Introduction 2 Classical Liberalism: Globalization As the Logic of Freedom

Notes

Introduction

1. Held and his colleagues also introduced the useful mapping of the globalization debate in terms of three tendencies: ‘hyperglobalist’, ‘sceptical’ and ‘transformationalist’ (see Held et al. 1999: 2–10 and Held and McGrew 2000). 2. Many other theorists defined ideology following a logic akin to Seliger’s con- ceptualization (for example Christenson et al. 1971: 5; Goodwin 2007: 28–9; Heywood 2007: 11–12; Vincent 2010: 18); a useful synthetic discussion of inclusive and restrictive definitions is provided by Mathew Humphrey (Humphrey 2005). 3. The concept of globalization was not in common use until the 1960s; two early appearances of the term are usually mentioned: in the 1961 edition of Webster Dictionary and in a 1962 issue of the Spectator magazine (Waters 2001: 2). 4. One concession that can be made on this question is to accept that ideology may take different forms – ‘esoteric’, where it ‘requires study and meditation’, and ‘exoteric’, where ‘a certain measure of simplification, translation (faithful or otherwise), omission, and addition is necessary’ (Hagopian 1978: 401). Still, in those different appearances political communication remains committed to particular ways of reading political reality and to given sets of values and priorities and so is susceptible to ‘ideological infection’ (Goodwin 2007: 15).

2 Classical Liberalism: Globalization as the Logic of Freedom

1. That disputes arise with regard to the parameters of liberalism is, of course, an unsurprising exempliﬁcation of the fact that ideological morphologies are volatile. But in the case of liberalism the matter is complicated further by differences based on distinct geographical conventions. In the United States the term is understood as denoting a belief system that, to use the crude spa- tial metaphor, is located to the left in relation to what passes for liberalism in continental Europe. The American way of thinking about liberalism may imply an unusual view represented by, for example, Noam Chomsky: ‘[i]f you take the ideals of classical liberalism seriously [...] it leads to opposition to corporate capitalism’ (Chomsky and Otero 2003: 398). This position clashes with claims presenting the liberal ideology as inextricably linked to the priorities of the capitalist system (see for example Arblaster 1984: 7; Goodwin 2007: 42) and the latter opinion squares with how liberalism is understood in most of Europe (Cerny 2008: 5–6).

182 Notes 183

2. It should also be noted that neoliberalism is undergoing a process of transformation whereby it increasingly adopts more complex and nuanced positions. Some analysts insist that it is important to discern this inter- nal variety. For example, Cerny suggests a distinction between ‘regulatory’, ‘managed’ and ‘social’ neoliberalism (Cerny 2008) and Andrew Gamble distinguishes between ‘laissez-faire’, ‘anarcho-capitalist’ and ‘social market’ strands within the neoliberal discourse (Gamble 2009b: 71–2). Moreover, neoliberalism intermingles with other liberal positions thus enriching its own morphology and influencing other conceptual configurations in the process (Crouch 2011: 23). 3. For a more extensive critique of globalism as ideological category, see Soborski (2009). 4. In Freeden’s model ‘thin’ ideologies are also ideological types and so the question remains if the six claims of globalism might meet the criteria of a partial, issue-driven, ideological current. Freeden poses a similar question with regard to nationalism and explains that ‘[a] thin-centred ideology is [...] limited in ideational ambitions and scope’. However, for a conceptual cluster to qualify as a thin ideology it still needs to offer a set of decontestations absent from other ideologies. On the other hand, ‘if [it] is not an ideology, we would expect to find its conceptual arrangements as a component in another, broader ideological family’ (Freeden 1998: 750). Accordingly, since there are reasons to doubt the regular occurrence of most of ‘globalism’s claims in its would-be paradigmatic exemplification and since (as I will show) they are instead recognizable as elements in broader ideological segments, the existence of even a thin ideology is put into serious doubt. 5. The fellow-feeling between several variants of classical liberalism and Anglo-American conservatism is nothing new. In fact, market-orientated, laissez-faire currents of classical liberalism have long enjoyed the warm sympathy of some conservatives. Moreover, many prominent thinkers – Hume, Burke, Spencer, Hayek, Berlin or Oakeshott, to mention just the most important among them – combined liberal and conservative ideas (see Femia 2012). The more recent continuities between neoliberalism and ‘conservative ideology of authoritarian moralism’ are discussed by Nederveen Pieterse in his account of the ‘osmosis’ of neoliberalism and imperialism (2004: 46, 45–52). 6. It is true that some evolution of positions regarding the state has taken place even within the hard core of neoliberalism. For example, Francis Fukuyama (2004) has called for ‘state building’ and even Milton Friedman expressed some reservations à propos privatization (Saul 2005: 251). Never- theless, the acceptance of the state remains qualified and its competencies are usually defined as delimited to guaranteeing social stability as a pre- requisite for a business-friendly environment. Even following the financial crisis most neoliberals have reaffirmed their unconditional faith in the market and their distrust of government, warning against state-led solu- tions to the turmoil and ultimately blaming states for the credit crunch (see Conclusion). 7. A penetrating account of Kant as a global theorist avant le mot has been provided by Gary Browning (2011: 22–41). 184 Notes

