Introduction: Immigration and Changing Identities Nancy Foner, Kay Deaux, Katharine M. Donato

RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences, Volume 4, Number 5, August 2018, pp. 1-25 (Article)

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[ Access provided at 25 Sep 2021 22:19 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] Introduction: Immigration and Changing Identities N ancy Foner, Kay Deaux, and Katharine M. Donato

In the last half century, the United States has hoods across the country. While policymakers undergone a profound demographic transfor- deliberate about controlling future immigra- mation in the wake of a massive inflow of im- tion or dealing with those who are already here migrants. In 2016, immigrants represented ap- (particularly those who lack documentation), proximately 14 percent of the U.S. population; the reality of a changed ethnic-­racial popula- together with their U.S.-­born children the figure tion plays out in the lives of millions of Amer- was more than 25 percent, a remarkable eighty-­ icans, immigrants and nonimmigrants alike. six million people. This growth in immigration, In distinction from earlier immigration is- mainly from Latin America, Asia, and the Ca- sues in RSF that have highlighted questions of ribbean, has altered the racial and ethnic com- legal status (Gonzales and Rafael 2017) and po- position of the nation. The non-Hispanic­ white litical representation (McCann and Jones-­ population in the United States declined from Correa 2016), we examine fundamental issues 83 to 62 percent between 1970 and 2015, and of identity definition and group categorization the Hispanic population grew from 4 to 18 per- with a focus on the U.S. context: how immi- cent in the same period. Asians, fewer than 1 grants, the children of immigrants, and long-­ percent of the U.S. population in 1970, are now established Americans see themselves in terms 6 percent. The number of black immigrants of race and ethnicity, as well as how members (from Africa and the Caribbean) has also in- of each group view and label the others. What creased, and close to 10 percent of blacks in the has increased diversity meant for the way peo- United States are now foreign born. The result ple define their ethnicity and that of others? has been greater racial and ethnic diversity in How do these conceptions influence the ways a wide swath of both urban and rural neighbor- in which members of different ethnic groups

Nancy Foner is Distinguished Professor of Sociology at Hunter College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Kay Deaux is Distinguished Professor Emerita at the Graduate Center of the City Uni- versity of New York and visiting research scholar in psychology at New York University. Katharine M. Donato is Donald G. Herzberg Professor of International Migration and director of the Institute for the Study of International Migration at Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service.

© 2018 Russell Sage Foundation. Foner, Nancy, Kay Deaux, and Katharine M. Donato. 2018. “Introduction: Im- migration and Changing Identities.” RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences 4(5): 1–25. DOI: 10.7758/RSF.2018.4.5.01. Direct correspondence to: Nancy Foner at [email protected], 785 Park Ave., 5E, New York, NY 10021; Kay Deaux at [email protected], 20 East 9th St., Apt. 20E, New York, NY 10003; and Katharine M. Donato at [email protected], School of Foreign Service, Institute for Study of International Migration, Georgetown University, 3300 Whitehaven St., Washington, D.C. 20007. Open Access Policy: RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences is an open access journal. This article is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-­NonCommercial-­NoDerivs 3.0 Unported Li- cense. 2 Immigration and Changing Identities interact with one another? To put it another and constant, the historical, sociological, and way, how has the massive immigration inflow psychological evidence convincingly document of the last half century altered the social and their dynamic and flexible nature. Historically, psychological reality that people experience in both the categories of usage and the accepted the United States today? conventions for assigning certain groups to cer- In exploring these questions, this introduc- tain categories have changed over time (and tion brings together insights and perspectives place) and continue to do so as large-scale­ post- from a variety of social science disciplines, ­1965 immigration influences the demographic from social psychology to demography to social profile of the United States. Given that flow and history. Questions about identity and identity shifting demographic patterns, how do indi- change, intergroup relations, and indeed the viduals see themselves and how do others see field of immigration itself, cannot be relegated them? We know from psychological research to any single discipline. We firmly believe that that people have many identity options open a multidisciplinary strategy is the most produc- to them (for example, age, gender, social class, tive choice. Some topics and questions do of and religion). Although these identity catego- course fall more easily into one domain than ries are surely not irrelevant to immigration, in another. But we have consistently tried to link this issue we focus primarily on ethnic, racial, the domains and broaden the perspective, in and national identities. From the census to the the hope that readers from each discipline will media to the marches on the street, these iden- find both the familiar and the new. tities are what are most debated and contested We begin by addressing identity, a concept in the context of immigration. On the one that can be defined in terms of basic cognitive hand, historical precedents and assumptions and social psychological processes, but at the establish a framework for contemporary usage same time depends on social norms, accepted of identity as a subject for ethnic, racial, and demographic classifications, and historical de- national discussion. Yet, at the same time, so- velopments. Later, in discussing the historical cial forces and current experiences create a pro- context for identity development and change, cess by which previous notions of identity may we draw heavily on work from history and so- be challenged, redefined, and individually se- ciology, at the same time pointing to processes lected and used. These possibilities for change, that may have implications for individual func- both over time and circumstance, impel us to tioning. In examining changing identities and give greater attention to the processes of ethnic intergroup relations, we again bring in work and racial identification and to the forces that from several disciplines, including demo- promote one choice over another. graphic and sociological analyses of intermar- riage, social psychological work on identity and Constructing Identity Categories intergroup contact, and the work of sociolo- Ethnic and racial identities are, like other social gists and political scientists on panethnicity. identities such as gender, religion, or occupa- Finally, we take stock of where we are and we tion, categories that people use to place them- look ahead to possible future developments. selves and others in the social world (Gleason How might immigration, ethnic and racial 1983; Deaux 2015). As such, they not only are identity, and relations between diverse ethnic forms of self-­definition, articulating the aspects and racial groups continue to develop and of self that one sees as most central to who they change? What additional factors need to be are, but also serve to organize a person’s social taken into account and what new research is world, viewing others as members of identifi- needed? able categories in which members share some common features (Vignoles, forthcoming). Ident ity as Concept and Process These categories are more than mere labels. Fundamental to our analysis is the recognition They carry beliefs about content and meaning, that racial and ethnic identities are socially have evaluative connotations, and are affirmed constructed and amenable to change. Although with varying degrees of importance. Moreover, these categories are often assumed to be fixed they link individuals to social groups, shape

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences introduction 3 interactions within and between groups, and neth Braly in the 1930s and continuing to the provide viable links to past histories and future present day (Katz and Braly 1933; Fiske and Lee goals (Ashmore, Deaux, and McLaughlin-­Volpe 2012). 2004). Currently, the U.S. Census contains a mix- How and why people choose particular iden- ture of racial and ethnic bases of classification tity categories for self-­definition or for the de- (Prewitt 2013). A question on race asks people scription of others have been increasingly ex- whether they are one of three races—white, plored in recent years, opening up possibilities black–African American–Negro, or American previously thought to be settled issues. A major Indian–Alaska native—or some other race, shift in the conversation has been the recogni- which respondents are asked to specify. A fifth tion that identity is not an objectively deter- option, covering the broad Asian category, of- mined category but instead a construction, re- fers more specificity, listing ten possibilities flecting and substantiating a particular set of (such as Chinese, Filipino, Samoan) and an ad- assumptions about the world or a particular ditional Other category. The race question on position for viewing the social structure in the census is preceded by a question focusing which one exists. specifically on Hispanic-­origin respondents Across time and continents, racial catego- (“Is person of Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish or- ries have often been an accepted way of sorting igin?”), with a yes response allowing four people into groups. From the early eighteenth-­ choices (for example, “yes, Puerto Rican”), one century proposal by the Swedish botanist Carl of which is again an invitation to state a specific Linnaeus of four basic races, defined in terms heritage not included in the answers provided. of physical features (such as color of skin, tex- As Kenneth Prewitt discusses in detail, the ture of hair) and elaborated by assumed traits census exemplifies the statistical definition of and behaviors (such as haughty, indolent, in- race, “constructed and reconstructed by the ventive, or capricious) through contemporary government” (2013, 4). The categories are both census categories, race has continued to be a cause and consequence: their inception is typ- demarcation tool (Prewitt 2013). Extended to ically the result of political decisions and pres- five categories by the German scientist Johann sures, and their existence in turn influences Blumenbach, racial classification soon became the way that our understandings are shaped a simple color chart of white, yellow, brown, and political policies are enacted. Yet, as Rich- red, and black—the ethnoracial pentagon, a ard Alba convincingly argues, the seeming im- term offered by David Hollinger (2006). In var- partiality of statistics does not preclude arbi- ious forms, these color-­coded categories have trary coding and allocation practices that affect long been used and continue to be used in this the interpretation and use of these statistics country, both in official and bureaucratic doc- (2016a). Such biases are particularly likely to uments and in everyday usage, both descriptive emerge in the classification of the growing mul- and sometimes pejorative. tiracial population in the country. Although racial categorization has been To use a general multiracial category for the ubiquitous in the United States, and in many myriad of combinations that are possible in a other countries as well, the finer distinctions diverse society has serious limitations, as the of ethnicity and culture have also been perva- particular combinations are often distinctive sive. The felt need to make these distinctions and consequential. For example, those with an in the United States has often been prompted Asian- ­white background are likely to claim a by the increasing inflow of new immigrant multiracial identity whereas black-­white mixed-­ groups, exemplified by Robert Park and Her- race individuals tilt more often toward a black bert Miller’s Old World Traits Transplanted identity (Alba 2016b; Bratter 2016). Gender can (1921). As in the case of racial categories, ethnic further complicate the picture, in that women distinctions have continued to be used, both of mixed-­race heritage—particularly younger by researchers and in common parlance, the women—are more likely to identity as multira- latter documented in a series of studies of eth- cial than men are (Morning and Saperstein nic stereotypes begun by Daniel Katz and Ken- 2016; Pew Research Center 2015). These varia-

