De-Conflating Latinos/As' Race and Ethnicity
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UCLA Chicana/o Latina/o Law Review Title Los Confundidos: De-Conflating Latinos/As' Race and Ethnicity Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9nx2r4pj Journal Chicana/o Latina/o Law Review, 19(1) ISSN 1061-8899 Author Sandrino-Glasser, Gloria Publication Date 1998 DOI 10.5070/C7191021085 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California LOS CONFUNDIDOS: DE-CONFLATING LATINOS/AS' RACE AND ETHNICITY GLORIA SANDRmNO-GLASSERt INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................71 I. LATINOS: A DEMOGRAPHIC PORTRAIT ..............................................75 A. Latinos: Dispelling the Legacy of Homogenization ....................75 B. Los Confundidos: Who are We? (Qui6n Somos?) ...................77 1. Mexican-Americans: The Native Sons and D aughters .......................................................................77 2. Mainland Puerto Ricans: The Undecided ..............................81 3. Cuban-Americans: Last to Come, Most to Gain .....................85 II. THE CONFLATION: AN OVERVIEW ..................................................90 A. The Conflation in Context ........................................................95 1. The Conflation: Parts of the W hole ..........................................102 2. The Conflation Institutionalized: The Sums of All Parts ...........103 B. The Conflation: Concepts and Definitions ...................................104 1. N ationality ..............................................................................104 2 . Race ........................................................................................10 5 3. O ther D efinitions ....................................................................107 III. DE-CONFLATING RACE AND NATIONALITY IN U NITED STATES SOCIETY .................................................................108 A. The Conflation in the Nineteenth Century: The Roots of Constructed Hispanic Homogenization .........................................111 1. From Natives to "Cholos," "Greasers" and Mustachioed Banditos: Early Portrayals of Mexican-Americans ...................111 a. Californianos/as: The Mexicans of California .......................111 b. "Good Women," "Bad Women": The Californianas .............117 t Associate Professor of Law, California Western School of Law. J.D., Harvard Law School 1984; B.A. with Highest Honors, Rutgers College 1981. This Article is dedicated to my family, who has given me love and encouragement every step of the way, and to all Latinos/as, who have given me inspiration and motivation to research and write on this topic. I received more encouragement and assistance inthe preparation and completion of this Article than I could possibly acknowledge. I am indebted to those who undertook the vast and unpromising task of commenting on earlier drafts of this Article. I am particularly grateful to my colleagues Robert Chang and Frank Valdes for talking through the inception of this Article with me. In addition, I owe special thanks to Stephen Glasser for his encouragement, support, and suggestions. Finally, I thank my research assistants, Aimee Caso, Bethany Caracuzzo, Rick Hartman, Kelly Langford and Dale Montpelier; the librarians at California Western, Jane Petitmermet, Linda Weath- ers, and Bill Bookheim; my secretary, Mary-Ellen Norvell; and photocopying specialist Vicky Pfeffer, all whom have been indispensable to this Article. CHICANO-LATINO LAW REVIEW [Vol. 19:69 2. "Boricuas" and Natives: Images of Puerto Ricans .................... 120 B. The Conflation in the Twentieth Century: Formal Confusion of Race and N ationality, ............................................................... 123 1. Examples of Conflation in the Early Twentieth Century ........... 123 a. Los Angeles County Health Department Statistics ................ 124 b. California's "Mexican Fact Finding Committee ................. 125 2. The National Census ............................................................... 125 a. The Censuses: 1940, 1950, 1960 and 1970: Conflation by A nother Race .................................................................. 126 b. The 1980 Census ................................... ........................... 128 IV. THE CONFLATION IN CONTEMPORARY JURISPRUDENCE .................... 131 A. Judicial Constructions of Race and Nationality ............................. 131 1. R ace ........................................................................................ 13 1 2. Nationality/National Origin ..................................................... 133 a. "National Origin" and the Equal Protection Clause ............... 134 b. "National Origin" and Title VII ........................................... 