3 Socialism: Globalization as the Fulﬁlment of History

1. For an engaging insider’s overview of the intellectual history of the Marxist left in the twentieth century, see Goran Therborn’s (2008) From Marxism to Post-Marxism. 2. An informative discussion of Marx’s insights into the role of communication technology is provided in Yves de La Haye’s (1980) Marx & Engels on the Means of Communication. 3. There is, however, an important exception to this way of thinking within a broadly conceived Marxist paradigm, namely in dependency theories (for example Frank 1996). As Anthony Brewer explains, while mainstream Marxism maintains that capitalism introduces modernization and industrialism to backward countries and so ‘creates the material preconditions for a better (socialist) society as well as the class forces that will bring it about’, dependency theories suggest that capitalism prevents progress and produces ‘development of underdevelopment’ (1990: 16, 18; this may imply that the solution is ‘delinking’; for a critique of this assumption in the work of Samir Amin, see Nederveen Pieterse 2010: 54–63). Barbara Goodwin uses examples of African socialism to point out another exception: socialists in countries that have never experienced capitalism may altogether challenge the necessity of the capitalist stage (2007: 115–17). 4. See also Hardt and Negri’s more recent book in which they continue this thread, borrowing a military term to describe the ‘full-spectrum dominance’ exercised by the current ‘bio-political’ capitalist regime (2005: 55). 5. Some commentators have suggested that Marx’s globalism was not without reservations for Marx backed the nationalistic aspirations of Poles and Hungarians (for example Van Ree 2003). In my opinion, this stance of Marx should be interpreted as supportive of the peoples struggling against partic- ularly reactionary absolutist monarchies and therefore it does not invalidate Marx’s overall radically globalist stance. More generally, it is true that Marx accepted that the struggle of the working class has to begin at the level of the nation-state (Bronner 2011: 179; Schweickart 2011: 194–5); again, this assumption is not necessarily in contradiction with his globalism. 6. As I argue in the Conclusion to this book, the ﬁnancial crash has not come as a surprise to observers of a Marxist persuasion who generally perceive the current turmoil as merely a symptom of a long-term and ultimately terminal decline of the system of capitalist accumulation (see for example Amin 2011; Callinicos 2010; Harman 2009; North 2012; contributions in Panitch et al. 2011). 7. For an account highlighting the often unacknowledged socialist threads in the ‘alternative globalization movement’, see Chapter 5 in Chamsy El- Ojeili’s and Patrick Hayden’s book Critical Theories of Globalization (2006: 178–213). 8. This shift away from the free-market orthodoxy is exempliﬁed by increase in public interest in critiques of the neoliberal status-quo and by the rise of left-libertarian think-tanks in the region. For instance, Poland’s New Polit- ical Critique group works to promote the ideas of pre-War Polish socialist thinkers as well as familiarizing broader readership with the writings of Notes 185

the leading left-wing dissidents active in the ‘communist’ Polish People’s Republic. 9. Reservations about the practicality of globalist measures in the pursuit of socialism may actually be articulated in conjunction with the prevail- ing dynamics of contemporary globalization. In an assessment by Stephen Bronner, ‘[t]he possibility of forging an internationalist response to international capitalism seems remote’. While committed to the ‘ideal of internationalism’, Bronner describes the current situation as one where ‘[a]n increasingly mobile form of capital now serves as the vanguard for internationalism while workers, ever fearful of capital ﬂight, seem more bent upon resisting globalization in national terms’. This is not unexpected for ‘material interests of workers in one nation also need not converge with those in other nations’ (2011: 177, 178). 10. For examples of Polanyi’s inﬂuence, see Ancelovici (2002); Block (2001); Munck (2006); Ruggie (2003); and Stiglitz (2001).

4 National Populism and Fascism: Blood and Soil against Globalization

1. But it should be noted that national populists do not hold one view of capitalism and that ideological evolution in this area is always possible. For example, Flood notes a transition from a broadly neoliberal orientation to an economic model claiming a welfarist identity which took place in the ideas of Front National in the early 1990s (1997: 124). 2. Yet, while the continuity of claims of anti-Semitic conspiracy in extreme right interpretations of globalization is evident in references to the ‘Zionist occupied governments’ or the ‘East Coast’ (Sommer 2008: 314), anti- Semitism is increasingly overridden by Islamophobia (Zúquete 2008: 329). 3. For example, Flood documents the Front National’s extensive critique of the globalist curriculum purportedly imposed on the French educational systems and of the cultural colonialism supposedly perpetrated by bod- ies such as UNESCO, the Council of Europe or the European Commission (2004: 168–70). 4. But the intellectual leader of the French Nouvelle Droite, Alain de Benoist, distances himself from Front National: ‘As for my position concerning the National Front, it is quite simple. I see in it no ideas which are my own and give meaning to my life’ (in Bar-On 2007: 166). Some authors claim that the New Right’s association with national populism is somewhat inadvertent. For instance, Piero Ignazi argues that the Nouvelle Droite ‘produced a series of interpretations and intellectual tools that, beyond the intentions of the Nouvelle Droite itself, have been reframed and adopted by the extreme right parties’ (Ignazi 2003: 24, emphasis in original). 5. The fascist rejection of Christianity may even imply the view that the alleged Islamization of Europe is a positive phenomenon, a step towards liberating Europe from Christianity. Inspired by the ideas of the German Nazi and then New Rightist Sigrid Hunke (1913–99), laid down in her 1960 book Allah’s Sun Over the Occident, such appreciation of Islamic cultural inﬂuences remains in sharp contrast with the unrepentant Islamophobia of European 186 Notes

