Report of Session 2012–13 Report, together with formal minutes, oral and written evidence Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 21 June 2012 HC 373 [incorporating HC 1758-i-iv, Session 2010-12] Published on 28 June 2012 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £0.00 The Political and Constitutional Reform Committee The Political and Constitutional Reform Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to consider political and constitutional reform. Current membership Mr Graham Allen MP (Labour, Nottingham North) (Chair) Mr Christopher Chope MP (Conservative, Christchurch) Paul Flynn MP (Labour, Newport West) Sheila Gilmore MP (Labour, Edinburgh East) Andrew Griffiths MP (Conservative, Burton) Fabian Hamilton MP (Labour, Leeds North East) Simon Hart MP (Conservative, Camarthen West and South Pembrokeshire) Tristram Hunt MP (Labour, Stoke on Trent Central) Mrs Eleanor Laing MP (Conservative, Epping Forest) Mr Andrew Turner MP (Conservative, Isle of Wight) Stephen Williams MP (Liberal Democrat, Bristol West) Powers The Committee’s powers are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in Temporary Standing Order (Political and Constitutional Reform Committee). These are available on the Internet via http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm/cmstords.htm. Publication The Reports and evidence of the Committee are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee (including press notices) are on the internet at www.parliament.uk/pcrc. A list of Reports of the Committee in the present Parliament is at the back of this volume.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Warwick Library
    UNIVERSITY OF WARWICK LIBRARY MODERN RECORDS CENTRE Report 2003-2004 Table of contents Introduction................................................................................................. 1 Data Protection Act .................................................................................... 1 Accessions ................................................................................................. 2 Funding ....................................................................................................... 2 Processing.................................................................................................. 4 Use of the Centre ....................................................................................... 6 Outreach...................................................................................................... 9 Staff...........................................................................................................11 Summary list of accessions.....................................................................13 Performance Indicators, 2003-2004.......................................................17 A selection of recent research making significant use of the Centre’s holdings.....................................................................................................19 The Advisory Board of the Centre, 2003-2004......................................23 The Staff of the Centre, 2003-2004........................................................24 Publications...............................................................................................25
    [Show full text]
  • Marxism and History
    THE HISTORY GROUP MARXISM AND HISTORY MEMBERSHIP OF THE HISTORY Members will have noted GROUP OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY that our bibliography is open to all members of under the above title has the Communist Party now been published. The interested in history. Committee would welcome information about errors There is an annual subscription and omissions and about of 10/-, for which members new publications (books, receive free copies of pamphlets and articles) "Our History" and of the for inclusion when the occasional publications of time arrives for the the Group, as well as notice publication of a new of all meetings, public edition. and private discussions arranged by the Group. Please note that further The Group exists to copies of "Marxism and forward the study and History" can be obtained writing of history from a from the History Group - Marxist standpoint, to price 15/- (postage 8d) put its members working in the same fields in touch with one another, and to organise discussions of mutual interest. All correspondence to! Secretary;, History Group, C.P.G.B., NON-MEMBERS OF THE GROUP 16 King Street, may subscribe to "Our London. W.C.2, History" through Central Books Limited, 37 Grays Inn Road, The Secretary would like London. W.C.I. to hear from members who are interested in local history and in the tape- 10/- per year post free. recording of interviews with Labour movement veterans who have valuable ex¬ periences to relate. THE SECOND REFORM BILL Foreword August 1967 was the centenary of the passing of the Second Reform Bill.
    [Show full text]
  • File Is Composed of the Comfortable Class
    The English Radical Tradition and the British Left 1885-1945 ENDERBY, John Stephen Available from the Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive (SHURA) at: http://shura.shu.ac.uk/26096/ A Sheffield Hallam University thesis This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. Please visit http://shura.shu.ac.uk/26096/ and http://shura.shu.ac.uk/information.html for further details about copyright and re-use permissions. The English Radical Tradition and the British Left 1885-1945 by John Stephen Enderby A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Sheffield Hallam University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy October 2019 I hereby declare that: 1. I have not been enrolled for another award of the University, or other academic or professional organisation, whilst undertaking my research degree. 2. None of the material contained in the thesis has been used in any other submission for an academic award. 3. I am aware of and understand the University's policy on plagiarism and certify that this thesis is my own work. The use of all published or other sources of material consulted have been properly and fully acknowledged. 4. The work undertaken towards the thesis has been conducted in accordance with the SHU Principles of Integrity in Research and the SHU Research Ethics Policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Greenpeace, Earth First! and the Earth Liberation Front: the Rp Ogression of the Radical Environmental Movement in America" (2008)
    University of Rhode Island DigitalCommons@URI Senior Honors Projects Honors Program at the University of Rhode Island 2008 Greenpeace, Earth First! and The aE rth Liberation Front: The rP ogression of the Radical Environmental Movement in America Christopher J. Covill University of Rhode Island, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.uri.edu/srhonorsprog Part of the Environmental Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Covill, Christopher J., "Greenpeace, Earth First! and The Earth Liberation Front: The rP ogression of the Radical Environmental Movement in America" (2008). Senior Honors Projects. Paper 93. http://digitalcommons.uri.edu/srhonorsprog/93http://digitalcommons.uri.edu/srhonorsprog/93 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors Program at the University of Rhode Island at DigitalCommons@URI. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@URI. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Greenpeace, Earth First! and The Earth Liberation Front: The Progression of the Radical Environmental Movement in America Christopher John Covill Faculty Sponsor: Professor Timothy Hennessey, Political Science Causes of worldwide environmental destruction created a form of activism, Ecotage with an incredible success rate. Ecotage uses direct action, or monkey wrenching, to prevent environmental destruction. Mainstream conservation efforts were viewed by many environmentalists as having failed from compromise inspiring the birth of radicalized groups. This eventually transformed conservationists into radicals. Green Peace inspired radical environmentalism by civil disobedience, media campaigns and direct action tactics, but remained mainstream. Earth First’s! philosophy is based on a no compromise approach.
