Neo-Socialism and the Fascist Destiny of an Anti-Fascist Discourse
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The Origins of the Banlieue Rouge: Politics, Local Government and Communal Identity in Arcueil and Cachan, 1919-1958
The Origins of the Banlieue Rouge: Politics, Local Government and Communal Identity in Arcueil and Cachan, 1919-1958. by Jasen Lewis Burgess A thesis submitted to the University of New South Wales in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History 2005 © Jasen Lewis Burgess, 2005 Acknowledgments I would like to acknowledge the numerous individuals and various institutions that assisted me in the completion of this thesis. The critical appraisal, guidance and support provided by my supervisor Professor Martyn Lyons during the writing of this thesis have been indispensable. Professor Lyons helped initiate my research topic, gave firm, fair and timely advice on the structure and content of this thesis, and has commented on and proofread innumerable drafts. I would also like to thank him for his general support of my candidature, in particular the support he gave to me when I suspended my candidature at the time of the birth of my first son Leon and then when I resumed my candidature some time later. I would like to thank Professor Jacques Girault who suggested Arcueil and Cachan as a thesis topic when I met with him during my first research trip to Paris in 1998, and who also gave me invaluable advice on where to research my thesis in Paris and what journals to consult. I am also grateful to the staff of the Archives Départementales du Val-de-Marne at Creteil, France, for the vital assistance they gave me in my research, including posting material to me in Sydney. Thanks also to the Documentation and Archival Services for the Commune of Arcueil for sending material to me in Sydney, and to the staff at the Musée sociale and the Centre du Recherches d’Histoire des Mouvements Sociaux et Syndicalisme for the assistance they gave me when researching my thesis in Paris. -
Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact. -
Political Identity and Worker Politics: Silk and Metalworkers in Lyon, France 1900±1914
IRSH 47 (2002), pp. 375±405 DOI: 10.1017/S002085900200069X # 2002 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Political Identity and Worker Politics: Silk and Metalworkers in Lyon, France 1900±1914 Keith Mann Summary: This paper aims to explain the different political trajectories and identities of two sets of industrial workers in the city of Lyon, France during the years immediately preceding the ®rst World War. Silk workers supported reformist socialist parties while metalworkers were pillars of the revolutionary syndicalist current that dominated the prewar CGT. Unlike base and superstructure models or political autonomy explanations, it is argued that the particular industrial structures and social relations within each industry interacted with local and national political opportunity structures in ways that rendered some strategies and forms of collective action more ef®cacious than others. The programs and strategies proposed by revolutionary syndicalism matched the conditions of metalworkers and attracted their support, while reformist socialism struck a similar chord with silk workers resulting in similar results. After an extended absence, political history is beginning to ®nd its way back onto labor history's agenda.1 Scholars are approaching the study of workers and politics from multiple angles using a variety of theoretical frameworks. Some have called for the return to the institutional and intellectual political history that was popular before social history began to in¯uence labor history's agenda in the 1960s.2 Others have been drawn to a 1. Notable recent work in European labor history and politics include Iowerth Prothero, Radical Artisans in England and France, 1830±1870 (Cambridge, 1997); and Don Kalb, Expanding Class: Power and Everyday Politics in Industrial Communities. -
Authority, Authoritarianism, and Education
"Hybrid with Projection #1 by Susan Hetmannsperger 17 Authority, Authoritarianism, and Education Bruce Romanish The achievement of political freedom in a democratic produced populations desirous of and supportive of such system results from the conscious plans and actions of a political leadership since various environmental causes are human community. Once political freedom is identified as as significant in explaining authoritarianism as are psycho- an aim, the true task inheres in developing social structures logical predispositions.1 This issue has been addressed as and institutional frameworks which create, nurture, and well in terms of personality development, family influences, sustain that end. These structures and frameworks themselves and from the standpoint of the effects of religions and are in need of care and support if the democracy they nourish religious movements, but scant attention has been paid to the is not to wither and atrophy from neglect. Yet desiring politi- school's role as a shaper of patterns of belief, conduct, and cal freedom, accomplishing it, and maintaining it do not come ways of thinking in relationship to authoritarianism. with instructions. Modern history provides many examples If schools exhibit democratic characteristics, that may of societies that lost their way and slipped into the darkness reflect democratic features of the larger social order or the and despair of political oppression. schools are making a contribution to society's movement in This essay examines the concept of authoritarianism and that direction. Conversely, an authoritarian experience in the ways it is reflected and fostered in school life and school school life suggests either a broader cultural authoritarianism structure. -
Fonds Gabriel Deville (Xviie-Xxe Siècles)
Fonds Gabriel Deville (XVIIe-XXe siècles) Répertoire numérique détaillé de la sous-série 51 AP (51AP/1-51AP/9) (auteur inconnu), révisé par Ariane Ducrot et par Stéphane Le Flohic en 1997 - 2008 Archives nationales (France) Pierrefitte-sur-Seine 1955 - 2008 1 https://www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/siv/IR/FRAN_IR_001830 Cet instrument de recherche a été encodé en 2012 par l'entreprise Numen dans le cadre du chantier de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales sur la base d'une DTD conforme à la DTD EAD (encoded archival description) et créée par le service de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales 2 Archives nationales (France) INTRODUCTION Référence 51AP/1-51AP/9 Niveau de description fonds Intitulé Fonds Gabriel Deville Date(s) extrême(s) XVIIe-XXe siècles Nom du producteur • Deville, Gabriel (1854-1940) • Doumergue, Gaston (1863-1937) Importance matérielle et support 9 cartons (51 AP 1-9) ; 1,20 mètre linéaire. Localisation physique Pierrefitte Conditions d'accès Consultation libre, sous réserve du règlement de la salle de lecture des Archives nationales. DESCRIPTION Type de classement 51AP/1-6. Collection d'autographes classée suivant la qualité du signataire : chefs d'État, gouvernants français depuis la Restauration, hommes politiques français et étrangers, écrivains, diplomates, officiers, savants, médecins, artistes, femmes. XVIIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/7-8. Documents divers sur Puydarieux et le département des Haute-Pyrénées. XVIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/8 (suite). Documentation sur la Première Guerre mondiale. 1914-1919. 51AP/9. Papiers privés ; notes de travail ; rapports sur les archives de la Marine et les bibliothèques publiques ; écrits et documentation sur les départements français de la Révolution (Mont-Tonnerre, Rhin-et-Moselle, Roer et Sarre) ; manuscrit d'une « Chronologie générale avant notre ère ». -