national populists (Poewe 2006: 197–8). Islam may also be perceived by some New Rightists as an ally in their struggle against ‘International Zionism’ (Southgate 2010: 259). But this is not to say that a favourable view of Islam is common in the fascist circles of the New Right. On the contrary, reflect- ing the more general tendency on the extreme right, many New Rightists are obsessively anti-Muslim. Guillaume Faye, one of the most well-known figures on the contemporary extreme right scene in France, has declared ‘the South, assembled under the banner of Islam’ to be ‘Europe’s principal enemy’, more threatening even than the United States which, anyway, ‘in its double-game, has allied with Islam’ (2011: 51, 52). Faye has consequently endorsed Zionism as an ally against Islam (O’Meara 2011: 11). 6. This hatred of the United States took an anecdotal form in the declaration of Alain de Benoist (still in the Cold War period) ‘that it was prefer- able to wear the helmet of the Red Army than to live under the yoke of American imperialism by eating a steady diet of hamburgers in Brooklyn’ (in Bar-On 2001: 343). 7. Nevertheless, elements of biological racism still often lurk beneath the culturalist arguments advanced by New Right theorists (see for example Faye 2011: 153–4, 194–6, 227–32; Krebs 2012: 79–91; Southgate 2010: 227). 8. It goes without saying that the Europe desired by the New Rightists has no positive connection whatsoever with the existing European Union; the latter is denounced as ‘prostrate object, a bastard, devoid of identity’ (Faye 2011: 139) and rejected as ‘mercantile and universalist’ and hence a major mechanism of ‘de-Europeanisation’ (Krebs 2012: 50, 51). 9. In pursuing this pan-continental form of post-nationalist orientation the New Right can draw on earlier fascist thought. Thus, to give a brief list of influences, in France the European course of fascism was associated with ideas of Pierre Drieu La Rochelle (1883–1945), Raymond Abellio (1907–86, real name: Georges Soulès) and Maurice Bardèche (1907–98). In Germany, the key role in its articulation was played by national bolshevism of Ernst Niekisch (1889–1967) and by left-wing Nazism of Otto Strasser who insisted that the ‘Federation of the Peoples of Europe is the vital precondition for the spiritual recovery of the European nations and for the preserva- tion of the civilization and culture of the West’ (in Griffin 1995: 114). In Britain, the conception of Euro-Africa was put forward by Oswald Mosley (1896–1980). Perhaps most influential of all Europeanist fascists was the Italian philosopher and esoterist Julius Evola, who blamed nationalism for European disunity (see for example Spektorowski 2003a: 123–4) and advertised the idea of a spiritually united European Imperium as an antidote. 10. It was already in the period of the Cold War that some fascists adopted this unusual idea of allying Europe with the Soviet bloc against the West. Anti-Western Europeanists included de Benoist, who believed that the Soviet Union was more Russian than communist and that it could have been co-opted in the struggle against America (Bar-On 2001: 343). Others pre- ferred to cast their geopolitical ideas in terms of so-called third positionism rejecting both capitalism and communism and postulating a ‘third way’ to be developed in ‘solidarity’ with the Third World (more recent expressions of this ‘Third World solidarity’ claim are discussed in Bale 2002; Spektorowski 2003a: 115 and 118; and Spektorowski 2003b: 59). Nevertheless, the majority Notes 187

of fascists were decisively anti-communist and pro-Western (Bale 2002: 29) as exempliﬁed by a supranationalist but resolutely pro-Western orientation of the founder of the BNP, John Tyndall,: ‘Over and above the rivalries of nations, there is the transcendent interest of Western Civilisation, Western Culture and – as the creator of these things – the White European Race. Here we must see “The West”, not in the form currently fashionable: as a coalition of nations organised in mutual defence of the dubious blessings of “liberal democracy” and “capitalism,” but as a cultural and above all racial entity’ (in Grifﬁn 1995: 370). Only with the end of the Cold War could the idea of opposition to the West in unity with Russia become entrenched in fascist ideology (for more on the question of New Right Eurasianism, see for example Laruelle n.d., Mathyl 2002).

5 Anarchism and Ecologism: Alternative Localizations in a Comparative Perspective

1. See, for example, Bookchin (1971); Carter (1999: 198–9); Goodwin (2007: 249–50); Jennings (1999: 144–5); Morris (1996: 132); O’Riordan (1981: 307); Pepper (1993: 152–203); Purchase (1993: 25); Sonn (1992: 107–13). 2. It is also possible to identify ecologism’s roots in earlier ideas of romanticism, Malthusianism and traditional conservatism, as well as in writings of naturalist writers and wilderness activists such as Henry David Thoreau (1817–62), John Muir (1838–1914), Aldo Leopold (1887–1948) or Bob Marshall (1901–39). Yet, as Andrew Dobson points out, it is only with the more recent acceleration and globalization of environmental decay that ecologism developed in its current full-blown form (Dobson 1999: 231–4). 3. The ideological status of ecologism is also a subject of an ongoing academic controversy. On the one side are the sceptics who doubt if it has the ability to offer a distinct and/or comprehensive ideological worldview. Goodwin, for example, denies ecologism’s membership in the family of established ideological traditions: ‘no single or clear vision of the Good Life emerges from deep Green assumptions [ ...so] even the deepest Green doctrine falls short of being an ideology’ (2007: 259–60). Freeden similarly emphasizes the thin- ness of ecologism by arguing that its ‘core concepts are insufﬁcient on their own to conjure up a vision or interpretation of human and social interaction or purpose’ (1996: 527). On the other side are the proponents of ecologism’s ideological maturity. Dobson argues accordingly that it is possible to identify ecologism’s ‘key tenets, myths and so on that distinguish it from other ideologies’ (2007: 4). He also maintains – in opposition to scholars such as Freeden and Goodwin – that the green ideology is adequately deep in that it couches its ‘analyses and prescriptions [...] in terms of fundamental “truths” about the human condition’ and is not issue-based but has ‘some principled vision of the Good Life’ (Dobson 2007: 3–4; for similar opinions, see Baxter 1999: 1 and Humphrey 2002). I refrain here from defending an unequivocal position on the question of ecologism’s claim to being an ideology but in practice I treat it as one. What is important from my point of view is that while the scope of ecologism is indeed rather narrow, it is nonetheless a distinctive current in that its deﬁning ideas are largely absent 188 Notes

