Fascism, Liberalism and Europeanism in the Political Thought of Bertrand
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The German Doctor' by Lucía Puenzo Nathan W
Student Publications Student Scholarship Spring 2016 History, Historical Fiction, and Historical Myth: 'The German Doctor' by Lucía Puenzo Nathan W. Cody Gettysburg College Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship Part of the European History Commons, Film and Media Studies Commons, Latin American Languages and Societies Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, and the Military History Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Cody, Nathan W., "History, Historical Fiction, and Historical Myth: 'The German Doctor' by Lucía Puenzo" (2016). Student Publications. 438. https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/438 This is the author's version of the work. This publication appears in Gettysburg College's institutional repository by permission of the copyright owner for personal use, not for redistribution. Cupola permanent link: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/ 438 This open access student research paper is brought to you by The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The uC pola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. History, Historical Fiction, and Historical Myth: 'The German Doctor' by Lucía Puenzo Abstract The se cape of thousands of war criminals to Argentina and throughout South America in the aftermath of World War II is a historical subject that has been clouded with mystery and conspiracy. Lucía Puenzo's film, The German Doctor, utilizes this historical enigma as a backdrop for historical fiction by imagining a family's encounter with Josef Mengele, the notorious SS doctor from Auschwitz who escaped to South America in 1949 under a false identity. -
Routledge Dictionary of Cultural References in Modern French
About the Table of Contents of this eBook. The Table of Contents in this eBook may be off by 1 digit. To correctly navigate chapters, use the bookmark links in the bookmarks panel. The Routledge Dictionary of Cultural References in Modern French The Routledge Dictionary of Cultural References in Modern French reveals the hidden cultural dimension of contemporary French, as used in the press, going beyond the limited and purely lexical approach of traditional bilingual dictionaries. Even foreign learners of French who possess a good level of French often have difficulty in fully understanding French articles, not because of any linguistic shortcomings on their part but because of their inadequate knowledge of the cultural references. This cultural dictionary of French provides the reader with clear and concise expla- nations of the crucial cultural dimension behind the most frequently used words and phrases found in the contemporary French press. This vital background information, gathered here in this innovative and entertaining dictionary, will allow readers to go beyond a superficial understanding of the French press and the French language in general, to see the hidden yet implied cultural significance that is so transparent to the native speaker. Key features: a broad range of cultural references from the historical and literary to the popular and classical, with an in-depth analysis of punning mechanisms. over 3,000 cultural references explained a three-level indicator of frequency over 600 questions to test knowledge before and after reading. The Routledge Dictionary of Cultural References in Modern French is the ideal refer- ence for all undergraduate and postgraduate students of French seeking to enhance their understanding of the French language. -
JACKDAWS by Ken Follett Outline: 18T Draft-Annotated
1 JACKDAWS by Ken Follett Outline: 18t draft-annotated PG: Think ofa more interesting title with ''jackdaws'' in it KF: Jackdaws by Night? AZ: The story will work to the extend to which you putpressure on Flick and Dieter. For Flick, the pressure can come from: • Dieter • Weaknesses in her team • Weaknesses ofresistors • Conflicts between communists and others • Fortescue • Love relationships • Germans in general For Dieter, it can come from: • Flick • Other resistants • Baecker • Rommel • Some deep inner yearning for concord between Germany and France 2 Preface: Exactly 50 women were sent into France as secret agents by the Special Operations Executive during the Second World War. Ofthose, 36 survived the war. The other 14 gave their lives. This novel is dedicated to all ofthem. List their names? Prologue: Some Dieter PoVin the Prologue. Sainte-Cecile is a fictional small town near the cathedral city ofReims, in the champagne district ofnorth-east France. It is 14 May 1944, and the country has been under Nazi occupation for four years. At the end ofa hot Sunday afternoon, the church bell rings a languid toll for the evening service. The square in the town centre is dominated by a walled chateau on its north side. It is a beautiful seventeenth century building, and a German officer and his wife, tourists, are taking photographs of it with a large camera on a tripod. AZ: The chateau should be more of a "character". KF: It couldbe a Gothic fantasy castle with fairy-tale turrets. It couldhave a moat. It should be very difficult to enter in all sorts ofways On the east ofthe square is the church. -