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences 4 Immigration and Changing Identities tions, when coupled with evidence that the see strategic value in adopting a panethnic multiracial population is growing (though still identity (Okamoto 2014). small in absolute terms) provide further reason In discussions of race and ethnicity, the em- to take notions of identity seriously. phasis is often on the nonwhite sectors of the population, that is, those who are differentiated Selecting an Identity: What and Why from the normative white category. Yet, in re- Societal formulations make certain categories cent years, white identity has also been recog- more available for regular usage, both by those nized as an important racial as well as ethnic who want to describe others and by individuals identity category (McDermott and Samson and groups who seek to define their own posi- 2005), and one that has become more promi- tion in the society that they inhabit. In some nent in the current U.S. political climate. cases, the labels commonly used in the United Whereas only a decade ago some social scien- States are unfamiliar to immigrants or were not tists could confidently say that “Whites’ white- used (or less often used) in their countries of ness is usually likely to be no more noteworthy origin. Immigrants from Jamaica, for example, to them than is breathing the air around them” may shift from an identification with their spe- (Sears and Savalei 2006, 901), more recent re- cific country or ethnic origin to a more general search has shown an array of behaviors that are West Indian or black label when they are as- moderated by white ethnic identification sumed by others to be part of these larger (Knowles and Peng 2005), including voting pat- groups in the United States (Waters 1999). Sim- terns in the 2016 U.S. presidential election (Ma- ilar issues arise for many migrants from Latin jor, Blodorn, and Blascovich 2016). America, who are categorized as Hispanic when they settle in the United States and less often My Choice Versus Your Assumption: distinguished by their country or culture of Discrepancies in Category Usage origin. Categories used for classification by others do A variety of categories are available for a per- not always match the identity categories that son to use in self-­attribution, but clearly some the person uses. Although both outsiders and are more suitable or more desirable than oth- insiders are likely to draw from the same avail- ers. How the individual comes to define his or able set of societally defined options, criteria her identity within the set of possibilities is a for a particular endorsement can differ. As multidetermined process. Certainly, the imme- noted earlier, visibility of some physical fea- diate environment in which a person lives—the tures such as skin color can make agreement family constellation and traditions and the more likely (Wilkins, Kaiser, and Rieck 2010). neighborhood, for example—plays a role in Yet in other cases, physical features carry more making certain identity options both available weight for observers than for the targets of their and feasible. A person’s physical features can view. For example, people of Asian descent also be influential: individuals who look more born in the United States are often assumed by prototypical of their ethnic group in terms of others to be immigrants rather than natural-­ physical features are more likely to be assigned born citizens, illustrating the outsider’s prefer- to that ethnic category by others and to identify ence for an ethnic-raci­ al category, whereas the with that category themselves (Wilkins, Kaiser, Asian insider might want to be seen in terms and Rieck 2010). The choice of a particular of the national identity of American (Tuan racial-­ethnic identity can also reflect personal 1998). This difference in priorities might seem motives and desired goals. Dominican immi- relatively harmless; however, research has grants, for example, often adopt the identity of shown that the target person is likely to be an- Hispanic as a way of placing themselves in a gered by what is seen as an offensive mistake category distinct from black and white in categorization (Cheryan and Monin 2005; (Itzigsohn 2009). Individuals from Vietnam, Wang, Minerva, and Cheryan 2013). China, or the Philippines may opt for the more Distinctions within a panethnic grouping general label of Asian American because they can also be more important for self- ­

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences introduction 5 identification than for categorization by others. category during a ten-­year period are numer- Panethnic identities, such as those made avail- ous, from methodological (such as unreliability able in census forms, can be accepted and used, of categories that were not common-­use terms particularly for political mobilization (Oka- for respondents) to experiential (such as a sub- moto 2014; Schildkraut 2011). At the same time, stantial change in a person’s social network interethnic distinctions remain important. The during the period that makes one ethnic iden- failure of others to correctly identify a person’s tity category more salient or relevant than an- national-­origin identity—such as by assuming other). More longitudinal research on the self-­ that a person speaking Vietnamese is Japanese, labeling of identity would be helpful in sorting or that a Venezuelan would celebrate Mexican out possible causes. Independence Day—can elicit adverse reac- At the same time, social psychological re- tions (Flores and Huo 2013). search provides ample evidence that people can Discrepancies such as these between identi- easily shift from one identity to another in ties preferred by an individual (or group) and shorter, more situationally dependent circum- categorical assignment by others have numer- stances. Evidence for these shifts is both cog- ous implications for interactions between the nitive and behavioral. In what is termed cultural two. At a minimum, one cannot assume equiv- frame- s­ witching, the availability of cognitive alence of the label and the interpretations that cues relevant to one or another identity can af- follow from the use of that label when shifting fect the thoughts and expressions of multicul- between the two vantage points. More broadly, tural persons, often in wholly nonconscious discrepancies in the preference for and use of and automatic ways (Benet-Mar­ tínez 2012). At identity categories can potentially disrupt, or a more behavioral level, in a process that has at least make problematic, interactions be- been termed bicultural (or multicultural) iden- tween those representing one versus the other tity performance, it has been shown that peo- perspective. ple will strategically make choices among pos- sible identities when presenting themselves to Identity Change others (Wiley and Deaux 2011; see also Klein, The available options for identity categoriza- Spears, and Reicher 2007). Numerous factors tion within a society can change, as the fre- influence these choices. For example, people quently modified U.S. Census illustrates. Yet are likely to emphasize a version of self that is even when categories remain stable, people’s consistent with the situation or with the char- claims to those categories vary over time and acteristics of those around them, such as iden- circumstance. Evidence of this variability in the tifying as a student in a classroom or as a Mus- use of census categories is provided by Carolyn lim when in a mosque. Norms and social Liebler and her colleagues (2017), who used pressures influence many of these choices: for matched 2000 to 2010 census files to determine example, the American-­born daughter of Chi- the extent to which self-se­ lected ethnoracial nese immigrant parents would be likely to ex- categories remained stable or changed over the press her Chinese identity more strongly when period. They find not only that 6 percent of re- at home, but her American identity in a more spondents differed in self-l­abeling between the diverse school setting. Individual differences two periods, but also that individuals in par- in the importance of a particular identification ticular groups were most likely to show flexibil- or in allegiance to an ethnic group also moder- ity in their responses. Respondents who re- ate presentational choices. Not surprisingly, ported a multiracial background at one point those who strongly identify with a category are in time, for example, frequently chose only a more likely to show consistency across situa- single category at another. This pattern was tions than are those whose subjective invest- particularly true of those who combined white ment in the category is weaker (Wiley and and Asian or white and Hispanic labels in one Deaux 2011). Thus change, both short-t­erm and of their self-­descriptions. long- ­term, must be considered an essential Possible reasons for changes in an identity part of any account of ethnic and racial identity.