from other ideologies. That it is consequently possible to study ecologism in its own right is a rationale for the present analysis which seeks to demon- strate that the concept of globalization is interpreted within the ambit of ecologism in connection with its particular conceptual traits and in ways that provide a meaningful distinction from other ideologies. But while the ideological status of ecologism is a contentious matter, environmentalism is obviously neither comprehensive nor distinct and is therefore disqualiﬁed as an ideology in its own right. 4. For more on the question of the modern attitude to nature, see Fritjof Capra’s (1983) critique of the Cartesian-Newtonian paradigm. 5. The Limits to Growth report is concerned with growth primarily as leading to an inevitable exhaustion of resources for humans. It does not advance an ecocentric argument and so, along with the so-called ‘survivalist’ tradition of which it is a part, has only one foot in the ecologist camp. Ecologists have combined rejection of growth with concern for the entire biosphere, independently from its usefulness for human purposes (Crist 2003; Foreman 2011). 6. I take anarchism to be an egalitarian and communal tradition of political thought to be distinguished from the individualistic ideas of the so-called ‘anarcho-liberalism’ or ‘libertarian capitalism’ associated with authors such as Murray Rothbard, Robert Nozick or David Friedman. 7. Ecologism’s conservative aspects have been noted by a number of commentators. William Tucker provided an extensive analysis of ecologism’s conservative leanings in his Progress and Privilege. According to Tucker: ‘the impulse to slow growth, to suspect invention, and to place natural or agrarian values above material progress has been the consistent pattern of aristocratic politics wherever and whenever it has asserted itself’ (1982: 42). In Tucker’s view, ecologism amounts to ‘the ideas of aristocratic conservatism translated onto a popular scale’ (1982: 32). That conservative strains run through some areas of ecologism is emphasized also by Anna Bramwell who identiﬁed early expressions of ecologism in the traditional Tory attitude combining nationalism with rejection of industrialism (1989: 104–5). In a similar vein, David Pepper suggested that ecocentrism ‘may be a (middle) class response to contradictions in capitalism, essentially conservative, reactionary, “bourgeois” to the core and very much involving traditional political concerns’ (1986: 187) while also noting elsewhere: ‘aspects of the appeal to a “natural”, “organic” order, where people must model their society on “nature” have distinctly reactionary implications’ (1993: 190). 8. Greg Garrard makes a related point when he notes overlaps between ‘envi- ronmentally orientated georgic ideology’ and social conservatism as well as the way in which ‘biological models are applied to human situations with results that corroborate an extreme right wing politics even though they do not derive from them’ (2012: 122, 106). 9. Confederation, according to the Oxford Concise Dictionary of Politics,‘isless binding in its character than a federation. In principle, the states in a confederation would not lose their separate identity through confederation, and would retain the right of secession’ (McLean and McMillan 2009: 106; see also Holterman 1995: 286 for an anarchist explanation along these lines). Notes 189

Thus, while anarchists tend to use the terms ‘confederation’ and ‘federation’ interchangeably, the notion of confederation (in this case, of communities, not of states) is closer to the spirit of anarchism and thus I will use this term in the following discussion. 10. But Linkola does not stop there. Proclaiming that ‘human mass deaths are always a positive occurrence in the light of the population explosion’, he regrets that wars do not ‘target the actual breeding potential of a population: young females and children, half of whom are girls’ (2009: 166, 173). He advocates ‘the reduction of the population [...] by limited nuclear strikes or through bacteriological and chemical attacks against the great inhabited centres of the globe (attacks carried out either by some trans-national body like the UN or by some small group equipped with sophisticated technology and bearing responsibility for the whole world)’ (2009: 136–7).

Conclusion: Crisis of Ideologies or Ideologies of Crisis?

1. For an insider overview of the interpretations of the crisis articulated by neoliberal bloggers and think-tanks, see Rosenbleeth (2009). 2. However, the pendulum seems to be swinging back at the time of writing, beginning with the come-back of social democracy in Denmark in 2011 and the crucial victories of the French Socialists in the 2012 presidential and parliamentary elections. Furthermore, in countries currently ruled by conservative or conservative-liberal governments (for example Germany, Spain and the UK) there is growing disillusionment with the politics of spending cuts. 3. To give merely a few examples, the anti-immigrant Schweizerische Volkspartei is now the largest party in the Swiss Federal Assembly, the belligerently conservative and anti-Semitic Fidesz party is holding power in Hungary (since 2010), the Islamophobic Partij voor de Vrijheid came third in the 2010 elections in Holland, and Marine Le Pen, the new leader of Le Front National, scored over 17 per cent in the 2012 French presidential elections. In the United States, the Tea Party Movement has been capitalizing on the economic crisis as well, but its anti-statist, anti-welfare agenda differs from the programmes of the majority of European national populist parties. Bibliography

