“ Democracy in Europe Can No Longer Be Taken for Granted...”
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Slovenia Before the Elections
PERSPECTIVE Realignment of the party system – Slovenia before the elections ALEŠ MAVER AND UROŠ URBAS November 2011 The coalition government under Social Democrat Prime make people redundant. Nevertheless, the unemploy- Minister Borut Pahor lost the support it needed in Parlia- ment rate increased by 75 per cent to 107,000 over three ment and early elections had to be called for 4 Decem- years. This policy was financed by loans of 8 billion eu- ber, one year before completing its term of office. What ros, which doubled the public deficit. are the reasons for this development? Which parties are now seeking votes in the »political marketplace«? What However, Prime Minister Pahor overestimated his popu- coalitions are possible after 4 December? And what chal- larity in a situation in which everybody hoped that the lenges will the new government face? economic crisis would soon be over. The governing par- ties had completely different priorities: they were seek- ing economic rents; they could not resist the pressure of Why did the government of lobbies and made concessions; and they were too preoc- Prime Minister Borut Pahor fail? cupied with scandals and other affairs emerging from the ranks of the governing coalition. Although the governing coalition was homogeneously left-wing, it could not work together and registered no significant achievements. The next government will thus Electoral history and development be compelled to achieve something. Due to the deterio- of the party system rating economic situation – for 2012 1 per cent GDP growth, 1.3 per cent inflation, 8.4 per cent unemploy- Since the re-introduction of the multi-party system Slo- ment and a 5.3 per cent budget deficit are predicted – venia has held general elections in 1990, 1992, 1996, the goals will be economic. -
OPENING PANDORA's BOX David Cameron's Referendum Gamble On
OPENING PANDORA’S BOX David Cameron’s Referendum Gamble on EU Membership Credit: The Economist. By Christina Hull Yale University Department of Political Science Adviser: Jolyon Howorth April 21, 2014 Abstract This essay examines the driving factors behind UK Prime Minister David Cameron’s decision to call a referendum if the Conservative Party is re-elected in 2015. It addresses the persistence of Euroskepticism in the United Kingdom and the tendency of Euroskeptics to generate intra-party conflict that often has dire consequences for Prime Ministers. Through an analysis of the relative impact of political strategy, the power of the media, and British public opinion, the essay argues that addressing party management and electoral concerns has been the primary influence on David Cameron’s decision and contends that Cameron has unwittingly unleashed a Pandora’s box that could pave the way for a British exit from the European Union. Acknowledgments First, I would like to thank the Bates Summer Research Fellowship, without which I would not have had the opportunity to complete my research in London. To Professor Peter Swenson and the members of The Senior Colloquium, Gabe Botelho, Josh Kalla, Gabe Levine, Mary Shi, and Joel Sircus, who provided excellent advice and criticism. To Professor David Cameron, without whom I never would have discovered my interest in European politics. To David Fayngor, who flew halfway across the world to keep me company during my summer research. To my mom for her unwavering support and my dad for his careful proofreading. And finally, to my adviser Professor Jolyon Howorth, who worked with me on this project for over a year and a half. -
Zuschauen Oder Einmischen?
ZUSCHAUEN ODER DEUTSCHLAND EINMISCHEN? Aus der Krise lernen 4 POTENTIALE DES ALTERS NUTZEN! SCHWERPUNKT Arbeitsbereich der FES zum Einbinden bürgerschaftlichen Engagement statt abschieben 21 älterer Menschen INTERNATIONAL Europa aus dem Gleichgewicht 28 2/2010 TITELTHEMA Eigener Arbeitsbereich der FES Bürgerschaftliches Engagement älterer Menschen stärken BÜRG E R S C haftli C hes E N G A G ement und gesellschaftspolitische Partizipation sind zentrale Themen in der Arbeit der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, die auf ganz unterschied- liche Weise bearbeitet werden. Eine besondere Form der Auseinandersetzung mit diesem Themenkomplex ist der Arbeitsbereich „Bürgerschaftliches Engagement älterer Menschen stärken“. In Deutschland ist der demo- einsamung von älteren Men- rungswissen oft nicht in erfolg- graphische Wandel in vollem schen begegnet werden? Wel- reiche Aktivitäten umgesetzt Gang. Im Jahr 2050 wird jede/r che Rollen können und wollen werden. dritte Deutsche 60 Jahre oder ältere Menschen in einer sich Die Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung älter sein, jede/r neunte sogar ändernden Gesellschaft einneh- möchte diesen Trend unterstüt- 80 Jahre oder älter. men? zen und das bürgerschaftliche Ein posi- Engagement älterer Menschen tiver As- weiter stärken. Ein Projektziel pekt des ist es, die ältere Generation demogra- darin zu unterstützen, ihr Er- phischen fahrungswissen, ihre Potenziale Wandels und Ressourcen noch stärker ist: Ältere für die Gestaltung und für den Menschen Zusammenhalt unserer Gesell- sind heute schaft einzubringen. im Durch- Ein Schwerpunkt des Projektes schnitt ist die politische Mitwirkung gesünder von Senioren und Seniorinnen. und besser Schließlich soll durch bürger- ausgebil- schaftliches Engagement nicht det als in der Sozialstaat ersetzt wer- der Ver- den, sondern die gesellschaft- Im Zuge dieser Veränderungen gangenheit. -
Political Parties and the Transition to Democracy
POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY A Primer in Democratic Party-Building for Leaders, Organizers and Activists The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) is a nonprofit organization working to strengthen and expand democracy worldwide. Calling on a global network of volunteer experts, NDI provides practical assistance to civic and political leaders advancing democratic values, practices and institutions. NDI works with democrats in every region of the world to build political and civic organizations, safeguard elections, and promote citizen participation, openness and accountability in government. POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY A Primer in Democratic Party-Building for Leaders, Organizers and Activists TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Introduction 2 Section 1: What Makes a Political Party Democratic? 4 Section 2: The Party Constitution 6 Section 3: Party Organization 8 Section 4: Developing a Policy Agenda and Message 13 Section 5: Communication and Outreach 18 Section 6: Membership Recruitment 23 Section 7: Fundraising 27 Section 8: Training 35 Conclusion 39 Appendices 40 A. Constitution of the Progressive Conservative Association of Canada B. Organization and Structure of the Australian Labor Party and the Democratic Party of the Republic of Korea C. Sample newsletter and tips for creating newsletters from the Liberal Democrats of Britain D. Party platforms from the Alliance of Free Democrats of Hungary and the African National Congress of South Africa E. Communication techniques from the Social Democratic and Labour Party of Northern Ireland and a letter to supporters from the Labour Party of Britain F. Information on membership recruitment and activation from the Labour Party of Britain G. -
The Case of Slovenia
“A Short History of Quotas in Slovenia” Sonja Lokar Chair, Gender Task Force of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe A paper presented at the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA)/CEE Network for Gender Issues Conference The Implementation of Quotas: European Experiences Budapest, Hungary, 22–23 October 2004 The Communist-dominated Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia was formed after the Second World War. Slovenia became the most developed of its six federal republics, gaining independence in the early 1990s. This case study looks at the participation of women in Slovenia before and after the break-up of the Former Yugoslavia, and examines the evolution of quota provisions that have been implemented to secure women’s participation in decision-making. Background Women in Slovenia were granted the universal right to vote for the first time in 1945, along with equality with men. At the beginning of the 1970s, some of Yugoslavia’s strongest Communist women leaders were deeply involved in the preparations for the first United Nations (UN) World Conference on Women in Mexico. They were clever enough to persuade old Communist Party leaders, Josip Broz Tito and his right-hand man Edvard Kardelj, that the introduction of the quota for women—with respect to the decision-making bodies of all political organizations and delegate lists—had implications for Yugoslavia’s international reputation.1 Communist women leaders worked hard to make Socialist Yugoslavia a role model (in terms of the emancipation of -
The Basic Concept for the Democracy Ranking of the Quality of Democracy
The Basic Concept for the Democracy Ranking of the Quality of Democracy David F. J. Campbell September 29, 2008 David F. J. Campbell Research Fellow University of Klagenfurt Faculty for Interdisciplinary Studies (IFF) Institute of Science Communication and Higher Education Research (WIHO) A-1070 Vienna, Austria [email protected] http://www.uni-klu.ac.at/wiho Recommended citation: Campbell, David F. J. (2008). The Basic Concept for the Democracy Ranking of the Quality of Democracy. Vienna: Democracy Ranking. © Copyright by David F. J. Campbell, 2008. All rights reserved. Table of Contents Abstract ...............................................................................................................3 1. What is democracy? Short review of conceptual definitions..........................4 2. The empirical spreading of democracy in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries: The need for distinguishing between different qualities of democracy ...........................................................................................................7 3. Initiatives for an empirical measurement of democracies in global context: Freedom House, Polity IV, Vanhanen’s Index of Democracy, and Democracy Index..................................................................................................................10 4. Minimum or maximum definitions of democracy? Short review of concepts of the quality of democracy ..............................................................................17 5. The basic concept for the -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
First Draft Proposal
Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists & Democrats in the European Parliament S&D A Union of Democracy: A Progressive Vision for the Future of Europe Friday 6 December 2013, 9:30 – 18:00 Tempio di Adriano - Piazza di Pietra, Rome Working languages EN/IT Friday 6 December: 09:30 - 10:00 Opening Remarks by Hannes SWOBODA, President of the Socialists and Democrats Group in the European Parliament, and Roberto GUALTIERI, Member of the European Parliament and S&D Co-ordinator for the Committee for Constitutional Affairs 10:00 - 11:30 Session I State of Democracy in Europe and its Challenges Chair: Jo LEINEN, MEP European Issues in National Agendas ∙ Institutional Challenges ∙ Citizens Participation ∙ European Political Parties ∙ Growing Extremism and Populism ∙ New Rights for Citizens ∙ Accession to the ECHR ∙ The Role of the Chart of Fundamental Rights Panel: Luciano BARDI, Professor, European University Institute ● Luigi BERLINGUER, MEP ● Vannino CHITI, Member of the Italian Senate - President of the European Affairs Committee ● Virgilio DASTOLI, President of European Movement Italy ● Emilio De CAPITANI, Secretary of The Fundamental Rights European Experts Group (FREE Group) ● Sandro GOZI, Vice-President of the Assembly of Council of Europe ● Enrique GUERRERO SALOM, MEP ● Zita GURMAI, MEP ● Elena PACIOTTI, President of Fondazione Basso ● Yonnec POLET, Deputy Secretary General of the Party of European Socialists 11:30 - 12:30 Debate 12:30 - 14:00 Buffet Lunch 14:00 - 15:30 Session II Developing Democratic Governance Chair: Paolo -
