Popular Political Continuity in Urban England, 1867-1918: The Case Studies of Bristol and Northampton Matthew Kidd Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2015 Abstract This thesis examines the transition between working-class radicalism and labour politics in two provincial English constituencies, Bristol and Northampton, between 1867 and 1918. By combining local case studies with a textual analysis of empirical material and a conceptual approach to ideology, it offers fresh insights into popular political change in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britain. Its central argument is that, contrary to the prevailing historiography on labour politics and identity, a distinctive sense of class could shape working-class radical and labour strategies, languages, identities, and ideologies continuously between 1867 and 1918. In particular, it demonstrates that before the mid-1880s, working-class radical activists in Bristol and Northampton exhibited a non-adversarial sense of class that shaped their perceptions of the social order, their interpretations of radical ideology, and their relationships with both mainstream liberals and middle-class radicals. It also suggests that while working-class radicals came to use 'labour' to describe themselves and their organisations from the mid-1880s, this was primarily a rhetorical move rather than one reflecting a substantive change in their political identity. Over the next thirty years, labour activists in both Bristol and Northampton remained fiercely committed to the dominant strategy, the non-conflictual conception of class, and the political ideology that had long shaped local working- class radical traditions. In these constituencies, the Victorian tradition of working- class radicalism left an indelible mark on twentieth-century labour politics. This study has important implications for our understanding of political and ideological change in modern Britain. Firstly, confirming the existence of a decidedly working-class radical movement makes it easier to understand the rise of a class- based labour politics in late Victorian Britain without having to account for either discontinuities in popular politics or the re-emergence of a dormant class consciousness within the British working class. Secondly, establishing a line of continuity between working-class radicalism and later labour politics helps us to explain some of the tensions that characterised progressive politics in the Edwardian era. Finally, seeing working-class radicalism as a distinctive ideology with its own conceptual framework enriches our understanding of non-liberal progressive thought in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Acknowledgements Above all, I would like to thank my two supervisors for their support, encouragement, and feedback over the last three and a half years. Sascha Auerbach has offered me advice and guidance that, especially in the initial stages of the project, proved to be invaluable. Also, thank you Sascha for the satchel. Special thanks are also due to Dean Blackburn, particularly for his patience during our long discussions about ideology. Also, thank you Dean for the music recommendations. I am also grateful to those who have provided me with feedback on my research in informal discussions and at conferences during the course of my study. Thank you to my fiancée, Raen, for putting up with me and for keeping me sane. Thank you to Christine for supplying me with a steady stream of useful books. Thank you to my sister and my Mum for checking my spelling, punctuation, and grammar. Finally, for making this project possible, I thank my Nan. Table of Contents List of Abbreviations i 1: Introduction 1 1.1 Historiography 2 1.1.1 Traditional and Liberal Revisionist Perspectives 2 1.1.2 Populism and Liberal Revisionism 8 1.1.3 Class and Non-Liberal Revisionism 13 1.2 Methodology 19 1.2.1 Local Studies 19 1.2.2 Political Ideology: A Conceptual Approach 22 1.2.3 Political Language and Sources 28 1.3 Chapter Outline 31 2: Radicalism and the Politics of Class, 1867-1885 34 2.1 Bristol 38 2.2 Northampton 52 2.3 Summary 67 3: The Emergence of Labour Politics, 1885-1889 69 3.1 Bristol 73 3.2 Northampton 85 3.3 Summary 97 4: Industrial Conflict and Labour Politics, 1889-1900 100 4.1 Bristol 104 4.2 Northampton 117 4.3 Summary 130 5: Going in 'Strong for Labour', 1900-1914 133 5.1 Bristol 136 5.2 Northampton 151 5.3 Summary 164 6: 'A Poor Man's War', 1914-1918 166 6.1 Bristol 169 6.2 Northampton 181 6.3 Summary 194 7: Conclusion 197 Bibliography 205 Appendix 224 List of Abbreviations Archives BL British Library, London BRO Bristol Record Office, Bristol LHA Labour History Archive and Study Centre, Manchester MRC Modern Records Centre, Warwick NCL Northamptonshire