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Abellio, Raymond (real name: Georges Arctogaia, 118, 124 Soulès), 186 Aron, Raymond, 25 Adam Smith Institute, 173 Age of Consent, The,94 Bakunin, Michael, 140, 149 Allah’s Sun Over the Occident, 185 Bale, Jeffrey, 118 Al Qaeda, 31 Balladur, Eduard, 89 Amin, Samir, 3, 85, 184 Bardèche, Maurice, 186 anarchism Barnevik, Percy, 56 on authority (esp. of the state), 27, Barrès, Maurice, 110–12, 125, 130, 132 147–9, 154, 158–9, 179 Barruel, Auguste, 122 confederalist ideas of, 159–61, 168, Barry, John, 145 188–9 Bastiat, Claude Frédéric, 62 continuity of, 148–9, 150–1, 160–1, Bastow, Steven, 118 166, 167 BBC, 175 on hierarchy as the origin of Bell, Daniel, 25, 34, 70 environmental problems, Belle Époque, 5, 48, 50, 76 153 Belloc, Hillaire, 116 localism of, 18, 148, 149–51, Berg, Peter, 145 159–61, 164–6, 168, 170 Berlin, Isaac, 183 and Malthusianism, 163–4 Berry, Wendell, 145–6 and modernity, 147, 153–4, 166 Bhagwati, Jagdish, 51 ‘post-ideological’, 26–7 ‘big society’, 174 urbanism of, 165–6 bioregionalism, 144–6, 152, 155, 156, anarcho-liberalism, 188 158, 160 Angell, Norman, 62 Bloc Identitaire, 118 Anonymous,2,179 Boggs, Carl, 36, 37 Another World Is Possible If,94 Bolivia, 48 anthropocentrism, 143, 144, 152, 153, Bonaparte, Napoleon, 8–9 161, 168, 170 Bookchin, Murray, 150, 151, 159, 165 compare ecocentrism Bossi, Umberto, 133 anti-Americanism, 123, 129, 132, 137, Bouchet, Christian, 118 186 Bramwell, Anna, 188 anti-globalization movement(s), see Brewer, Anthony, 184 globalization, movements Bright, John, 55 contesting Britain, 124, 173–4, 186, 189 anti-neoliberal movement(s), see British National Party (BNP), 117, 118, globalization, movements 123, 134, 178 contesting British National Party Land and anti-Semitism, 112, 122, 129, 130, People, 131, 133 178, 185–6, 189 British People’s Party, 134 Anton, Anatole, 91 Bromley, Simon, 5, 103–4 Arab Spring, 2 Bronner, Stephen, 185

213 214 Index

Browning, Gary, 37, 70, 183 conservatism, 20 Burbach, Roger, 3–4, 34–5, 36, 37 diversity within, 172 Burke, Edmund, 115, 155, 183 evolution of, 171, 172 Butler, Eamonn, 173 conservative parties, 174 conservative revolution movement, 114–15, 125 Capra, Fritjof, 188 Constant, Benjamin, 59, 62, 64 Carter, Elisabeth, 118 Contribution to a Critique of Political Castells, Manuel, 2–3 Economy,78 Cato Institute, 50, 173 Cooney, Anthony, 116–17 Central Europe, 91, 184 Coser, Lewis, 14 Cerny, Philip, 44, 183 crises of capitalism Champetier, Charles, 126, 137 of the 1930s, 88, 174, 176 Chanda, Nayan, 5 of the 1970s, 176 Chavez, Hugo, 31 of 2008 onwards, 2, 19, 75, 92: Chesterton, Gilbert Keith, 116 austerity policies, 173, 189; Chomsky, Noam, 179, 182 major ideologies’ positions on, Christian Democracy, 172 19, 172–80, 183, 184 clash of civilizations, 137 Crook, Clive, 50, 51 classical liberalism Cumbers, Andrew, 29, 31 and conservatism, 20, 44, 45, 46, Curran, Giorel, 26–7 53, 54, 60, 116, 174, 183 continuity of, 17, 55–8, 59, 60–2, Das Kapital, 175 64–5, 66–7, 68, 170 Dasmann, Raymond, 145 and democracy, 54, 60–1 De Angelis, Massimo, 26 hegemony of, 17, 25, 43, 48, 73, 90, de Benoist, Alain, 124, 126, 128, 136, 92 137, 138, 185, 186 as ideology of globalization, 48, 53, de Bonald, Louis, 109 170 de La Haye, Yves, 184 individualism of, 65 delinking, 184 Della Porta, Donatella, 26 interaction with other ideologies, de Maistre, Joseph, 109, 110, 125–6, 44–5 132 market, arguments in favour, 54–9, de Mandeville, Bernard, 57 61–4, 66, 67, 173–4 democratic socialism, 71 on progress, 49, 67–8 globalism of, 95–8, 170–1 on state, 58–60, 173–4, 183 and Marxism, 89, 94 term, controversies about, 182 and state, 93, 95, 97–8, 105, 171 universalism of, 53, 65–6, 68, 107 term, 89, 94 see also neoliberalism Denmark, 189 Clougherty, Tom, 173 dependency theory, 184 Club of Rome, 144 Destutt de Tracy, Antoine, 8–9 see also Limits to Growth Diderot, Denis, 65 Cobden, Richard, 55, 62, 67 distributism, 116–17 Communist Manifesto, The, 75, 81, 84, ‘Dixie capitalism’, 174 176 Dobson, Andrew, 187 Comte, Auguste, 68 Donne, John, 87 Condorcet de, Marquis, 68 Do or Die, 143 confederation, concept of, 188–9 Drake, Michael, 34–5, 37 Index 215