    [Show full text]
  • Cotton and the Community: Exploring Changing Concepts of Identity and Community on Lancashire’S Cotton Frontier C.1890-1950
    Cotton and the Community: Exploring Changing Concepts of Identity and Community on Lancashire’s Cotton Frontier c.1890-1950 By Jack Southern A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree of a PhD, at the University of Central Lancashire April 2016 1 i University of Central Lancashire STUDENT DECLARATION FORM I declare that whilst being registered as a candidate of the research degree, I have not been a registered candidate or enrolled student for another aware of the University or other academic or professional institution. I declare that no material contained in this thesis has been used for any other submission for an academic award and is solely my own work. Signature of Candidate ________________________________________________ Type of Award: Doctor of Philosophy School: Education and Social Sciences ii ABSTRACT This thesis explores the evolution of identity and community within north east Lancashire during a period when the area gained regional and national prominence through its involvement in the cotton industry. It examines how the overarching shared culture of the area could evolve under altering economic conditions, and how expressions of identity fluctuated through the cotton industry’s peak and decline. In effect, it explores how local populations could shape and be shaped by the cotton industry. By focusing on a compact area with diverse settlements, this thesis contributes to the wider understanding of what it was to live in an area dominated by a single industry. The complex legacy that the cotton industry’s decline has had is explored through a range of settlement types, from large town to small village.
    [Show full text]
  • Socialism and Education in Britain 1883 -1902
    Socialism and Education in Britain 1883 -1902 by Kevin Manton A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (PhD) Institute of Education University of London September 1998 (i.omcN) 1 ABSTRACT This thesis examines the policies of the socialist movement in the last two decades of the nineteenth century with regard to the education of children. This study is used to both reassess the nature of these education policies and to criticise the validity of the historiographical models of the movement employed by others. This study is thematic and examines the whole socialist movement of the period, rather than a party or an individual and as such draws out the common policies and positions shared across the movement. The most central of these was a belief that progress in what was called the 'moral' and the 'material' must occur simultaneously. Neither the ethical transformation of individuals, nor, the material reformation of society alone would give real progress. Children, for example, needed to be fed as well as educated if the socialist belief in the power of education and the innate goodness of humanity was to be realised. This belief in the unity of moral and material reform effected all socialist policies studied here, such as those towards the family, teachers, and the content of the curriculum. The socialist programme was also heavily centred on the direct democratic control of the education system, the ideal type of which actually existed in this period in the form of school boards. The socialist programme was thus not a utopian wish list but rather was capable of realisation through the forms of the state education machinery that were present in the period.
    [Show full text]
  • Members of Parliament Disqualified Since 1900 This Document Provides Information About Members of Parliament Who Have Been Disqu
    Members of Parliament Disqualified since 1900 This document provides information about Members of Parliament who have been disqualified since 1900. It is impossible to provide an entirely exhaustive list, as in many cases, the disqualification of a Member is not directly recorded in the Journal. For example, in the case of Members being appointed 5 to an office of profit under the Crown, it has only recently become practice to record the appointment of a Member to such an office in the Journal. Prior to this, disqualification can only be inferred from the writ moved for the resulting by-election. It is possible that in some circumstances, an election could have occurred before the writ was moved, in which case there would be no record from which to infer the disqualification, however this is likely to have been a rare occurrence. This list is based on 10 the writs issued following disqualification and the reason given, such as appointments to an office of profit under the Crown; appointments to judicial office; election court rulings and expulsion. Appointment of a Member to an office of profit under the Crown in the Chiltern Hundreds or the Manor of Northstead is a device used to allow Members to resign their seats, as it is not possible to simply resign as a Member of Parliament, once elected. This is by far the most common means of 15 disqualification. There are a number of Members disqualified in the early part of the twentieth century for taking up Ministerial Office. Until the passage of the Re-Election of Ministers Act 1919, Members appointed to Ministerial Offices were disqualified and had to seek re-election.