135 B. The Conflation, the Equal Protection Clause and "National Origin": Language as a Surrogate for Race ................... 137 1. Hernandez v. Texas ................................................................. 138 a. The Conflation and the Court's Construction of Race ........... 138 b. Perpetuating the Construction of Race Through Black/W hite Paradigm ......................................................... 139 c. Marginalized by the Intersection of Ethnicity and Race ........ 140 2. Soberal-Perezv. Heckler .................................... ... 141 C. The Conflation, Title VII and "National Origin .......................... 142 1. Manzanares v. Safeway Stores, Inc.......................................... 144 2. O lagues v. R ussoniello ............................................................ 145 3. Cardonav. American Express ................................................. 146 C. The Conflation, Bilingual Education and Language Rights ........... 147 V. THE AFTERMATH: THE LEGACY OF THE CONFLATION IN LAW AND SOCIETY ................................................................. 150 A. The Conflation in Society: Lessons and Beyond ........................... 151 1. Latinos as the Foreign Other: Exclusion From the Imaginary Nation .................................................................... 151 2. Latinos in the "White/Black" Racial Paradigm ......................... 153 3. Formalized Conflation: The "Hispanic Label" ................. 155 VI. CRITICAL RACE THEORY AND LATINOS: PERSPECTIVES AND NEW D IRECTIO N S ....................... : ............................................................ 157 A. Critical Race Theory: An Overview .............................................. 157 B. Critical Race Theory and Diversity: "Talking Across Our Spaces" ................................................................................159 C. Latino Voice and Storytelling ....................................................... 160 V II. C ON CLU SIO N ................................................................................... 16 1 19981 LOS CONFUNDIDOS INTRODUCTION I am not African. African waters the roots of my tree, but I cannot return. I am not Taina. I am a late leaf of that ancient tree and my roots reach into the soil of two Americas. Taino is in me, but there is no way back. I am not European, though I have dreamt of those cities. Europe lives in me but I have no home there.' As the poem above illustrates, the Latino/a2 identity in the United States consists of multiple national and racial identities, which are often conflated or fused, but nevertheless essential parts of the whole. The conflation's residue is confusion: to isolate, to disempower, and oppress. Its Legacy: Los Confundidos.3 In the poem, two Latinas, a mother and daughter, affirm and construct their Latina identity, with its rich racial and cultural mix, while deconstructing the popular myths of the dominant culture. The conversation illustrates the conflation of Latinos' race and na- tionality, with one woman referring to race and the other to nation- ality. The confusion is obvious; but the conceptual and ideological mixtures that underlie the confusion are powerful. As Suzanne Oboler notes, "reading [this] poem, one is struck by the ways in which both self (I am what I am) and other (I am not what I am not) are fundamental to the construction of the identities of these individ- ual Latinas- and, one might say, to the ethos of the (Latino) 1. AURORA LEVINS MORALES & ROSARIO MORALES, GETTING HOME ALIVE 50 (1986). 2. 1 prefer to use the term Latino/a for three reasons. First, I see it as an alterna- tive collective designation, which recognizes the Latin American origin of the Latino subpopulations. The "Latino/a" term, derived from "Latin America," links the Latin American origin groups in the United States to Latin America. As such, it preserves the flavor of national origin and political relationship between the United States and Latin America. In that respect, it is culturally neutral. Moreover, it is racially neutral. Sec- ondly, it is a Spanish-language word and as such it is a unifying term for an otherwise diverse group of people. Thirdly, it embodies cultural pluralism as opposed to assimila- tion. Although I would prefer to use the term "Latino/a" throughout this Article, for practical purposes I will most often use "Latino" to refer to both sexes. It is my belief, as a Latina whose first language is Spanish, that despite the "o" ending, the term Latino is sex neutral. By rules of Spanish orthography, all collective terms when used on a grouping containing both sexes, utilize the masculine ending. 3. I use the term "los confundidos," meaning "the confused ones," deliberately because it connotes