Drieu La Rochelle, Pierre, 186 extreme right, 108, 176 Dugin, Aleksandr, 118, 124, 137 decentralist views of, 111–12 Durkheim, Émile, 58 definition of, 117 –18 history of, 108–17: in France: 109–12; in Germany, 112–15; in Earth First!, 143 Britain, 115–17 Eccleshall, Robert, 65 nationalism of, 110–12, 113, 132–4 ecocentrism, 19, 143–4, 147, 152, 155, rejection of the Enlightenment by, 156, 158, 161–2, 163, 167, 170, 107, 109, 110, 112, 117, 126 178, 188 see also fascism; national populism; ecologism New Right (Fr. Nouvelle Droite) and anarchism, 18–19, 140–1, 147, 151–4, 158, 161–6, 167–8 Falk, Richard, 96, 97 authoritarian aspects of, 154–8, 189 family resemblances, 13–14, 52 and conservatism, 20, 155, 158, fascism 163, 187, 188 and conservatism, 20 growth, arguments against, 144, groupuscules, 118–19, 129, see also 162, 170, 178–9, 188 under individual names ideological status of, 167, 187 and Islam, 131, 185–6 localism of, 18–19, 142, 144–6, 155, palingenetic nature of, 121, 123–4, 156, 157, 158, 160, 162, 163, 134, 177, 178 167, 170 post-nationalist orientation of, 18, and modernity, 144, 153, 170 108, 121, 132, 135–9, 177, political relativism of, 155–6, 158, 186–7 159, 167 see also national populism; New and population question, 157, Right (Fr. Nouvelle Droite) 162–3, 164, 167–8, 189 Faye, Guillaume, 127, 130, 186 and romanticism, 187 feminism, 10, 20, 30, 31 Ecologist, The, 141, 146 Fichte, Johann Gottlieb, 113–14, 132 Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts, Fidesz, 189 78 Fields, Factories and Workshops, 150 Economist, The, 48, 50 Financial Times, The,50 Éléments, 124 Flood, Christopher, 119, 185 Foreman, David, 143, 146, 162, 163, Éléments d’Idéologie,8 164 Empire,70 France, 62, 124, 135, 186 empire, the concept of, 86–8 Frankfurt School, 77 Engels, Friedrich, 9–10, 75–6, 81, 84, Freeden, Michael, 11, 35, 37, 47, 52, 87 53, 72, 183, 187 as globalization theorist, 75 Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, 118 England First, 134 French Revolution, 108, 131 English Movement, 134 reaction against, 108, 115 environmentalism Friedman, David, 188 and ecologism, 141–2 Friedman, Milton, 59, 183 ideological status of, 188 Friedman, Thomas, 51, 56, 58, 63–4 Eschle, Catherine, 30 Dell Theory of Conflict Prevention, European Union, 174, 175, 186 63–4 Evola, Julius, 125, 186 Golden Arches Theory of Conflict existentialism, 77 Prevention, 63 216 Index

Front National, 118, 119, 122, 123, Globalization in Question, 103–4 125, 134, 185, 189 Globalizations,4 Fukuyama, Francis, 25, 43, 62, 66, global justice movement, see 68–9, 183 globalization, movements Future Perfect, A,48 contesting ‘global rebalancing’, 5 Gaia hypothesis, 157 global social democracy, 20, 99–100, Gamble, Andrew, 183 171, 175 Gandhi, Mohandas, 165 Godwin, William, 149 Garrard, Greg, 188 Goldsmith, Edward, 146, 154–5, 156, Gautney, Heather, 30 158, 168 Geddes, Patrick, 148 Goodin, Robert, 155–6 Gemeinschaft, 114 Goodwin, Barbara, 184, 187 George, Susan, 70, 71, 94, 95, 97 Gramsci, Antonio, 9, 36, 125 German Social Democratic Party, 89 Gray, John, 66 Germany, 124, 175, 186, 189 Great Depression, see crises of Gesellschaft, 114 capitalism, of the 1930s ‘globalism’ (also ‘market globalism’), Great Illusion, The,62 17, 38, 39, 41, 46–54, 59, 60, 70 Great Transformation, The, 101–2 as classical liberalism, 17, 38, 47–9, Green, Thomas Hill, 44 53, 55, 56–7, 69 Greenspan, Alan, 48, 50, 66, 173 ideological status of, 19, 41, 46–7, Grifﬁn, Nick, 123 49, 52–3, 69, 180 Grifﬁn, Roger, 120, 124 ‘imperial’, 38, 70 Groupement de Recherches et d’Études ‘jihadist’, 70 pour la Civilisation Européene, Le ‘justice’, 70–1 (GRECE, The Centre for the globalization, 1, 2, 7, 8, 180, 182 Research and Study for European ‘from above’, 96, 142 Civilisation), 124 ‘from below’, 28, 96, 97, 142 Grundrisse,84 end of claim, 4, 50 history of, 5, 12 Hardin, Garrett, 162, 163 hyperglobalist perspective on, 2–4, Hardt, Michael, 70, 78, 85, 184 6, 7, 22–3, 37, 38, 41, 182 Harrington, Patrick, 117 and modernity, 3, 12 Havel, Vaclav, 66 movements contesting, 24, 25, 26, Hayek, Friedrich, 59, 183 28–30, 31; and end-of-ideology Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 37 argument, 25–8, 30–3, 34, 40, Heidegger, Martin, 16, 115 90; ideological diversity of, 24, Held, David, 35, 182 29–30, 31; left-right alliances Henderson, David, 56 between, 28, 33, 40; Herder, Johann Gottfried, 113–14, 132 terminological controversies Heritage Foundation, 173 about, 28 ‘hermeneutical circle’, 16 sceptical perspective on, 4, 7, 20, 23, Hirst, Paul, 5, 103–4 75, 98, 103–4, 171, 182 Hobhouse,Leonard,44 term, 182 Hobson, John, 44 transformationalist perspective on, Holland, 189 6, 7–8, 23, 37, 182 Houtart, François, 96, 97 Globalization and Postmodern Politics, Howard, Ebenezer, 148 34 Hume, David, 61, 65, 183 Index 217