    [Show full text]
  • The Conservatives in British Government and the Search for a Social Policy 1918-1923
    71-22,488 HOGAN, Neil William, 1936- THE CONSERVATIVES IN BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND THE SEARCH FOR A SOCIAL POLICY 1918-1923. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1971 History, modern University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE CONSERVATIVES IN BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND THE SEARCH FOR A SOCIAL POLICY 1918-1923 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Neil William Hogan, B.S.S., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 1971 Approved by I AdvAdviser iser Department of History PREFACE I would like to acknowledge my thanks to Mr. Geoffrey D.M. Block, M.B.E. and Mrs. Critch of the Conservative Research Centre for the use of Conservative Party material; A.J.P. Taylor of the Beaverbrook Library for his encouragement and helpful suggestions and his efficient and courteous librarian, Mr. Iago. In addition, I wish to thank the staffs of the British Museum, Public Record Office, West Sussex Record Office, and the University of Birmingham Library for their aid. To my adviser, Professor Phillip P. Poirier, a special acknowledgement#for his suggestions and criticisms were always useful and wise. I also want to thank my mother who helped in the typing and most of all my wife, Janet, who typed and proofread the paper and gave so much encouragement in the whole project. VITA July 27, 1936 . Bom, Cleveland, Ohio 1958 .......... B.S.S., John Carroll University Cleveland, Ohio 1959 - 1965 .... U.
    [Show full text]
  • Manuscript of the Month May 2015 Chelsea Election
    Manuscript of the Month May 2015 Chelsea Election: The Final Contest, satirical print, 1868 Overnight on 7th May, Returning Officers throughout the country will take centre stage as another general election reaches its climax. Within London, seventy three seats are being contested. But while the thirteen marginal constituencies command most attention, seasoned election followers are keeping a watchful eye on proceedings at Kensington, which has endured turbulent times of late. During the 1868 general election, however, Kensington was the scene of a bitterly fought contest. And in the thick of it was Sir Henry Ainslie Hoare Bt. The general election of 1868 pitted Disraeli (Conservative) against Gladstone (Liberal) for the first time. But the passing of the Reform Act a year earlier meant it took place within a dramatically altered political landscape. For not only had the electorate doubled from one to two million, but several new borough constituencies had been created, including two in London: Hackney, carved out of Tower Hamlets, and Chelsea, which encompassed Kensal Green, Fulham, Kensington and Hammersmith as well as Chelsea itself. Under the terms of the Act, Chelsea would return two MPs, while each elector was entitled to two votes. So attractive was Chelsea, with its prime location and huge electorate, that even before the Reform Bill passed into law prospective candidates had begun making their presence felt. But first to formally throw their hats into the ring were two Liberals: 24 year old Charles Wentworth Dilke, Chelsea born and bred, son of a sitting MP; and 43 year old Sir Henry Ainslie Hoare Bt, owner of the extensive Stourhead estates in Wiltshire, whose late father had been a longstanding Partner in the family banking business.
    [Show full text]
  • The British Working Class and the General Election of 1868 1
    ROYDEN HARRISON THE BRITISH WORKING CLASS AND THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 1868 1 The history of working-class politics in Britain during the last hundred years might be written in terms of changing attitudes towards Liberal- ism; a Liberalism which was continuously redefining itself as its social composition altered and political circumstances changed. Successive generations of working-class leaders attempted both to identify themselves with Liberalism and to disengage themselves from it. Those who saw the political future of labour in terms of full incorporation within the Liberal party were never left unchallenged; those who be- lieved in political independence rarely thought of that independence as involving a complete break with Liberal values. From the eighteen- sixties onwards the conflict between the desire to be assimilated and the urge to independence was continuously present within individuals as well as within movements. 11 must express my gratitude to Asa Briggs, Professor of Modern History at the University of Leeds, for his valuable criticism and encouragement. I am indebted to the Sheffield University Publications Committee for a grant which enabled me to consult materials held in the Howell Collection, Bishopsgate Institute London. Some time after this article had been completed, Mr H. J. Hanham's book, "Elections and Party Management" appeared. It was at once recognised as a work of great industry and scholarship; an important contribution to our understanding of politics in the age of Gladstone and Disraeli. It included a chapter on working class radicalism and good use was made of the manuscript volume of "Election Reports" to which I had frequently referred in the course of writing the present article.
    [Show full text]