Introduction Thinking Fascism and Populism in Terms of the Past
Introduction Thinking Fascism and Populism in Terms of the Past Representing a historian’s inquiry into how and why fascism morphed into populism in history, this book describes the dicta- torial genealogies of modern populism. It also stresses the sig- nifi cant diff erences between populism as a form of democracy and fascism as a form of dictatorship. It rethinks the conceptual and historical experiences of fascism and populism by assessing their elective ideological affi nities and substantial political dif- ferences in history and theory. A historical approach means not subordinating lived experiences to models or ideal types but rather stressing how the actors saw themselves in contexts that were both national and transnational. It means stressing varied contingencies and manifold sources. History combines evidence with interpretation. Ideal types ignore chronology and the cen- trality of historical processes. Historical knowledge requires accounting for how the past is experienced and explained through narratives of continuities and change over time. Against an idea of populism as an exclusively European or American phenomenon, I propose a global reading of its historical 1 2 / Introduction itineraries. Disputing generic theoretical defi nitions that reduce populism to a single sentence, I stress the need to return populism to history. Distinctive, and even opposed, forms of left- and right- wing populism crisscross the world, and I agree with historians like Eric Hobsbawm that left and right forms of populism cannot be confl ated simply because they are often antithetical.1 While populists on the left present those who are opposed to their politi- cal views as enemies of the people, populists on the right connect this populist intolerance of alternative political views with a con- ception of the people formed on the basis of ethnicity and country of origin. -
Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe
This page intentionally left blank Populist radical right parties in Europe As Europe enters a significant phase of re-integration of East and West, it faces an increasing problem with the rise of far-right political par- ties. Cas Mudde offers the first comprehensive and truly pan-European study of populist radical right parties in Europe. He focuses on the par- ties themselves, discussing them both as dependent and independent variables. Based upon a wealth of primary and secondary literature, this book offers critical and original insights into three major aspects of European populist radical right parties: concepts and classifications; themes and issues; and explanations for electoral failures and successes. It concludes with a discussion of the impact of radical right parties on European democracies, and vice versa, and offers suggestions for future research. cas mudde is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of Antwerp. He is the author of The Ideology of the Extreme Right (2000) and the editor of Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe (2005). Populist radical right parties in Europe Cas Mudde University of Antwerp CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521850810 © Cas Mudde 2007 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. -
2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes. -
Militant Democracy and Fundamental Rights, II Author(S): Karl Loewenstein Source: the American Political Science Review, Vol
Militant Democracy and Fundamental Rights, II Author(s): Karl Loewenstein Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Aug., 1937), pp. 638-658 Published by: American Political Science Association Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1948103 Accessed: 07-08-2018 08:47 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms American Political Science Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Political Science Review This content downloaded from 35.176.47.6 on Tue, 07 Aug 2018 08:47:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms MILITANT DEMOCRACY AND FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS, II* KARL LOEWENSTEIN Amherst College II Some Illustrations of Militant Democracy. Before a more system- atic -account of anti-fascist legislation in Europe is undertaken, recent developments in several countries may be reviewed as illus- trating what militant democracy can achieve against subversive extremism when the will to survive is coupled with appropriate measures for combatting fascist techniques. 1. Finland: From the start, the Finnish Republic was particu- larly exposed to radicalism both from left and right. The newly established state was wholly devoid of previous experience in self- government, shaken by violent nationalism, bordered by bolshevik Russia, yet within the orbit of German imperialism; no other country seemed more predestined to go fascist. -