Humphrey, Mathew, 182 James, Harold, 50 Hunke, Sigrid, 185 Jensen, Derrick, 162 Huntington, Samuel, 137 Johnson, Greg, 125 Judt, Tony, 91, 100 ideal types, 13–14, 17, 45, 105, Jünger, Ernst, 115 168 Juris, Jeffrey, 29 Idea of Universal History with a Common Purpose,65 Kahn, Richard, 30 ideologues,9 Kant, Immanuel, 37, 48, 61, 65, 183 ideology Kellner, Douglas, 30 continuity of, 139, 169–70, 171–2, Kemp, Arthur, 134 180 Keynesianism, 86, 92, 173, 174 criteria for, 31, 41, 47, 52–3, 69, 120, Kohr, Leopold, 161 141, 142, 180, 187–8 Krasner, Stephen, 5 critical approach to, 26: by Marxists, Krebs, Pierre, 124, 126, 127 9–10, 26; by conservatives and Krisis, 124 liberals, 10, 25 Kropotkin, Peter, 140, 148, 149, 150, end of thesis, 6–7, 10, 13, 23, 25–6, 151, 164, 165, 166, 167 32, 40, 42, 70 mutual aid, 149, 160 established ideologies: classiﬁcation criteria, 12–14, 52; (ir)relevance laissez-faire, 58, 91, 101, 104, 173 of, 6–7, 17, 23–4, 32, 33–9, think-tanks, 173, see also under 40–41, 73, 169, 180 individual names ‘esoteric’, 182 Lal, Deepak, 48, 51 ‘exoteric’, 182 Landauer, Gustav, 165 morphological approach to, 11–12, Laruelle, Marlene, 118 13, 14–15 Lega Nord, 123, 132 neutral understanding of, 10–11, Lenin, Vladimir, 9, 84–5 24–5, 26, 31, 33, 38, 39, 40, Leopold, Aldo, 143, 187 182 Le Pen, Jean-Marie, 122, 134 operative, 52 Le Pen, Marine, 189 and political action, 6, 25–33, 34, Les Déracinés, 111 39–40, 168 LexusandtheOliveTree,The, 51, 63 and political philosophy, 14–15, 182 liberal conservatism, 172 qualitative study of, 16 liberalism term, 8–9 deﬁnitional controversies, 182 ‘thin’, 183, 187: localism as example see also classical liberalism of, 140, 141 Liberty of the Ancients Compared with Ignazi, Piero, 185 that of the Moderns, The,62 imperialism, 85, 86 ‘lifestyle anarchism’, 40 Indignados, 179 Limits to Growth, 144, 188 Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), Lindholm, Charles, 31 173, 174 Lindsey, Brink, 50, 62 International Monetary Fund (IMF), Linkola, Pentti, 157, 163, 179, 189 24, 58 Lipset, Seymour Martin, 25 international non-governmental Llosa, Mario Vargas, 49 organizations (INGOs), 2 Lovelock, James, 157, 162 Internet,1,2,179 see also Gaia Hypothesis Ireland, 174 Luxemburg, Rosa, 85 218 Index

Macklin, Graham, 119 Muir, John, 187 Maeckelbergh, Marianne, 32 Mumford, Lewis, 148, 151 Maiguashca, Bice, 30 Malthusianism, 157, 162–3, 187 Naess, Arne, 144 see also ecologism, and population national anarchism, 124, 131, 135 question national bolshevism, 124, 129, 186 Manchesterism, 55 national populism, 108 Mannheim, Karl, 9, 15 and conservatism, 20, 119 Marcuse, Herbert, 77 conspiracy theories of, 122–3 Maréchal, Samuel, 123 democracy, as interpreted by, 120, Marshall, Bob, 187 121 Martell, Luke, 100 economic protectionism of, 133 Marx, Karl, 5, 9, 30, 37, 65, 77, 80, 83, and fascism, 119–21, 177 85, 86, 175 ideological status of, 119–20 as globalization theorist, 75–6, 84 and immigration, 120, 121–2, on nationalism, 87, 184 133–4, 178 structuralism of, 78–9, 81–2, 176 political parties, 118, 119, 125, 177, Marxism 185, 189, see also under on capitalism: contradictions, individual names 79–86; ethical interpretation of, producerism of, 122 76–8, 86; developmental and welfare-state, 185 interpretation of, 81–2, 83, 86, National Revolutionary Faction, 115, 88, 170, 183 119 and deterritorialization, 5, 84 Nazism, 115, 135, 186 on (in)equality, 76, 87, 88, 105 Nederveen Pieterse, Jan, 5, 174, 183 globalism of, 83, 86–8, 105, 170 Negri, Antonio, 70, 78, 85, 86, 184 history, as interpreted by, 9, 76, neoconservatism, 20, 38, 124, 172 86–7, 170, 176 see also conservatism political mythology of, 74 neoliberalism, 42 relevance of, 75–6, 88, 170, 175–6 as classical liberalism, 17, 44–5, 55 and state, 77, 105 conceptual crudeness of, 45 and technology, 80–4, 87 diversity within, 183 and transnational corporations, evolution of, 183 83 movements against, see also Mathyl, Markus, 119 globalization, movements Maurras, Charles, 111 contesting McGrew, Anthony, 35, 182 see also classical liberalism McNabb, Vincent, 116–17 Newman,Michael,91 Michael, David, 135 New Political Critique, 184 Micklethwait, John, 48, 60 New Right (Fr. Nouvelle Droite), 31, Mill, John Stuart, 57–8, 60 119, 124–5 Mittelman, James, 30 anti-individualism of, 128, 136 modernization theory, 67 anti-rationalism of, 128 modern liberalism, 44, 54 anti-universalism of, 126–9 compare classical liberalism and Europe, 136–8, 185, 186 Monbiot, George, 94, 97–8 fascist nature of, 124, 125 Montesquieu de, Charles Louis, 61, 65 identitarian politics of, 126–8 Mosley, Oswald, 186 and national populist parties, 125, Mudde, Cas, 118, 120 185 Index 219

paganism of, 128, 136, 177 Rise of Urbanization and the Decline of syncretism of, 125 Citizenship, The, 160 Newsweek, 175 Road to Serfdom, The,59 ‘New World Order’, 122–3, 129, 134 Romantic movement, 112–13 New York Times, The,63 Rosenberg, Justin, 4, 5, 41 Niekisch, Ernst, 186 Rothbard, Murray, 188 Nouvelle Droite, see New Right (Fr. Routledge, Paul, 29, 31 Nouvelle Droite) Rupert, Mark, 30 Nouvelle Résistance, 118 Russian Social Democratic Labour Nozick, Robert, 188 Party, 89