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Changeability of Ethnoracial character of identity construction and defini- Categories and Identities: tion. Putting the Present in Historical Context The Meaning of Whiteness: Eastern and If our theme is immigration’s impact on chang- Southern Europeans in the Past ing identities in the contemporary United The commonly taken-­for-­granted meaning of States, it is useful to view the present in light white or whiteness has undergone significant of the past. Looking back to earlier periods in shifts over time. It is often said that a major U.S. history brings out in a powerful way how distinction between today’s immigrants and racial and ethnic identities are socially con- those a hundred years ago is that then they structed in the context of large-scale­ immigra- were, in the main, white Europeans and today tion and points to underlying factors that have they are, in significant numbers, people of led to specific changes over time. Racial differ- color, but this is to impose early twenty-­first ences may seem permanent and immutable— century understandings of racial categories on this is the essence of race, which refers to the the past. Race today is basically a color word, belief that visible physical characteristics or but when it came to the millions of southern putative ancestry define groups or categories and eastern European immigrants a century of people in ways seen to be innate and un- ago, race and color were not “perfect syn- changeable. But “race has only the meaning onyms”; in the first half of the twentieth cen- that culture gives it,” and in fact race is a tury, “one could be considered both white changeable perception (Robinson 2017, 16). So, (color) and racially inferior to other whites too, are ethnic categories and ethnic identi- (race)” (Fox and Guglielmo 2012, 334). ties, which not only may shift in meaning in Southern and eastern European immigrants different everyday situations, but also have at the time were widely viewed as racially infe- been viewed in different ways in earlier eras. rior to those with origins in northern and west- Ethnicity is often defined by ancestry and de- ern Europe. At the same time, although their scent as opposed to physical markers, but whiteness was sometimes questioned, they such distinctions are not as easy or unambig- were legally white—that is, not prevented from uous as is sometimes assumed. George Fred- naturalizing as Asians were, for example, or rickson argues that race refers to what hap- subject to the antimiscegenation laws that ex- pens when ethnicity is deemed essential or isted in many states. They were also placed in indelible and made hierarchical (2002, 155); the white category by federal agencies, includ- Stephen Cornell and Douglas Hartmann em- ing the U.S. Census (Fox and Guglielmo 2012, phasize that race is a construction imposed 364). Historians have sought terms to describe on a group against its will and that ethnic con- the ambiguous racial position of Jews and Ital- sciousness is a self-­construction of the group ians a century ago: “inbetween peoples,” in the (2004). Indeed, it has been argued that the very words of the historians James Barrett and David concept of ethnic group in American dis - Roediger (1997), “probationary” whites in those course to refer to groups with common cul- of the historian Matthew Frye Jacobson (1998), tural characteristics and ancestry did not or, as Thomas Guglielmo suggests (2003), racial emerge until the early twentieth century, when outsiders but color insiders—that is, racially it was used by Jewish intellectuals to resist be- inferior to other whites on the basis of notions ing assimilated into the melting pot while of stock, heredity, blood, and selectively chosen avoiding racialization (Foner and Fredrickson physical characteristics (Fox and Guglielmo 2004, 4; Hattam 2004). 2012, 343). As Jacobson aptly puts it, eastern As these comments suggest, debates about and southern Europeans were both white and the use of race versus ethnicity as conceptual racially distinct from other whites (1998). categories have a lengthy and continuing his- In the early twentieth century, Jewish and tory, and usage of the terms can vary both Italian immigrants, who then made up more within and between disciplines. Such differ- than half of the southern, central, and eastern ences of opinion and usage attest to the fluid European immigrants in the United States,

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences introduction 7 were seen as belonging to inferior “mongrel” Nor can we dismiss the ending of the mas- races that would alter the essential character sive eastern and southern European immigrant of the United States and pollute the nation’s influx following restrictive U.S. legislation in Anglo- ­Saxon or Nordic stock. They were the 1920s, which reduced fears of old-­stock thought to have distinct biological features, Americans about the deluge of racial inferiors mental abilities, and innate character traits and and contributed to cultural assimilation. More- many Americans believed that they were phys- over, the massive migration of African Ameri- ically identifiable: facial features (including the cans from the rural South to northern cities “Jewish” nose) were often noted in the case of from World War I on likely facilitated the ac- Jews, “swarthy” skin in the case of Italians. ceptance of Jews and Italians as full-fledged­ Even as late as the 1930s, an American history whites by changing the racial order in these textbook asked whether it would be possible to cities from one marked by the multiplicity of absorb the “millions of olive-­skinned Italians white races to one focused on race as color (see, and swarthy black-­haired Slavs and dark-­eyed for example, Guterl 2001). As blacks became a Hebrews into the body of the American people” significant proportion of the population in cit- (Barker, Dodd, and Commager 1934, cited in ies like New York and Chicago (where they were Fitzgerald 1979, 79–80). less than 2 percent of the population in 1900), What factors eventually led Jews and Italians Jews and Italians often sought to distinguish to become part of an all-­encompassing white themselves from (and claim superiority to) Af- community and no longer set apart in the pop- rican Americans—which they did by emphasiz- ular mind as inferior, in racial terms, from ing their whiteness. those with northern and western European an- The Nazi genocide made anti-Semitism­ less cestry (Alba 2009; Foner 2000, 2005)? The eco- respectable. World War II had another effect as nomic and occupational successes of Jews and well, occurring when the mass inflow of immi- Italians were critical: economic prosperity and gration had receded and the army was filled the enormous expansion of higher education with U.S.-born­ generations with origins in all in the post–World War II years and the benefits parts of Europe. Fighting in segregated white that came with postwar policies, such as the GI platoons “brought about a self-­conscious war- Bill of 1944, provided opportunities for educa- time unity that transcended ethnic lines among tional and job mobility for both the Jewish and whites” (Alba 2009, 80; see also Gerstle 2001). the Italian second generations. Climbing the Especially after the war, struggles by the groups social and economic ladder was accompanied themselves—most notably Jewish organiza- by increased intermixing—in neighborhoods, tions such as the Anti-­Defamation League—to at work, and eventually in marriage—with eliminate racial exclusionary barriers in hous- those whose roots were in different parts of Eu- ing, higher education, resorts, and social clubs rope. were key in the passage of laws prohibiting ra- A combination of other factors was also in- cial and religious bias in employment and volved. That those with origins in eastern and higher education. Whether any of these factors southern Europe shared a safe haven of legal will play a role in changing the social construc- whiteness with other European groups from tion of racial and ethnic categories in the future the very beginning—and were not subject to is one of the topics we take up in the conclu- the same kind of systematic legal and official sion. discrimination facing black, Asian, and Mexi- can immigrants—was important in their even- Whiteness in Flux Today tual racial inclusion into the white mainstream. Whatever the course of change in the future, Also, because many Jews and Italians physically we already see shifts as a result of the massive resembled members of the older European immigration of the last half century, and this groups, it was often possible for them to blend includes the meaning of whiteness. The schol- into the majority population (“to pass”) if they arship on white racial identity in the United shed cultural features such as distinctive dia- States has highlighted how much it is taken for lects or dress. granted as well as rooted in social and eco-

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences 8 Immigration and Changing Identities nomic privileges, with these privileges often Another shift, although unusual, is worth invisible to many whites who do not think of attention. In some communities where Asian themselves as having a race at all. Although immigrants are numerically dominant, highly white racial identity continues to encompass educated, and well off (and blacks and Latinos European Americans’ advantaged position in virtually absent), whiteness may well be down- the ethnoracial hierarchy, it is also very much graded. This has happened in Cupertino, Cali- in flux (McDermott and Samson 2005). fornia, an affluent white-­Asian city in Silicon One issue that has come into prominence, Valley where high academic achievement is no particularly in analyses of the last presidential longer associated with whiteness: whiteness election campaign and support for President has come to stand for lower achievement, lazi- Donald Trump, is the degree to which many ness, and academic mediocrity, and Asianness whites feel that their “natural” privileges as is linked with academic success, hard work, whites are in jeopardy, indeed under siege, in and achievement (Jiménez and Horowitz 2013). the context of demographic change fueled by There are also intriguing questions about immigration and the economic and political white identities among groups classified as gains of nonwhite groups in the post–civil white on the census but who do not see them- rights era—something dramatically symbol- selves, and may not be seen by others, as white. ized by the election of the nation’s first black Whereas for the descendants of earlier Euro- president. In the midst of growing ethnic and pean immigrants, ethnic identity has become racial diversity across the country, whiteness optional and white ethnic distinctions have has become more salient to many Americans gradually blurred into a more diffuse European who believe that nonwhites are undeservedly American identity, especially by the third and receiving advantages and “cutting in line” fourth generations, this may not be the case (Hochschild 2016). The historian Nell Irvin for groups such as Arab and Middle Eastern Painter argues that in the Trump era what it Americans. Although they are officially consid- means to be white has fundamentally changed ered white by the U.S. Census, they often have “from unmarked default to racially marked . . . a stronger identification with their home coun- from of course being beauty queen and of course try, region of origin, or religion than with white- being the cute young people selling things in ness, in good part owing to the widespread pub- ads to having to make space for other, nonwhite lic suspicion and discrimination they face, people to fill those roles” (2016). especially among the many who are Muslim In their article in this issue, Maureen Craig (Tehranian 2010). In fact, advocacy groups have and Jennifer Richeson report empirical evi- pressured the census to adopt a separate Mid- dence of group-­status threat—that is, the threat dle Eastern and North African (MENA) category or fear that whites will lose their privileged and because of the discomfort many have with dominant position in America’s racial hierar- checking off white, as well as a desire to in- chy (2018). They note that many white Ameri- crease opportunities for federal funding and cans believe that antiwhite discrimination is gain more political clout; in early 2018, how- on the rise, a view especially likely to be held ever, the Census Bureau announced that it by whites living in areas with relatively large would not add MENA to the next census. racial minority populations. Deborah Schild- kraut and Satia Marotta (also this issue) ask Asians and the Elasticity of Race whether white millennials, born after 1980, Asians, especially those with origins in East might be less conservative in their political Asia, have experienced a remarkable change in views than older whites, given their greater ex- racial status, undergoing a metamorphosis in perience with a diverse society (2018). Although the last seven decades from “yellow peril” to white millennials are more liberal on some is- model minority. Indeed, when whites stereo- sues, the stronger message from Schildkraut type Asian Americans today it is often for being and Marotta is that differences between whites economically successful (Abrajano and Hajnal and nonwhites are much stronger than the gen- 2015, 54). eration difference among whites. It is hard to imagine that the Chinese and