Central Library, Northampton NRO Northamptonshire Record Office, Northampton Collections GRC British Library General Reference Collection JG John Gregory Papers, University of Bristol LSECOOKE Arthur Cooke Papers, LSE LSEILP ILP papers, LSE UBSC University of Bristol Special Collections, Bristol Newspapers BF Bristol Forward BG Bristol Guardian BLH Bristol Labour Herald BM Bristol Mercury BO Bristol Observer BT&M Bristol Times & Mirror BWM Bristol Weekly Mercury NDE Northampton Daily Echo NI Northampton Independent NM Northampton Mercury NS Northampton Socialist RN Reynolds's Weekly Newspaper SP Socialist Pioneer i WDP Western Daily Press Organisations BILP Bristol ILP BLEA Bristol Labour Electoral Association BLRC Bristol Labour Representation Committee BLA Bristol Liberal Association BMA Bristol Miners' Association BSS Bristol Socialist Society BSP British Socialist Party BTC Bristol Trades' Council DWR Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Workers' Union GWGL National Union of Gasworkers and General Labourers ILP Independent Labour Party LRU Northampton Liberal and Radical Union NLRC Northampton Labour Representation Council NTC Northampton Trades' Council NUBSO National Union of Boot and Shoe Operatives NUBSRF National Union of Operative Boot and Shoe Rivetters and Finishers NUR National Union of Railwaymen OLA Operative Liberals' Association SDF Social Democratic Federation SDP Social Democratic Party WMRA Working Men's Reform Association Sources AR Annual Report CR Conference Report MR Monthly Report M Minutes ii Other For clarity, this study uses the term 'shoemaker' to cover the various categories of worker in the boot and shoe trade. It also uses shortened names for trade unions with potentially confusing abbreviations, such as the Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Workers' Union. For example, it uses 'Dockers' Union' rather than DWRGWU. Finally, it uses Labour with a capital 'L' to designate labour organisations, and labour with a lower case 'l' to designate the labour movement or labourist ideology. This also applies to other organisations, movements, and ideologies considered in this study. iii 1: Introduction This thesis examines the transition between working-class radicalism and labour politics in two provincial English constituencies, Bristol and Northampton, between 1867 and 1918. Combining local studies with a textual analysis of empirical material and a conceptual approach to ideology, it offers fresh insights into popular political change in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britain. Its central argument is that, contrary to the prevailing historiography on labour politics and identity, a distinctive sense of class could shape working-class radical and labour strategies, languages, identities, and ideologies continuously between 1867 and 1918. In particular, it demonstrates that, before the mid-1880s, working-class radical activists in Bristol and Northampton exhibited a non-adversarial sense of class that shaped their perceptions of the social order, their interpretations of radical ideology, and their relationships with both mainstream liberals and middle-class radicals. It also suggests that while working-class radicals in these constituencies came to use 'labour' to describe themselves and their organisations from the mid-1880s, this was primarily a rhetorical move rather than one reflecting a substantive change in their political identity. Over the next thirty years, labour activists in both Bristol and Northampton remained fiercely committed to the dominant strategy, the non- conflictual conception of class, and the political ideology that had long shaped local working-class radical traditions. In Bristol and Northampton, the Victorian tradition of working-class radicalism left an indelible mark on twentieth-century Labour politics. Seeing working-class radicalism as a culturally and ideologically unique movement has three important implications for our understanding of political and ideological change in modern Britain. Firstly, it makes it easier to understand the rise of a class-based labour politics in late Victorian Britain without having to account for either discontinuities in popular politics or the re-emergence of a dormant class consciousness within the British working class. Secondly, establishing a line of continuity between the working-class radical tradition and later labour politics helps us to explain some of the tensions within progressive politics in the Edwardian era. Finally, seeing working-class radicalism as a distinctive ideology with its own conceptual framework enriches our understanding of non-liberal progressive thought in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Related historical 1 questions, such