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New Guinea Lies Between the Equator and 11° South of the Equator, and Is Only Eighty Miles Distant from Australia Across the Torres Straits

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New Guinea Lies Between the Equator and 11° South of the Equator, and Is Only Eighty Miles Distant from Australia Across the Torres Straits Australian National University THESES SIS/LIBRARY TELEPHONE: +61 2 6125 4631 R.G. MENZIES LIBRARY BUILDING NO:2 FACSIMILE: +61 2 6125 4063 THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY EMAIL: [email protected] CANBERRA ACT 0200 AUSTRALIA USE OF THESES This copy is supplied for purposes of private study and research only. Passages from the thesis may not be copied or closely paraphrased without the written consent of the author. A HISTORY OF THE ANGLICAN MISSION IN PAPUA 1891 - 1941. Thesis presented to the School of General Studies, Australian National University. For examination for the Degree of Master of Arts, by David Fielding Wetherell. 1 May, 1970. PREFACE The purpose of this thesis is to enquire into the aims, methods and achievements of the Anglican M ission in Papua between 1891 and 1941. This span of fifty years may conveniently be divided into three periods. In the first of these (1891 - 1910) missionaries made a foothold on the northern Papuan coast while their patrons attempted to secure for them a source of support. In the second period (1910-1920) the mission sought to define attitudes towards indigenous culture in harmony with contemporary colonial philosophy and traditional theology. The third period (1920-1941) saw a slowing down in missionary momentum as a result of diminishing support at home, at a time when Papuans were encountering other agencies of western culture. The work of the Anglican M ission is examined both in relation to the aspirations of its founders and the reactions of the Melanesians. Its struggle for survival and growth is set in the context of a society in transition. Since it is in the nature of missionary work to come to an end, leaving an integrated Christian culture behind, the methods used by missionaries to bring this about are evaluated, and in particular why some enterprises died and others flourished, where the m ission failed to realize its goals and where it attained a measure of success. The mission entered northern Papua under the aegis of a powerful invading culture. The Papuan reaction to the invasion ranged from an eager reception of m issionaries in some places to the waning of millenarian hopes in others. This varied as the Papuans attempted to relate m issionaries both to other w esterners and to their own experiences and philosophies of life. Lastly, the enquiry is directed towards the Papuan Christian as he moved slowly away from the guardianship of the missionary on the edge of civilization, as missionary and convert saw hopes for a golden age of Papuan missions dashed on the stubborn realities of cultural change. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Thanks are due to the following for their assistance: Archbishop Philip Strong, Primate of Australia; Bishop John Chisholm, Bishop Henry Kendall, Professor Ken Inglis, The Reverend Andrew Uware, The Reverend Gideon Waida and Mr. Columba Paisawa of Papua; Professor Jim Davidson, Dr Niel Gunson and Dr Deryck Freeman of the Research School of Pacific Studies, Canberra; The Honourable Olive Gill, Canon John Bodger, Canon Harold Palmer, M iss Morva Kekwick and M iss Helen A m ies. Thanks are also due to my Papuan students in history who encouraged me in the belief that the writing of Melanesian history was worth the effort. ABBREVIATIONS A. B. M. Australian Board of Missions A. R. Annual Report A. R. M. Assistant Resident Magistrate B. C. P. Book of Common Prayer C. S. Church Standard I. R. M. International Review of Missions O. P. Occasional Paper of the New Guii^ea Mission P. I. M. Pacific Islands Monthly Qld. P. P. Queensland Parliamentary Papers R. M. Resident Magistrate S. M. H. Sydney Morning Herald T. P. Territory of Papua U. M. C. A. Universities' Mission to Central Africa V. C. Village Constable. CONTENTS I. IN THE WILDERNESS; THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE. 1 II. TEMPLES IN THE FOREST: 1891-1910 20 III. THE WHITENING FIELDS : 1910-1920 117 IV. CIVILIZATION AND THE NOBLE SAVAGE : 1920-1941 174 V. APPENDIX I, II, III. VI. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 IN THE WILDERNESS: THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE THE island of New Guinea lies between the equator and 11° south of the equator, and is only eighty miles distant from Australia across the Torres Straits. The north-east coast of Papua extends from East Cape near Samarai island to the Mamba River. Deeply indented by Goodenough, Collingwood and Dyke Acland Bays, the coast plain runs parallel to the main range from East Cape to Goodenough Bay and rises steeply to the mountains. In Collingwood Bay,however, the plain is sometimes ten miles broad. At the northern end of Collingwood Bay is Cape Nelson, an elevated peninsula which drops abruptly to the sea at Tufi and is surmounted behind by the volcanic Mount Victory and Mount Trafalgar. From the air can be seen the coral reefs which strew the sea near Cape Nelson, presenting a hazard to navigation. From Cape Nelson the coast turns westwards along Dyke Acland Bay until it comes against the flank of the Hydrographer1 s Range at Eroro, where it sweeps north along Dyke Acland Bay. From here the coast plain broadens to its greatest width of thirty m iles and is traversed by the Opi, Kumusi, Gira and Mamba Rivers which have their source in the main Owen Stanley Ranges. The coast plain is fringed by coconut palms and, where there are swamps, by mangroves and nipa palms. A thick curtain of tropical forest obscures the foothills of the ranges and extends over 1 Naval Intelligence Division, Admiralty Handbook, Pacific Islands vol. IV, London, 1945. wide areas of the lowlands, where there are broad river plains. Inland the mountains are extremely precipitous, and this makes contact between one area and another very difficult. Malaria and tropical ulcers are endemic in the coast plains particularly where swamps and sluggish rivers cross to the beaches. The pre-European history of northern Papua is largely conjectural. Local myths in the north suggest fairly recent m igrations, but compared with the history of the last four generations the evidence tends to present a fairly static view of population movements. The precipitous nature of the mountains and the rugged coastline in many places contributed to the political fragmentation that is a universal feature of pre-European New Guinea. The political segmentation of the northern coastal Papuans is well exemplified by the wide variety of customs and ceremonies, differences in kinship patterns and behaviour as well as languages. This ethnic diversity makes generalisation difficult, but there are certain features which all northern Papuan societies held in common. The north Papuan villager owed allegiance to his clan, which was the broadest entity to have a claim upon his loyalty. In north-east Papua between Cape Vogel and East Cape (where the population in 1910 was calculated at about 10, 000)^ the village clans were self-supporting but sometimes trade was conducted between village groups who spoke similar dialects. The same pattern 1 Territory of Papua Annual Report 1910-1911, Port Moresby, 125. f 3 occurred in the northern area, from Cape Vogel to the Mamba, where there was a population of similar proportions. Within the village, clans were related by ties of marriage. Apart from these friendly exchanges of m arriage and trade, the clansmen had contacts with other clans in their movements in search of game or better garden-lands. Sometimes a number of clans migrated to a new area in search of garden-lands, and in consequence the dialect of one area was carried to another. * The Okein of Cape Nelson, for example, speak an Orokaiva dialect. An alliance between two groups was maintained by trade and cemented by marriage relationships. The need of barter and exchange was the one thing which brought the people willingly outside their village boundaries. Trade was not always conducted between kinsmen: sometimes villages which were unrelated met for barter on amicable terms. Thus the Ambasi people exchanged clay pots for the tapa cloth of the Pongani people in Dyke Acland Bay thirty miles away. A similar trade existed in Goodenough Bay, where the fish and salt of the coastal villages were exchanged for the 2 vegetables and areca nuts of the hill people. Other Goodenough Bay villages were visited by the Molima traders of Fergus son Island in search of cassowary plumes. Marriage itself was an occasion of exchange: in Wamira, for example, the bridegroom's father took ICG. Seligmann, The Melanesians of British New Guinea (Cambridge, 1910)461 ff. W. C. Pritchard, Papua (London, 1911) 40. Interview with H. Palmer, Canberra, 7 January 1969. 2 W. C. Pritchard, op. cit. 40. M. Stone-Wigg, The Papuans. A People of the South Pacific (Sydney, 1933) 13 ff. See also F. E. Williams, Orokaiva Society (London 1930) 64. gifts of food and shells to the bride's family before the marriage, •which the woman's family later reciprocated. * The trading expeditions of the north-east people were generally shorter and less ambitious than those of people in other parts of New Guinea. The hiri voyages of the Motuans of the southern coast, for example, brought them into contact with the materials, techniques and ideas of people a hundred miles distant. The Kiwai people of the Fly estuary and western coasts traded annually with the Torres Strait Islanders. The frail outrigger canoes of the Ubir and Orokaiva were very inferior to the sturdy canoes of the Kiwais or the heavy lakatoi of the Motuans, for they were not constructed for prolonged travel or trade on a large scale. In general, then, travel did not expose the villager clansmen to instructive differences with other people in distant places.
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