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Japanese in the United States used to be cast, of Asians is that a large proportion of post-1965­ as Yen Le Espiritu puts it, as “almost blacks but Asian immigrants are highly educated and not black” given that now they are frequently highly selected from their countries of origin. seen as “almost whites but not whites” (1997, As Jennifer Lee and Min Zhou note, Chinese 109). In the past, racial prejudice against Asians and Korean (as well as Asian Indian) immi- was inscribed in restrictive immigration and grants are not only more highly educated than naturalization laws. The Chinese Exclusion Act nonmigrants from their countries of origin, of 1882 singled out the Chinese as the first and they are also more highly educated than the only group to be excluded from the United general U.S. population (Lee and Zhou 2015; on States on the basis of race, ethnicity, or nation- the Chinese, see Tran et al. 2018). Hyper- ­ ality; by 1917 Congress had also banned the im- selectivity goes a long way toward explaining migration of most other Asians. For much of another significant, and related, factor in East the nation’s history, Asian immigrants were de- Asians’ altered racial status: the extraordinary nied the right to become citizens; the 1882 Chi- educational success of the second generation, nese Exclusion Act decreed that the Chinese including their significant overrepresentation were “aliens ineligible for citizenship,” and over in the nation’s most competitive magnet the next few decades the rule was extended, schools and elite private universities. “Despite through a series of decisions in state and fed- decades of institutional discrimination and ra- eral courts, to all other immigrants from east cial prejudice,” Lee and Zhou observe, “the sta- and south Asia (see Kurien 2018). It was not tus of Asian Americans has risen dramatically until 1943 that Chinese immigrants gained the in less than a century. Today, Asian Americans right to become citizens and that the discrim- are the most highly-­educated [racial] group in inatory immigration laws affecting Asians be- the country, have the highest median house- gan to be relaxed. Only in 1952 was naturaliza- hold incomes, the highest rates of intermar- tion eligibility extended to all Asians. riage, and the lowest rates of residential segre- Anti-­Asian sentiments were particularly vir- gation” (2014, 8). ulent on the West Coast, where several states The substantial rates of intermarriage be- adopted laws prohibiting Asian-­white intermar- tween Asian Americans and whites not only re- riage. A 1913 law, targeting Japanese farmers, flect the more positive views of Asians in the barred Asian immigrants from owning land. current period but also support and strengthen When a California court held in 1885 that the them. About one in three U.S.-born­ Asian Amer- public schools had to admit Chinese children, icans is married to a non-Hispanic­ white (Alba the state legislature passed a bill allowing and Foner 2015); in 2010, among new marriages school districts to set up separate schools for contracted in the past year, the figure was com- “Mongolians” (Wollenberg 1995). Most devas- parable, nearly four in ten U.S-­born Asians mar- tating of all, during World War II more than rying a non-­Asian, by and large a non-Hispanic­ one hundred thousand Japanese who lived on white (Wang 2012). the Pacific Coast were forcibly evacuated and The frequent experience of marriage to moved to internment camps. whites among the second generation does not Changes in U.S. immigration policy, foreign mean that negative stereotypes of Asians have relations, and law set the stage for radically al- disappeared; they have not. East Asians may tered perceptions of Asians, including the abo- seem almost white to many Americans, but as lition of the exclusion regime in the mid-­ Mia Tuan puts it, yellow is not white (1998, 164). twentieth century and revocation of Asian One persistent negative stereotype about Asian immigrants’ ineligibility to citizenship. Also, Americans is that they are newcomers, or Asian immigrants’ home countries have thought of as “forever foreign” no matter how changed over time. Americans once saw Asia many generations their families have been in as a backward region; now Japan, Taiwan, the United States, a perception that may be re- South Korea, and China are modern advanced inforced by continued large-­scale inflows of nations and world economic powers. Of greater Asian immigrants (Tran and Valdez, n.d.). An- importance, however, in the higher racial status other is the model minority stereotype, which

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences 10 Immigration and Changing Identities labels Asians as a racial group distinct from the mid- 1980s,­ Asian panethnicity had become well white majority at the same time as they are established as an organizing principle for lauded as culturally programmed for success, building a community among groups of differ- “well assimilated, upwardly mobile . . . and de- ent ethnic origins, replete with many panethnic finitively not-bl­ ack” (Wu 2015, 2). Hailing Asian organizations and institutions (Okamoto 2014, Americans as a model minority, it has been ar- 45–46; see also Espiritu 1992). gued, overlooks the heterogeneity among Asian immigrant ethnic groups, diverts attention Creating Hispanics away from the existence of continued racism The case of Hispanics also represents a con- against Asian Americans, and pits them against temporary sea change, in large part because blacks and Latinos. Still, that Asian Americans the very category Hispanic is a modern-­day in- are often now touted as a model minority re- vention. Hispanics are now the largest minority flects a positive change from the “yellow peril group in the nation, attributable to high levels caricatures” of the past that described Asians of immigrant inflows as well as relatively high as illiterate, undesirable, and unassimilable fertility among Latino immigrants and U.S.-­ immigrants (Lee and Zhou 2014, 8). born Latinos in recent decades (Durand, Telles, Another change that should be mentioned and Flashman 2006). It is now normal to hear is the increasing use of the Asian label as a about the Hispanic vote and Hispanic organi- marker of self-identit­ y and identity attribution zations, but in the mid-t­ wentieth century the by others. In the pre-19­ 60s era—when the Asian press and pundits wrote about Mexicans or population was overwhelmingly of Chinese, Puerto Ricans, not about Hispanics (Fischer Japanese, and Filipino origin—those with roots 2014). A key development occurred in 1980, in Asia strongly identified with their national-­ when the census adopted the term Hispanic as origin identities, but not in terms of a shared an enumeration category; this decision both Asian label. To what extent those seen as Asian reflected changes in American society and, at Americans today identify that way themselves the same time, entrenched Hispanic as a le- is an open question; their national-­origin iden- gitimate official category, contributing to its tities, associated with distinctive languages, re- importance as an identity label for Hispanics ligions, national histories, and cultures, seem themselves as well as non-Hispanics.­ to supersede the broader Asian identity much, The emergence of Hispanic (and Latino) as perhaps most, of the time. Still, as Okamoto categories of identity is to a large degree the argues, the use of the category Asian “by main- result of the politics of ethnic and racial clas- stream institutions . . . [has become] institu- sification (Itzigsohn 2009; see also Rumbaut tionalized and . . . taken for granted in everyday 2006). As Cristina Mora tells it in Making His- interactions” (2014, 48). That the census and panics, the creation of this new identity label frequently the mainstream media as well use in the 1970s and 1980s involved a combination the term Asian has had an impact. Before 1970, of activists seeking political clout, government the U.S. Census Bureau categorized Asian funds, and philanthropic support by uniting groups as different “races”—Chinese, Japa- under the Hispanic banner; Spanish-­language nese, and Filipino in 1950. In 1990, the racial television broadcasters seeking a larger na- category Asian and Pacific Islander was used tional market; and activists and politicians suc- for the first time in the decennial census, partly cessfully campaigning to have the census adopt in response to civil rights legislation and the the Hispanic category (2014). To this day, Mora need for a standard system to collect data to argues, the web of media, state, and activist enforce equal opportunity and affirmative ac- networks has upheld the notion of Hispanic tion policies. Researchers, businesses, public panethnicity (2014, 16). agencies, educational institutions, founda- A key question, of course, is the extent to tions, hospitals, and industry adopted the cat- which those with origins in Latin America ac- egory Asian to collect data, award grants, and tually identify as Hispanic or Latino. It is not allocate resources (Okamoto 2014), which en- an either-­or situation. Although many, perhaps couraged a panethnic Asian identity. By the most, Latin American immigrants prefer to be