Democracy and the Environment: How Political Freedom Is Linked with Environmental Sustainability
sustainability Article Democracy and the Environment: How Political Freedom Is Linked with Environmental Sustainability Elias G. Carayannis 1,*, David F. J. Campbell 2,3,4 and Evangelos Grigoroudis 5 1 School of Business, The George Washington University, Washington, DC 20052, USA 2 Department for Higher Education Research, Danube University Krems, 3500 Krems, Austria; [email protected] 3 Department of Political Science, University of Vienna, Universitätsstrasse 7, 1010 Vienna, Austria 4 Department of Science Communication and Higher Education Research, Alpen-Adria-University Klagenfurt, 9020 Klagenfurt, Austria 5 School of Production Engineering and Management, University Campus, Technical University of Crete, Kounoupidiana, 73100 Chania, Greece; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: This paper aims to explore a possible relationship between democracy and the environment, more specifically between freedom and environmental sustainability (environmental performance). The conceptual lenses of the Quadruple and Quintuple Innovation Helix Frameworks were used as they emphasize the importance of democracy and ecology (environmental sustainability) for knowledge and innovation and vice versa. The empirical model focused on the following research question: What is the correlation between political freedom and environmental performance? In essence, all countries in the world with a population of one million or more were included (a total of 156 countries), and the reference year was 2016. The empirical outcome of the correlation analysis Citation: Carayannis, E.G.; was a positive Pearson correlation of about 0.56 (or 0.73 if we examine regional country groups), Campbell, D.F.J.; Grigoroudis, E. and, perhaps even more significantly, this correlation was significant at the 0.001 level (two-tailed). -
The Far Right in Slovenia
MASARYK UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE The Far Right in Slovenia Master‟s thesis Bc. Lucie Chládková Supervisor: doc. JUDr. PhDr. Miroslav Mareš, Ph.D. UČO: 333105 Field of Study: Security and Strategic Studies Matriculation Year: 2012 Brno 2014 Declaration of authorship of the thesis Hereby I confirm that this master‟s thesis “The Far Right in Slovenia” is an outcome of my own elaboration and work and I used only sources here mentioned. Brno, 10 May 2014 ……………………………………… Lucie Chládková 2 Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to doc. JUDr. PhDr. Miroslav Mareš, Ph.D., who supervised this thesis and contributed with a lot of valuable remarks and advice. I would like to also thank to all respondents from interviews for their help and information they shared with me. 3 Annotation This master‟s thesis deals with the far right in Slovenia after 1991 until today. The main aim of this case study is the description and analysis of far-right political parties, informal and formal organisations and subcultures. Special emphasis is put on the organisational structure of the far-right scene and on the ideological affiliation of individual far-right organisations. Keywords far right, Slovenia, political party, organisation, ideology, nationalism, extremism, Blood and Honour, patriotic, neo-Nazi, populism. 4 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 7 2. Methodology ......................................................................................................................... -
International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding
The Unintended Consequences of Democracy Promotion: International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anna M. Meyerrose, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2019 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Thompson, Co-Advisor Irfan Nooruddin, Co-Advisor Marcus Kurtz William Minozzi Sara Watson c Copyright by Anna M. Meyerrose 2019 Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations (IOs) have engaged in unprecedented levels of democracy promotion and are widely viewed as positive forces for democracy. However, this increased emphasis on democracy has more re- cently been accompanied by rampant illiberalism and a sharp rise in cases of demo- cratic backsliding in new democracies. What explains democratic backsliding in an age of unparalleled international support for democracy? Democratic backsliding oc- curs when elected officials weaken or erode democratic institutions and results in an illiberal or diminished form of democracy, rather than autocracy. This dissertation argues that IOs commonly associated with democracy promotion can support tran- sitions to democracy but unintentionally make democratic backsliding more likely in new democracies. Specifically, I identify three interrelated mechanisms linking IOs to democratic backsliding. These organizations neglect to support democratic insti- tutions other than executives and elections; they increase relative executive power; and they limit states’ domestic policy options via requirements for membership. Lim- ited policy options stunt the development of representative institutions and make it more difficult for leaders to govern. Unable to appeal to voters based on records of effective governance or policy alternatives, executives manipulate weak institutions to maintain power, thus increasing the likelihood of backsliding.