H-France Review Volume 18 (2018) Page 1
H-France Review Volume 18 (2018) Page 1 H-France Review Vol. 18 (March 2018), No. 49 Sarah Shurts, Resentment and the Right: French Intellectual Identity Reimagined, 1898-2000. Newark/Lanham: University of Delaware Press/Rowman & Littlefield, 2017. xii + 337 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $110.00 U.S. (hardcover). ISBN 978-1-61149-634-5. Review by Sean Kennedy, University of New Brunswick at Fredericton. Presenting the history of French intellectuals in the modern era as a struggle between left and right is a long-established tradition, but in Resentment and the Right Sarah Shurts offers a fresh and compelling perspective. By identifying a recurring cycle of contestation over identity that ties in with long-standing debates over how to categorize the far right, the significance of the left-right dichotomy, and the character of French intellectual life, Shurts highlights the persistence of a distinctive pattern of extreme-right intellectual engagement. Ambitious in scope yet also featuring close analyses of prominent and less-prominent thinkers, her book is likely to spark further debate, and deserves considerable admiration. Well aware that she is on highly contested ground, Shurts carefully delineates her definitions of the terms ‘extreme right’ and ‘intellectual.’ With respect to the former she notes a veritable “wild west of terminology” (p. 15), the legacy of a long debate over the significance of fascism in France and the difficulties inherent in categorizing a diverse, often fractious political tradition. As for intellectuals, definitions tend to focus either upon values or sociological characteristics. Faced with various interpretive possibilities Shurts seeks to, borrowing a phrase from historian John Sweets, “hold that pendulum,” avoiding interpretive extremes.[1] In dealing with the extreme right, she concedes the findings of scholars who stress its diversity, the porosity of the left-right dichotomy as suggested by “crossover” figures, and the patterns of sociability shared by left and right-wing intellectuals. -
THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses. -
The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making. -
Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University. -
Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov
Post-Socialist Blues Within Real Existing Capitalism: Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Alberta © Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov, 2020 Abstract This project draws on Alex William’s (2020) contribution to Gramscian studies with the concept of complex hegemony as an emergent, dynamic and fragile process of acquiring power in socio- political economic systems. It examines anti-communism as an ideological element of neoliberal complex hegemony in Bulgaria. By employing a Gramcian politico-historical analysis I explore examples of material and discursive ideological practices of anti-communism. I show that in Bulgaria, anti-communism strives to operate as hegemonic, common-sensual ideology through legislative acts, production of historiography, cultural and educational texts, and newly invented traditions. The project examines the process of rehabilitation of fascist figures and rise of extreme nationalism, together with discrediting of the anti-fascist struggle and demonizing of the welfare state within the totalitarian framework of anti-communism. Historians Enzo Traverso (2016, 2019), Domenico Losurdo (2011) and Ishay Landa (2010, 2016) have traced the undemocratic roots of economic liberalism and its (now silenced) support of fascism against the “Bolshevik threat.” They have shown that, whether enunciated by fascist regimes or by (neo)liberal intellectuals, anti-communism is deeply undemocratic and shares deep mass-phobic disdain for political organizing of the majority. In this dissertation I argue that, in Bulgaria, anti- communism has not only opened the ideological space for extreme right and fascist politics, it has demoralized left political organizing by attacking any attempts for a politics of socio- economic justice as tyrannical. -
Xerox University Microfilms
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Between Justice and Politics: the Ligue Des Droits De L'homme, 1898
H-Diplo Roundtable Reviews, Volume VIII, No. 11 (2007) Between Justice and Politics: The Ligue des droits de l’homme, 1898-1945 Roundtable Review Reviewed Works: William D. Irvine. Between Justice and Politics: The Ligue des droits de l’homme, 1898-1945. Stanford University Press, 2007. 288 pp., bibliography and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-80475-317-3. $60.00 (cloth). Roundtable Editor: Joel Blatt Reviewers: Cylvie Claveau, Bertram Gordon, Talbot Imlay, Norman Ingram, Wendy Perry, David L. Schalk H-Diplo Roundtable Editor: Diane Labrosse Stable URL: http://tiny.cc/Politics-Roundtable Your use of this H-Diplo roundtable review indicates your acceptance of the H-Net copyright policies, and terms of condition and use. The following is a plain language summary of these policies: You may redistribute and reprint this work under the following conditions: Attribution: You must include full and accurate attribution to the author(s), web location, date of publication, H-Diplo, and H-Net: Humanities and Social Sciences Online. Nonprofit and education purposes only. You may not use this work for commercial purposes. For any reuse or distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. Enquiries about any other uses of this material should be directed tothe H-Diplo editorial staff at . H-Net’s [email protected] is available at . https://networks.h-net.org/node/59068/council-policies H-Diplo is an international discussion network dedicated to the study of diplomatic and international history (including the history of foreign relations). For more information regarding H-Diplo, please visit .