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences introduction 11 known by and primarily identify in terms of cans and the federal government accepted Mex- their national origins, they also often identify icans as white for purposes of naturalization. as Hispanic or Latino; the two identities, in Yet, at the same time, the boundary between other words, are not mutually exclusive but in- whites and Mexicans appeared bright “in the stead complementary. What seems clear is that sense that a wide range of individuals and non- what started out as a statistical term of conve- state institutions recognized Mexicans as non- nience or tool to bring those of Latin American white. Many race scientists [in the early twen- origin together has been transformed into a tieth century] categorized the vast majority of real social entity. Mexicans as nonwhite. Numerous Anglos did Whether Hispanics should be considered a as well, a point that became most obvious when race or an ethnic group is an issue character- Mexicans [in many parts of the Midwest and ized by confusion and debate. On the ethnic Southwest] found themselves excluded from group side is the fact that the Census Bureau white- ­only public accommodations, when real- classifies Hispanics in terms of ethnicity, not tors refused to sell them homes in white neigh- race, and, as a group, they have varying skin borhoods, or when school officials excluded tones, many being phenotypically white and them from white schools” (Fox and Guglielmo more than half checking white on the 2010 Cen- 2012, 367). sus. Hispanics who have light skin color and Fast forward to the present and Mexicans European features, are well educated, or are have come to be seen, as some scholars argue, well to do may gain acceptance as whites, at as a racialized ethnic group, often stigmatized least in some contexts and places; by the same as inferior, illegal, and foreign and regarded as token, dark-­skinned Hispanics may suffer nonwhite (see Alba and Foner 2015, 107). An- many of the same disadvantages as African other view stresses that Mexican Americans are Americans (see Kibria, Bowman, and O’Leary targets of prejudice and discrimination be- 2013, 129; Fox and Guglielmo 2012). cause of nativism, or intense opposition based Yet a scheme that treats Latinos as a race on their foreign connections, rather than be- between whites and blacks, as Wendy Roth puts cause of beliefs about their racial inferiority. it, is winning out in the United States today According to one argument, Mexican Ameri- (2012, 64). In the media, public discourse, some cans experience a racialized form of nativism government reporting standards, and everyday in which their presumed foreignness is central language used by Latinos and non-­Latinos and their right to be in the country is ques- alike, the view of Latinos as a separate racial tioned; third- ­and later-­generation Mexican group has increasingly come to dominate. The Americans, in this perspective, may encounter term tends to conjure up images of people who discrimination because they are associated are brown or tan-­skinned and foreign in speech with and often mistaken for new Mexican im- and manner. Or as Nazli Kibria and her col- migrants (Jiménez 2010). Pigmentation and leagues observe, notions of intrinsic difference other physical features also appear to be in- from and inferiority to whites are long-­standing volved. Skin color among Mexicans and other features of the stigmatization of Latino/a pop- Latinos has been shown to matter for socioeco- ulations in the United States (2014, 126; see also nomic standing and residential integration, the Brown, Jones, and Becker 2018). lighter, not surprisingly, the better—light skin The case of Mexicans, by far the largest color (along with social class standing) en- national-­origin group of Latinos, illustrates abling some, at least some of the time, to be some of the complexities of their position on seen as white. A recent ethnographic study the white-nonwhite­ boundary in the past and shows that Mexican Americans and Mexican their racial status today. Looking to the past, immigrants, including those attaining middle-­ the census classified Mexicans as white before class status, often experience discrimination 1930 and official instructions in World War II in their daily lives because of their skin color called on local draft boards to classify Mexicans and surnames (Dowling 2014). Indigenous an- as white; no state miscegenation law specifi- cestry, manifested in physical features such as cally barred unions between whites and Mexi- facial appearance and height as well as skin

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences 12 Immigration and Changing Identities color, also poses racial challenges. As David Lo- immigrant women overwhelmingly worked as pez and Ricardo Stanton-Sal­ azar put it, speak- household servants (Model 2001; Watkins-­ ing of Mexicans, “those who fit the mestizo/ Owens 2001). During World War II, blacks in Indian phenotype, who ‘look Mexican,’ cannot the armed forces were relegated to segregated escape racial stereotyping any more than Afri- units and after the war, as Ira Katznelson de- can Americans, though the stigma is usually tails, black veterans generally were unable to not so severe” (2001, 75). reap the benefits of the GI bill that enabled so many in the eastern and southern European Black Immigrants: Persistence in the second generation to attend college and buy Context of Change homes (2005). In an environment of intense an- This brings us to blacks, who are currently tiblack racism, the children and grandchildren nearly one in ten immigrants in the nation. of early twentieth-­century Afro Caribbean im- Blacks are the quintessentially racialized Amer- migrants had little choice as they incorporated icans with a history of special disadvantage— into American society: they became African slavery, Jim Crow, ghettoization, and, most re- American (Vickerman 2016, 74–75). cently, massive incarceration (Foner and Post-­1965 black immigrants, who include a Fredrickson 2004, 8). The particular history of growing number of Africans as well as Afro Ca- blacks in America has led to a highly rigid ribbeans, have entered a post–civil rights Amer- boundary surrounding them and a pattern of ica that has seen declines in the grip of racial what might be called black exceptionalism. The inequality on the life chances of blacks; the historical legacy of deeply entrenched antiblack growing presence of blacks in the upper middle racism, combined with continued racial in- class and visibility in elite positions, from the equalities, has meant that the way contempo- heads of large companies, well-kno­ wn news- rary black immigrants and their children iden- casters and other personalities in the media, tify, and are identified by others, is in many to the first black president; a rise in the number ways eerily like it was a hundred years ago. and proportion of mixed-­race (black-white)­ in- Overall, critical aspects of the dynamics of race, dividuals; and evidence of a greater willingness ethnicity, and identity for blacks of immigrant among whites to see differences among African origin appear to be at least as much a matter Americans and more acceptance of middle- ­and of persistence as change across historical time. upper- ­class African Americans (Waters and Ka- Of course, not all is the same: many changes sinitz 2015; Edsall 2017; on the integration of for the better have occurred since the early and African American history into school curricula, mid- ­twentieth century. When tens of thou- see Lash 2018). sands of Afro Caribbean immigrants arrived in Yet despite these improvements, stark social the United States a hundred years ago, a harsh cleavages involving people of African ancestry regime of institutionalized racial oppression remain. Rates of black-white­ intermarriage are and legal segregation prevailed in the South, much lower than those of Asian- ­and Hispanic-­ confining blacks there to separate (and inferior) white intermarriage. Whether native or foreign-­ schools, hospitals, and public places, putting born, blacks in the United States are still highly them under threat of violence and lynching, residentially segregated from whites—more so and depriving most of the right to vote. Indeed, than Hispanics and Asians—and the New York these conditions were a major reason why black City metropolitan area, still home to the larg- immigrants at the time avoided the South and est black immigrant population in the country, headed for northern cities, most notably New is one of the most segregated (Alba and Foner York. Although New York did not have a Jim 2015; Foner 2001, 2015, 2016). In a large-­scale Crow regime like the one in the South, it was study of young adult members of the second no racial paradise. The housing market was rig- generation in the New York metropolitan area, idly segregated. Relatively few Afro Caribbean West Indians reported the most discrimination immigrant women had jobs in the manufactur- (compared to Dominicans, South Americans, ing sector where so many eastern and southern Chinese, and Russian Jews), especially in pub- European immigrant women clustered; black lic places on the streets, in stores, and from the

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences introduction 13 police (Kasinitz et al. 2008). Anonymous en- Even when their ethnicity is recognized in cer- counters with shopkeepers, security guards, tain places and contexts, blacks of immigrant and particularly the police in public spaces “are origin are seen as an ethnic group within the powerful because they are so purely ‘racial.’ In larger black population, with all the negative such confrontations class differences do not stereotypes that this so often involves. Their count . . . Nor do ethnic differences. . . . A police racial status as blacks, in other words, is always officer rarely has a basis for knowing if a young salient. man on a public street is African American or Identity issues take on special significance West Indian, middle class or poor. If the police for the second generation, born and raised in officer discriminates, it is on the basis of race the United States, as research on Afro Carib- alone” (Waters 2014, 159). beans reveals. Without an accent or other cues How blacks of immigrant origin are identi- to immediately telegraph their ethnic status to fied also shows considerable continuity over others, second-­generation Afro Caribbeans, in time. Much like the early and mid-t­ wentieth the words of Philip Kasinitz and his colleagues, century pattern, the descendants of black im- are likely to fade to black (Kasinitz, Battle, and migrants continue to face great difficulties to- Miyeres 2001). Second-­generation Afro Carib- day in being recognized by others in terms of beans who continue to identify with their eth- their ethnicity rather than their race. Moreover, nic backgrounds are aware that unless they are black immigrants, at least so far, have not had active in conveying their ethnic identities, they a significant impact on how blackness is widely are seen as African Americans and that the sta- seen in the United States. tus of their black race is what matters in en- To be sure, some changes are apparent. It counters with whites. Or, as Milton Vickerman might even be said that contemporary black puts it, “the general public has yet to discard immigration is contributing to “tweaking” no- the reflexive habit of identifying ‘black’ with tions of a monolithic blackness in cities like ‘African American’” (2016, 78). The crux of the New York where black immigrants have become problem is that being seen as black American, a considerable presence (Vickerman 2001). In they are subject to the same kind of racial prej- early twentieth-­century New York, for example, udice and exclusion that black Americans are Afro Caribbean politicians played down their (see Waters 1999). The children of African im- ethnic identity in the quest for office, putting migrants face the same problem, although it themselves forward as representatives of the is unclear whether they will have an easier time broader black community (Kasinitz 1992). To- establishing an ethnic identity given, among day, when the number of black immigrants is other things, their distinctive surnames and so much larger in New York City—more than whether they will be more or less likely than ten times the 1920 figure—several sizable West the Afro Caribbean second generation to want Indian neighborhoods have provided the base to do so (see, for example, D’Alisera 2009; Imo- for politicians to use the “ethnic card” to gain agene 2017; Ludwig 2013). support in campaigns for local office. In gen- If, so far, contemporary black immigration eral, the larger populations of Africans and has brought no significant change in the mean- West Indians provide more scope for ethnic ing of the racial categories black or African identities to thrive within their communities American, there still may be shifts ahead to in- in private interactions as well as public spaces. corporate the large and growing populations It has been suggested, as well, that in some in- of recent West Indian and African origin. On stances second- ­and third-­generation West In- the one hand, the children and grandchildren dians have actively tried to create a hybrid iden- of today’s black immigrants are likely to assim- tity with younger African Americans, based in ilate as African Americans, but, on the other, part on melding aspects of Caribbean and Af- the meaning of African American may expand, rican American popular culture (Vickerman if only in the African American community it- 2016, 77). self. It is not inconceivable that in the years To tweak notions of a monolithic blackness, ahead African American will be seen as a prod- however, is not to create substantial change. uct not just of centuries on American soil but