LE RASSEMBLEMENT DES GAUCHES REPUBLICAINES ET SES COMPOSANTES Article Extrait De La Revue Recherches Contemporaines, N° 5, 1998-1999
LE RASSEMBLEMENT DES GAUCHES REPUBLICAINES ET SES COMPOSANTES Article extrait de la revue Recherches contemporaines, n° 5, 1998-1999 Le Rassemblement comme rassemblement Éric DUHAMEL De toutes les formations politiques, le RGR est probablement celle qui a le moins retenu l’attention des historiens. Les histoires générales de la 4e République se contentent de le qualifier de cartel électoral quand il n’est pas purement et simplement assimilé au Parti radical1. Or, le RGR, sans avoir été un parti politique stricto sensu, a été beaucoup plus qu’un cartel électoral ; en fait une confédération de forces politiques comparable à l’UDF. Mais si l’UDF, à l’origine cartel électoral, s’est transformée en "groupement politique"2, le RGR, ainsi que nous le verrons, a été pensé d’emblée comme une formule originale de regroupement de forces politiques. A ce titre, le RGR a joué un rôle et remplit une fonction non négligeable durant la 4e République. En outre, il constitue un type d’organisation dont la connaissance peut utilement enrichir les études sur les associations partisanes. Le lecteur ne trouvera pas dans les lignes qui suivent une étude exhaustive de cette formation mais, à l’occasion de la publication des notes politiques de Pierre de Léotard dans ce numéro de Recherches contemporaines, une brève présentation. L’histoire du RGR est celle de ses paradoxes. Le moindre n’a-t-il pas été de voir associés dans une même formation radicaux et manifestants du 6 février 1934, survivants de Vichy et résistants parmi les plus authentiques ? Que ce Rassemblement ait eu une influence certaine au Parlement, quand bien même ses principales composantes sont sorties discréditées de la seconde guerre mondiale, à l’exception 1. -
H-France Review Volume 18 (2018) Page 1
H-France Review Volume 18 (2018) Page 1 H-France Review Vol. 18 (March 2018), No. 49 Sarah Shurts, Resentment and the Right: French Intellectual Identity Reimagined, 1898-2000. Newark/Lanham: University of Delaware Press/Rowman & Littlefield, 2017. xii + 337 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $110.00 U.S. (hardcover). ISBN 978-1-61149-634-5. Review by Sean Kennedy, University of New Brunswick at Fredericton. Presenting the history of French intellectuals in the modern era as a struggle between left and right is a long-established tradition, but in Resentment and the Right Sarah Shurts offers a fresh and compelling perspective. By identifying a recurring cycle of contestation over identity that ties in with long-standing debates over how to categorize the far right, the significance of the left-right dichotomy, and the character of French intellectual life, Shurts highlights the persistence of a distinctive pattern of extreme-right intellectual engagement. Ambitious in scope yet also featuring close analyses of prominent and less-prominent thinkers, her book is likely to spark further debate, and deserves considerable admiration. Well aware that she is on highly contested ground, Shurts carefully delineates her definitions of the terms ‘extreme right’ and ‘intellectual.’ With respect to the former she notes a veritable “wild west of terminology” (p. 15), the legacy of a long debate over the significance of fascism in France and the difficulties inherent in categorizing a diverse, often fractious political tradition. As for intellectuals, definitions tend to focus either upon values or sociological characteristics. Faced with various interpretive possibilities Shurts seeks to, borrowing a phrase from historian John Sweets, “hold that pendulum,” avoiding interpretive extremes.[1] In dealing with the extreme right, she concedes the findings of scholars who stress its diversity, the porosity of the left-right dichotomy as suggested by “crossover” figures, and the patterns of sociability shared by left and right-wing intellectuals. -
Political Extremism in the 1920S and 1930S: Do German Lessons Generalize?G