Oakeshott, Michael, 183 Sachs, Jeffrey, 48, 49–50, 51 ‘Occupy’ movement, 2, 179 ‘shock therapy’, 48 Ohmae, Kenichi, 58–9 Sale, Kirkpatrick, 144, 145, 146, 155, O’Meara, Michael, 125, 126, 130 160 ‘one nation’ conservatism, 172 Salisbury Review, 124–5 Ophuls, William, 144, 155, 157 Sartre, Jean-Paul, 77 Scènes et doctrines du nationalisme, 111 Paine, Thomas, 65 Schmitt, Carl, 115 Partie Communautaire Scholte, Jan Aart, 4 National-Européen, 118, 129 Schumacher, Ernst Friedrich, 117, 145, Partij voor de Vrijheid, 118, 189 146 Pepper, David, 152, 158, 188 Schumpeter, Joseph, 64 Perpetual Peace, 61 Schwarzmantel, John, 36–7 Plato’s Revenge: Politics in the Age of Ecology, 157 Schweizerische Volkspartei, 118, 189 Pleyers, Geoffrey, 30–1, 32 Scorpion, 124–5 Poland, 48, 184–5 Scott, Allan, 42 Polanyi, Karl, 101–2, 185 Seliger, Martin, 10, 24, 52, 182 ‘double movement’, 104 September 11 attacks, 51 political myth, 74 Sessions, George, 163 Porritt, Jonathon, 141 Shaw, Martin, 4 ‘preﬁgurative politics’, 32 Shekhovtsov, Anton, 119 Preston, Keith, 135 Smith, Adam, 30, 45, 48, 57, 61 Progress and Privilege, 188 social democracy Protagoras, 126 accommodation to neoliberalism, Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph, 140, 148, 90, 92 160 electoral performance of, 189 Puerta del Sol, Madrid, 179 equality, as interpreted by, 98, 99, Purchase, Graham, 151, 165–6, 167 104, 105 globalization, as interpreted by, 93, racism, 130, 134, 136, 170 98, 99, 100–1, 102–4, 105, 171 culturalist variant of, 112, 114, 125, and state, 20, 90, 93, 98, 99, 100, 130, 138, 170 102, 104, 105, 171, 175 Read, Herbert, 166 term, 89 Renan, Ernest, 110, 126 compared with democratic Réseau radical, 118 socialism, 89–90, 98 Rhineland capitalism, 77 see also global social democracy see also Keynesianism social-democratic parties, 189 220 Index social ecology, 150 Third Positionism, 115, 124, 186 see also Bookchin, Murray Thompson, Grahame, 5, 103–4 social evolutionism, 67–8 Thoreau, Henry David, 187 Social Forums, 24, 26, 31, 32, 96 Thule Seminar, 124 socialism Times, The, 175 African, 184 Tolstoy, Lev, 165 equality, concepts of, 74, 92–3 Tönnies, Ferdinand, 114 globalization, perspectives on, 17, Toryism, 116, 188 74, 92–3, 185 Troisième Voie, 118 history, interpretations of, 74, 92–3 Tucker, William, 188 term, controversies about, 73, 90–1, Tyndal, John, 187 94, 175 universalism of, 107 Umland, Andreas, 119 see also social democracy; United States, 51, 123, 189 democratic socialism; Marxism Unité Radicale, 118 Solomon, Scott, M., 30 Sonn, Richard, 153 Vlaams Belang (formerly Vlaams Blok), Sorel, Georges, 111 118, 134 Soulès, Georges, see Abellio, Raymond Voluntary Human Extinction (real name: Georges Soulès) Movement, 162 Southgate, Troy, 115, 117, 119, 125, 136 Soviet bloc, 48, 91 Walker, Michael, 124–5 and post-nationalist fascism, 186 Wall Street Crash (1929), see crises of Soviet communism, 1–2, 90–1, 93 capitalism, of the 1930s Spain, 174, 189 Ward, Colin, 151, 153 Spectator, the, 182 Wealth of Nations, The,61 Spencer, Herbert, 183 Weber, Max, 13–14, 114, 159 Spengler, Oswald, 115 Weimar Republic, 114 Stadler, Felix, 3 Weltanschauung,4,15 Steger, Manfred, 17, 37–8, 46–7, 49, Whose Crisis, Whose Future,94 50, 51–3, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 64, Winner, David, 141 69–71, 139 Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 13, 52, 171 Sternheel, Zeev, 107, 113 rope metaphor, 171–2 Strasser, Otto, 115, 186 see also family resemblances Sunic, Tomislav, 126 Wolf, Martin, 50, 51, 57, 63, 67 survivalism, 188 Woodcock, George, 148, 149–50, 151, see also ecologism, and population 161, 167 question Wooldridge, Adrian, 48, 60 Sweden, 174 World Bank, 24 Switzerland, 189 World Social Forum, see Social Forums World Trade Organization (WTO), 24, Tarchi, Marco, 124 58 Tea Party Movement, 189 Technics and Civilization, 151 Zapatistas, 31 Terre et Peuple, 119, 129–30, 135 Zuccotti Park, New York, 179 Therborn, Goran, 184 Zuquete, Jose Pedro, 31