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences 14 Immigration and Changing Identities also of intermixing with black foreigners (Vick- mainly involve a white spouse (some seven in erman 2016, 2001). ten new intermarriages in 2010), and this is the type of mixed union we focus on here; in most Changing Identities and cases, both partners are native born, many of Intergroup Relations the nonwhite spouses being the children or As the array of ethnic groups increases in num- grandchildren of immigrants (Wang 2012). Im- ber and presence, interactions between people migrants are much less likely to intermarry almost inevitably are influenced by ethnic and than the second and third generations, partly racial group membership—and by the mem- because many are already married when they bers’ identification with those groups and arrive and because they may lack English flu- their perceived membership by others. These ency and other skills that facilitate easy inter- interactions can be positive or negative, can action with the native born. The children and result in cooperation or competition, and can grandchildren of immigrants, born and raised create occasions for unifying groups under a in the United States, not only speak English but superordinate umbrella or for sharpening also often have many opportunities to mingle group boundaries and increasing distinctive- with those in the white majority in such places ness. Further, these encounters occur for in- as schools, colleges, and work (Alba and Foner dividuals as well as groups. At the individual 2015, 208). level, contacts between members of different Whether considering rates of intermarriage ethnic groups take place in casual encounters, or their consequences, the boundary separat- friendships formed at work or in the neighbor- ing blacks and whites stands out. Although hood, or, perhaps with the greatest conse- marriage between blacks and whites in the quences for future identity issues, in the con- United States has increased appreciably in re- text of the family and kinship circles as a result cent decades (antimiscegenation laws were still of intermarriage. At the group level, ethnicity on the books in sixteen states when the Su- can structure interactions at work, in neigh- preme Court declared them illegal in 1967), it borhoods, and in political organizations, falls well short of the levels between whites and sometimes pitting groups against each other Hispanics and between whites and Asians. The in conflict over resources, either imagined or frequency of intermarriage among the second real, and at other times, laying the groundwork generation is revealing. According to a recent for the development of panethnic (superordi- summary, for second-­generation Hispanics and nate) identity groups that can unite for com- for the largest group Mexicans, the rates of mar- mon goals. riage to non-­Hispanic whites are 35 to 40 per- cent; for second-­generation Asians in general Intermarriage and most Asian national-­origin groups (except Intermarriage is perhaps the most intimate of Indians and Vietnamese) the rates vary roughly all intergroup relations. It is, of course, an out- between 30 and 45 percent, depending on gen- come of interpersonal relations between indi- der, women being more likely to intermarry. By viduals in different ethnic and racial groups. comparison, only about 10 percent of the Afro But it also both affects relations between those Caribbean second generation have white part- of different race and ethnicity within families, ners (Alba and Foner 2015, 209–10). These low kinship networks, and other contexts and has figures for Afro Caribbeans reflect a continued an impact on the identities of the partners and deep social cleavage involving groups with vis- their multiethnic or multiracial children. Eth- ible African ancestry, including the persistent noracial intermarriage is on the rise in the stigma attached to blacks and the high levels United States: about one out of every six mar- of residential segregation they experience, riages in 2015 was an interracial or interethnic which reduce opportunities for close social marriage, more than twice the rate in 1980 (Liv- contacts and intimate relations with whites to ingston and Brown 2017). According to a Pew develop. Research Center’s analysis of census data, in- The identity options of children of mixed termarriages of Asians, Hispanics, and blacks unions also reflect continued black exception-

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences introduction 15 alism. Admittedly, mixed-­race individuals’ without question, as the nation’s first black identities are fluid and change over time, no president, and as an adult defined himself as doubt more so than among individuals with a black American. ethnoracially unmixed backgrounds (Alba, The former president aside, similar patterns Beck, and Sahin 2018), and what we know about emerge with regard to friendship and family these identities is sparse, if only because the relations that can be viewed as a manifestation mixed-­race population, though now rapidly of how multiracial adults are identified by oth- growing, historically has been a small share of ers and see themselves. The social worlds of the U.S. population as a whole. Still, a study biracial adults with Asian and white back- based on in-­depth interviews with interracial grounds in the Pew Research Center survey couples and their children suggests greater were more likely to lean to the white side of constraints facing the children of black-­white their ancestry than were those of biracial adults unions in how they identify (Lee and Bean with black-­white backgrounds (2015). Biracial 2010). The study found that Asians and Hispan- white and Asian adults had more close friends ics married to whites felt that their U.S.-­born who were white than Asian and more contact children had the option to identify as whites, with white than Asian family members; most without having their decisions questioned by said they felt accepted by white relatives and outsiders or institutions. The experiences of by whites in general. Indeed, the Asian-white­ the children of black-white­ unions were differ- biracials were more likely to feel very well ac- ent. Blacks who intermarried with whites said cepted by whites than by Asians. In contrast, that their children were often seen as black black-­white biracial adults tended to tilt more only, underscoring that the “one drop rule” is to the black side: they had more close friends not altogether a relic of the past. In fact, black-­ who were black than white, had much more white couples emphasized that nobody would contact with black than white family members, take them seriously if they tried to identify their and felt a much greater sense of acceptance children as white, and their children chose to from black people than whites (see also Chito identify as black rather than as multiracial or Childs 2005). nonblack (Lee and Bean 2010, 108–9). Although Not unexpectedly, multiracial adults with a a recent Pew Research Center survey (2015) black background were far more likely than found that a similar percentage of adults with those with Asian-­white ancestry to say they had a white-­Asian (70 percent) and white-­black (61 experienced discrimination because of their percent) background identified as multiracial, racial background. A large proportion of those it was a different story in terms of how they who said that casual observers would describe thought others saw them: six in ten with a them as black also said that they had been un- black-­white background said a person passing fairly stopped by the police—the same propor- them on the street would see them as black tion, it turns out, as single-race­ blacks who re- (only 7 percent said strangers would see them ported receiving unfair treatment from the as white); around four in ten of those with an police. One young black-­white biracial man Asian-­white background said that they would summed up the feelings of many others in the be seen as white, and one in four as Asian. Ex- survey: “No matter how I see myself, at the end perimental work in social psychology supports of the day I’m still black” (Pew Research Center these findings: although both biracial Asian 2015, 58). Even so, by virtue of having parents whites and black-­whites are more likely to be in two ethnoracial groups, biracial children, perceived as minorities than as whites by white whether the nonwhite parent is black, Asian, observers (a pattern that has been determined or Hispanic, inevitably have intimate contact by hypodescent), the threshold for being per- with members of two groups. Just how this ceived as white was higher for biracial black-­ contact, as well as relations within wider kin- whites (Ho et al. 2011). Perhaps the best-kno­ wn ship and friendship circles, affects the chil- example of the identity issues facing black-­ dren’s identities and interactions is one of the white multiracials is Barack Obama, the son of many topics about which we have much to a Kenyan father and white mother, who is seen, learn.