Political Extremism in the 1920s and 1930s: Do German Lessons Generalize?G ALAN DE BROMHEAD, BARRY EICHENGREEN, AND KEVIN H. O’ROURKE We examine the impact of the Great Depression on the share of votes for right- wing extremists in elections in the 1920s and 1930s. We confirm the existence of a link between political extremism and economic hard times as captured by growth or contraction of the economy. What mattered was not simply growth at the time of the election, but cumulative growth performance. The impact was greatest in countries with relatively short histories of democracy, with electoral systems that created low hurdles to parliamentary representation, and which had been on the losing side in World War I. he impact of the global credit crisis and Great Recession has been Tmore than just economic. In both parliamentary and presidential democracies, governments have been ousted. Hard economic times have increased political polarization and bred support for nationalist and right-wing political parties. All this gives rise to fears that economic hard times will feed political extremism, as it did in the 1930s. Memories of the 1930s inform much contemporary political commentary, just as they inform recent economic commentary. But exactly what impact the interwar depression and economic crisis had on the electoral fortunes of extremist parties has not been systematically studied.1 Many of our intuitions about the links between The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 73, No. 2 (June 2013). © The Economic History Association. doi: 10.1017/S0022050713000302. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution license (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. -
Activité 1 : Quelles Sont Les Origines Et Les Conséquences De La Crise De
Activité 1 : 2/ une crise institutionnelle profonde et fatale Quelles sont les origines et les conséquences de Documents de référence : la crise de mai 1958 organigramme IVe République (ci-dessous) tableau des différents gouvernements de la IVe République (ci-dessous) caricature de Sennep (ci-dessous) 1/ l'Algérie et l'embrasement du 13 mai 1958 Assemblée Nationale de 1956 (à projeter) documents de référence : vidéo Crise du 13 mai 1958 • Nous évoquions l'instabilité gouvernementale française au moment de la crise Photo 2 p.190 d'Alger... ◦ Combien de gouvernements se sont succédés au cours des 12 ans • Dans quel état politique se trouve la France début mai 1958 ? d'existence de la IVe République ? Qu'en conclure ? ◦ Pourquoi une telle instabilité ? ◦ Observe la représentation politique de l'Assemblée Nationale de 1956 [doc. projeté] ; combien recenses-tu de partis pouvant peser sur la vie • A quelle date et où éclate la crise politique ? politique française ? Que peux-tu en conclure (aide-toi de la caricature ci- dessous) ? • Quelle institution semble manœuvrer afin de reprendre le contrôle de la situation en Algérie ? ◦ Cette prise de contrôle est-elle légale ? ◦ En observant l'organigramme de la IVe République, relève les éléments ◦ Quel nom donne-t-on à cette forme de prise de pouvoir ? qui permettent de comprendre l'instabilité des gouvernements et donc la fragilité du pouvoir exécutif confronté à des problèmes graves. • Quel nom est scandé par les « nouveaux dirigeants » d'Alger ? ◦ Quelle fonction exerce cet homme à ce moment ? -
Europe (In Theory)
EUROPE (IN THEORY) ∫ 2007 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper $ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Minion with Univers display by Keystone Typesetting, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. There is a damaging and self-defeating assumption that theory is necessarily the elite language of the socially and culturally privileged. It is said that the place of the academic critic is inevitably within the Eurocentric archives of an imperialist or neo-colonial West. —HOMI K. BHABHA, The Location of Culture Contents Acknowledgments ix Introduction: A pigs Eye View of Europe 1 1 The Discovery of Europe: Some Critical Points 11 2 Montesquieu’s North and South: History as a Theory of Europe 52 3 Republics of Letters: What Is European Literature? 87 4 Mme de Staël to Hegel: The End of French Europe 134 5 Orientalism, Mediterranean Style: The Limits of History at the Margins of Europe 172 Notes 219 Works Cited 239 Index 267 Acknowledgments I want to thank for their suggestions, time, and support all the people who have heard, read, and commented on parts of this book: Albert Ascoli, David Bell, Joe Buttigieg, miriam cooke, Sergio Ferrarese, Ro- berto Ferrera, Mia Fuller, Edna Goldstaub, Margaret Greer, Michele Longino, Walter Mignolo, Marc Scachter, Helen Solterer, Barbara Spack- man, Philip Stewart, Carlotta Surini, Eric Zakim, and Robert Zimmer- man. Also invaluable has been the help o√ered by the Ethical Cosmopol- itanism group and the Franklin Humanities Seminar at Duke University; by the Program in Comparative Literature at Notre Dame; by the Khan Institute Colloquium at Smith College; by the Mediterranean Studies groups of both Duke and New York University; and by European studies and the Italian studies program at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.