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences 16 Immigration and Changing Identities

Intergroup Contact group in a community can seem threatening Whereas intermarriage can foster contacts with to the native residents, those numbers also in- an ethnic or racial community other than one’s crease the probability of having contacts— own, in some ways a by-­product of original in- some potentially favorable—with members of terpersonal goals and attachments, direct con- that immigrant group (Pettigrew, Wagner, and tacts between ethnic groups are shaped by a Christ 2010). More probing analyses suggest a variety of other factors. Some of these are id- variety of moderating conditions that can influ- iosyncratic, the product of specific individual ence the outcome of intergroup contact; these histories and encounters with particular peo- conditions include equality of status between ple; others are structured by larger social and the two groups, the existence of common goals, economic forces such as patterns of residence, experiences of cooperation, and institutional labor market incorporation, and political mo- support (Tropp and Molina 2012). Another con- bilization and alliances. At the same time, the dition that has been identified in recent re- form of intergroup contact is shaped by widely search is the importance of cross-­group friend- shared and indeed normative views based on ships (Pettigrew 1997). That is, the person who prevailing categorization practices and the nar- has a close friendship with a member of an- ratives associated with those categories. These other ethnic group is more apt to have less prej- “normative ideas in circulation” influence in- udice and more liking for that group as a whole dividuals’ views of those in different groups (Pettigrew and Tropp 2006; Davies et al. 2011). and how they should be treated (Appiah 2016, Perhaps even more interesting, particularly 164). Fundamentally, intergroup interactions in a multiethnic society such as ours, is evi- are energized by issues of identity: how dence for a secondary transfer effect (Pettigrew strongly does a black, white, Latino, or Asian 2009b). This effect is said to occur when contact person, for example, identify with his or her with a member of a primary outgroup (for ex- ethnic and racial group, and how readily does ample, of whites with blacks) affects attitudes the other party view them as representatives of toward members of a different ethnic-raci­ al that group? group. In one recent exploration of this pro- The tradition of research on intergroup rela- cess, the attitudes of whites and blacks toward tions is a long one, in particular on the conse- Indian and Mexican immigrants were assessed quences of contact between groups on the at- to see if they might be influenced by the extent titudes and behaviors of the members of the of contact whites had with blacks, and vice different groups. Originating in large part in versa (Jones-­Correa et al. 2018; Marrow et al. the work of Gordon Allport and carried on by 2018). As might be expected, the degree of di- a long line of social scientists, much of this rect contact that both whites and blacks had work has focused on the black-­white dynamic with each of the two immigrant groups was a (Allport 1954; see also Brown and Hewstone primary determinant of their attitudes toward 2005; Pettigrew and Tropp 2006). More recently, those groups. But in addition, mainly among however, ethnic diversity has opened the door U.S.- ­born white respondents, more frequent to exploration of numerous combinations. contact with blacks was associated with more In its simplest form, the question is whether welcoming attitudes toward both Indian and greater contact between different ethnic groups Mexican immigrants. Among U.S.-born­ black facilitates or impedes positive attitudes and respondents, the pattern was more limited, friendly relations; evidence can be gathered to showing evidence for secondary transfer effects support both sides of this argument. Recent for attitudes to Mexicans but not to Indians. data reported by Eric Knowles and Linda Tropp, Given differences in status positions and pos- for example, suggest that for white Americans, sible similarities or dissimilarities between par- greater exposure to Hispanics, as indexed by ticular combinations of groups, much more their numerical share of the neighborhood work is needed to map out exactly how primary population, is associated with stronger white and secondary transfer effects occur. It is clear, identities (2016). Yet research also indicates however, that in a multiethnic society, both his- that although an increase in an immigrant tory and current conditions can shape the

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences introduction 17 course of intergroup relations and their conse- tinos as a single group and acts in ways that quences for identity development and change affect all or most of those so designated, pan- among immigrants and the native born. ethnic identities . . . tend to emerge” (Foner The interactions that immigrants have with and Fredrickson 2004, 7). the U.S.-­born groups they encounter have im- How are panethnic identities and intergroup plications for their American identity as well. relations connected? In the first place, relations As Michael Jones-­Correa and his colleagues dis- among ethnic groups in the Asian or Latino cuss in their article in this issue, specific char- panethnic category can influence panethnic acteristics of the interactions matter (2018). For identities. On one side, regular, positive inter- Mexican immigrants, interactions with both actions among members of different national-­ blacks and whites influence their identification origin groups can encourage or fortify paneth- as Americans; for Indian immigrants, by con- nic identities. This may be especially likely in trast, identifying as American is influenced institutional settings and local neighborhoods only by the nature of their interactions with that have no dominant majority ethnic group, whites. as in the Latino community of Corona in New An additional caveat on the influence of in- York City’s borough of Queens, where repeated tergroup interactions on identity patterns is a interactions among residents in neighborhood reminder that it is often the perception of con- arenas—from stores, churches, and senior cen- ditions, rather than an objective tally, that ters to political groups—fostered an overarch- shapes subsequent attitudes and behaviors. As ing Latino identity (Ricourt and Danta 2003; Craig and Richeson report, not only does the Espiritu 2013). Whatever the demographic con- actual percentage of racial minorities in a com- figuration, collective organizing and political munity influence whites’ estimates of the dis- mobilization can encourage and strengthen crimination that they and members of their panethnic identities among both Asian Ameri- group face, but so do their (not necessarily ac- cans and Latinos (see, for example, Okamoto curate) perceptions of those proportions (2018). 2014). On the other side are instances where Clearly the dynamics of intergroup contact are divisive and conflictual relations among ethnic complex, characterized by numerous possible or national-­origin groups reduce the salience combinations of racial-­ethnic groups and con- or strength of panethnic identities, as when ditions of contact, not all of them marching in these groups compete for resources and de- lockstep together. Yet, although overall consis- sired positions, including political office. In the tency of patterns cannot be automatically as- Sikh American case reported by Prema Kurien, sumed, evidence for the impact of interaction a combination of factors in recent years, includ- on identity processes is already convincing. ing discrimination experienced since Septem- ber 11 and homeland political conflicts, have Panethnic Identities led to an emphasis on a Sikh American rather The rise of Hispanic or Latino and Asian pan- than Indian or South Asian identity, as well as ethnicity, as noted, is a modern-­day develop- a movement for Sikhs to be classified as a dis- ment, in that multiple ethnic groups have wid- tinctive ethnic group by the U.S. census (2018). ened their boundaries to forge broader The connection between panethnic identi- groupings and identities. Although Latinos and ties and intergroup relations also may operate Asians remain strongly attached to their more in the other direction: panethnic identities can specific ethnic or national identities, individu- affect intergroup relations. Most notably this als allied with each panethnic group also often happens when these identities provide the come together under the banner of panethnic foundation for political mobilizations among identities, particularly in situations where co- ethnic groups, for example, when leaders of operation allows them to exert political influ- pan- ­Asian or pan-­Latino organizations are able ence to common advantage. In general, as the to appeal for support on the basis of panethnic historian George Fredrickson observes, to the allegiances. In other cases, panethnic identities “extent that the white or Anglo majority, na- support alliances with other panethnic or racial tionally or locally, treats either Asians or La­ groups, such as the cooperation between La-

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences 18 Immigration and Changing Identities tino, Asian American, and black caucuses in honorary whites would consist of light-ski­ nned state legislatures and city councils. More re- Latinos, Japanese Americans, Korean Ameri- search is clearly needed on the consequences cans, Chinese Americans, Asian Indians, Mid- of panethnic identities for intergroup relations dle Eastern Americans, and most multiracial in communities and institutions as well as for Americans. Whatever the course of change, political participation and organization (for po- what seems clear is that some of the forces that litical science analyses of the links between pa- operated in the past for the descendants of nethnicity and political attitudes and behavior, southern and eastern Europeans are unlikely see Junn and Masuoka 2008; Lee 2008; Wong to recur in the near future, such as an end to et al. 2011). mass immigration or a huge expansion of higher education. Intermarriage, by contrast, Conclusion is likely to be more significant in the coming The massive immigration of the past half cen- years. Whereas in the past, Jews and Italians tury has given rise to growing racial and ethnic were transformed from races into white ethnics diversity throughout the United States and led without undergoing alterations in phenotype, to striking shifts in the way that individuals, today, when the language of color is so promi- both immigrants and the native born, identify nent in racial discourse, intermarriage and the themselves and others. Indeed, the very catego- blurring of pigmentation and physical differ- ries used to define racial and ethnic similarities ences among mixed-­race offspring are often and differences, and the meanings attached to predicted to be key agents of change. And the categories, have undergone significant though the kind of economic prosperity that change. occurred in the postwar years is not on the ho- We have focused on the past and present in rizon today, the changing demography of the the preceding pages, but have also speculated country—with fewer native whites in the about the shape of racial and ethnic categories working-­age population and the labor market and identities in the years to come. Will any of as the large cohort of baby boomers retires—is the immigrant groups currently thought of as bound to create opportunities for some of the not white but not black, for example, come to descendants of the post-­1965 immigrants to be viewed as white—in other words, will the move up the occupational ladder (Alba 2009; category white widen to include new strands? Alba and Foner 2015). Or is it misleading to pose the question this As we look ahead, additional research ques- way? Just as white meant something different tions that can enhance our understanding of a hundred years ago than it does today, so, too, the links between immigration and racial and the category white may become outmoded, or ethnic identities emerge. One broad question at least less salient, in the years ahead as new concerns how characteristics of different cities ways of thinking about racial and ethnic differ- and other localities affect patterns of identity ences, and new racial divisions emerge, for ex- formation. Place matters, and a range of con- ample, a black-nonbl­ ack dichotomy, as some textual features of cities—including the racial, scholars speculate (see, for example, Lee and ethnic, and class composition, and size of Bean 2010). In this scenario, Asians and most immigrant-­origin as well as native white and Hispanics, who start out in an in-bet­ ween sta- minority populations and their relative politi- tus, neither black nor white, could become part cal and economic standing—can influence the of a new nonblack or beige majority. Other so- development of ethnic and racial identities. An- cial scientists suggest the possibility of a trira- other issue is how much it matters that one cial stratification system, which in Eduardo national-­origin group may overwhelmingly Bonilla-­Silva’s version is made up of whites, dominate the immigrant population, as Mexi- honorary whites, and “collective blacks” (2004). cans do in many cities, and that a large propor- The latter category, he proposes, would include, tion of them are also undocumented. Does be- among others, dark-­skinned Latino immi- ing Mexican mean something different in Los grants, West Indian and African immigrants, Angeles, where Mexicans are around 40 percent as well as Filipinos, Vietnamese and Laotians; of the immigrant population, versus New York

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences introduction 19

City, where they are only about 6 percent (Foner customed to immigration and ethnoracial di- 2005; on views of Latinos in the U.S. South, see versity? Do we need to consider the rate of Brown et al. 2018). To take another example, change in a community as well as absolute the Haitian case suggests how other factors in numbers to fully understand the ways in which an urban area—historical events shaping im- threat might operate? Also of relevance in the migrant inflows and residential patterns—can present political climate are the effects of local affect the way an immigrant population is per- government policies impinging on unauthor- ceived. Haitians are a more highly stigmatized ized immigrants. Whereas some cities have de- and visible group in Miami than in their other veloped migrant-i­nclusive policies, such as es- major area of settlement, New York City, in part tablishing sanctuary cities or developing because of distinctive features of Miami: the municipal identification cards for use as iden- significant number of “boat people” who ar- tification by the unauthorized (de Graauw rived there in the 1970s and 1980s and Haitians’ 2014), other communities have passed restric- association with their own distinctive neigh- tive legislation designed to limit unauthorized borhood, Little Haiti, which has been home to immigrants’ employment and residence or many poorer Haitians as compared to New York have actively worked with federal immigration City, where Haitians live in the same neighbor- enforcement to deport the unauthorized (Ar- hoods with English-­speaking West Indians menta 2017; Donato and Rodriguez 2014; Flores (Foner 2016). 2014; Menjivar and Kanstroon 2013). These re- To come back to a study mentioned earlier, sponses, whether inclusive or exclusive, are how widespread are communities like those in likely to influence the ways that people define Silicon Valley that Tomás Jiménez and Adam and understand their race and ethnicity and Horowitz studied, where traditional status that of others. rankings of ethnic and racial groups no longer Whatever the location, another set of ques- hold (2013)? In their case study of a community tions relates to the range of social statuses and that included only whites and large numbers characteristics of those of immigrant origin as of highly skilled Asians, whites are associated they affect the construction of racial and ethnic with mediocrity and Asians with the highest identities, that is, an intersectional perspective achievement, flipping the relative status of that emphasizes how race and ethnic identities long-­established native-­born and immigrant are experienced in interaction with other iden- groups. In general, what is the impact of living tities such as gender and occupation (see, for in ethnoburbs, advantaged suburbs where con- example, Collins 2015). Legal status looms large centrations of well-­offAsian families reside, for given that one in four immigrants in the United example, for the identities of those Asian im- States is undocumented. The common assump- migrants and their children? And do other non- tion that most Mexican immigrants are undoc- white immigrant-­origin groups also occasion- umented (only about half are and the number ally find themselves near the top rather than is declining) has contributed, as noted earlier, near the bottom of their community hierarchy? to negative views of all Mexican immigrants As immigrants have dispersed across the and questions about their right to be in the country in recent years and become less con- country. Just as we need to know more about centrated in traditional gateway cities, ques- the links between legal status and identities, tions have arisen about the way so-­called new education, social class, and rising inequality destinations are distinctive contexts for immi- are also potentially important in influencing grant incorporation (Singer 2014). These ques- identities. More than a quarter of immigrants tions need to include ethnic and racial identi- have a college degree, and the figure is higher ties. Do whites, to raise just one issue, for their U.S.-­born children. How do educa- experience more group threat in new destina- tional and occupational achievements shape tions where large numbers of Latino immi- how Asian, Latino, and black immigrants iden- grants have recently moved into what had been tify themselves and how others identify them? virtually all-­white communities, in contrast to These same issues of class and education can traditional gateways that have long been ac- be raised for white identity as well, given emerg-

rsf: the russell sage foundation journal of the social sciences 20 Immigration and Changing Identities ing research showing links between class posi- New Chance for an Integrated America. Cam- tion and the importance of white identity (Stets bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. and Phares 2016). A further intersection of po- ———. 2016a. “The Likely Persistence of a White Ma- tential significance is that of gender (Donato jority.” American Prospect 27(1)(Winter): 67–71. and Gabaccia 2015). Are there critical interac- ———. 2016b. “The Rise of Mixed Parentage: A Soci- tions among some of these demographic cat- ological and Demographic Phenomenon to Be egories, such that, for example, gender might Reckoned With.” Paper prepared for RSF confer- be more influential when considering some ence “What the Census Needs to Know to Im- ethnic groups than others? prove Ethnic, Racial and Immigration Statistics.” Finally, returning to the idea of change, we New York (December 9). need to ask how identities might vary over the Alba, Richard, Brenden Beck, and Duygu Basaran life course and differ by age and life stage. Even Sahin. 2018. “The U.S. Mainstream Expands— within the limited format of the U.S. Census Again.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies and within a ten-y­ ear span, people have been 44(1): 99–117. found to change their choice of ethnic label, a Alba, Richard, and Nancy Foner. 2015. Strangers No finding particularly true for those who use a More: Immigration and the Challenges of Integra- combination of categories at one of the two tion in North America and Western Europe. time points (Liebler et al. 2017). In this issue, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Cynthia Feliciano and Rubén Rumbaut’s re- Allport, Gordon W. 1954. The Nature of Prejudice. search indicates that for some adult children Reading, Mass.: Addison-­Wesley. of immigrants ethnic attachments become less Appiah, Kwame Anthony. 2016. “The Diversity of Di- central over the life course (2018). Other re- versity.” In Our Compelling Interests: The Value of search shows how ethnic and racial identities Diversity for Democracy and a Prosperous Soci- vary between the first and second generation— ety, edited by Earl Lewis and Nancy Cantor. for example, members of the U.S.-born­ second Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. generation are more likely to adopt a hyphen- Armenta, Amada. 2017. Protect, Serve, and Deport: ated American identity than their immigrant The Rise of Policing as Immigration Enforcement. parents and to be less attached to the national Berkeley: University of California Press. identity associated with their parents’ country Ashmore, Richard D., Kay Deaux, and Tracey of origin (Portes and Rumbaut 2001, 165)—but McLaughlin-­Volpe. 2004. “An Organizing Frame- we still have much more to learn about gen- work for Collective Identity: Articulation and Sig- erational differences. nificance of Multidimensionality.” Psychological These are just some of the many questions Bulletin 130(1): 80–114. that call for further study. As immigrants con- Barker, Eugene C., William E. Dodd, and Henry tinue to enter and settle in the United States; Steele Commager. 1934. Our Nation’s Develop- as a huge second, and now third, generation ment. Evanston, Ill.: Row, Peterson and Co. descended from post-1965­ immigrants grow up Barrett, James, and David Roediger. 1997. “Inbe- and take their place as adults in American so- tween Peoples: Race, Nationality, and the ‘New ciety; and as political developments pose un- Immigrant’ Working Class.” Journal of American predictable challenges, understanding how im- Ethnic History 16(3): 432–45. migrants and their descendants affect, and are Benet-Mar­ tínez, Veronica. 2012. “Multiculturalism.” affected by, the meanings attached to ethnora- In The Oxford Handbook of Personality and Social cial differences and their place in ethnoracial Psychology, edited by Kay Deaux and Mark Sny- hierarchies are topics that should be high on der. New York: Oxford University Press. our research agenda. Bonilla-­Silva, Eduardo. 2004. “From Bi-Ra­ cial to Tri-­ Racial: Towards a New System of Racial Stratifi- R eferences cation in the United States.” Ethnic and Racial Abrajano, Marisa, and Zoltan Hajnal. 2015. White Studies 27(6): 931–50. Backlash: Immigration, Race, and American Poli- Bratter, Jennifer. 2016. “The Work in Progress of An- tics. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. alyzing Multiracial Populations? What the Cen- Alba, Richard. 2009. Blurring the Color Line: The sus Bureau Needs to Know to Improve Statistics

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