Capitalism in the Classical and High Liberal Traditions*
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The Relationship Between Capitalism and Democracy
The Relationship Between Capitalism And Democracy Item Type text; Electronic Thesis Authors Petkovic, Aleksandra Evelyn Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 01/10/2021 12:57:19 Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625122 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CAPITALISM AND DEMOCRACY By ALEKSANDRA EVELYN PETKOVIC ____________________ A Thesis Submitted to The Honors College In Partial Fulfillment of the Bachelors degree With Honors in Philosophy, Politics, Economics, and Law THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA M A Y 2 0 1 7 Approved by: ____________________________ Dr. Thomas Christiano Department of Philosophy Abstract This paper examines the very complex relationship between capitalism and democracy. While it appears that capitalism provides some necessary element for a democracy, a problem of political inequality and a possible violation of liberty can be observed in many democratic countries. I argue that this political inequality and threat to liberty are fueled by capitalism. I will analyze the ways in which capitalism works against democratic aims. This is done through first illustrating what my accepted conception of democracy is. I then continue to depict how the various problems with capitalism that I describe violate this conception of democracy. This leads me to my conclusion that while capitalism is necessary for a democracy to reach a certain needed level of independence from the state, capitalism simultaneously limits a democracy from reaching its full potential. -
Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-2012)
É T U D E 5 5 U R L E 1 8' 5 1 È ( L E X V 1 1 1 Revue fondée par Ro land Mortier et Hervé Hasquin DIRECTEURS Valérie André et Brigitte D'Hainaut-Zveny COMITt tDITORIAL Bruno Bernard, Claude Bruneel (Université catholique de Louvain), Carlo Capra (Università degli studi, Milan), David Charlton (Roya l Holloway College, Londres), Manuel Couvreur, Nicolas Cronk (Vo ltaire Foundation, University of Oxford), Michèle Galand, Jan Herman (Katholi eke Universiteit Leuven), Michel Jangoux, Huguette Krief (Un iversité de Provence, Aix-en-Provence), Christophe Loir, Roland Mortier, Fabrice Preyat, Dan iel Rabreau (U niverSité de Paris l, Panthéon-Sorbonne), Daniel Roche (Collège de France), Raymond Trousson et Renate Zedinger (Universitat Wien) GROUPE D'ÉTUDE D U 1 8' 5 1 È ( L E tCRIREÀ Valérie André [email protected] Brigitte D'Hainaut-Zveny Brigitte.D Hainaut @ulb.ac.be ou à l'adresse suivante Groupe d'étude du XVIII' siècle Université libre de Bruxelles (CP 175/01) Avenue F.D. Roosevelt 50 • B -1050 Bruxelles JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU (1712-2012) MATÉRIAUX POUR UN RENOUVEAU CRITIQUE Publié avec l'aide financière du Fonds de la recherche scientifique - FNRS Ë T U DES 5 URL E 1 8' 5 1 È ( L E x v 1 1 1 JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU (1712-2012) MATÉRIAUX POUR UN RENOUVEAU CRITIQUE VOLUME COMPOSÉ ET ÉDITÉ PAR CHRISTOPHE VAN STAEN 2 0 1 2 ÉDITIONS DE L'UNIVERSITÉ DE BRUXELLES DAN 5 L A M Ê M E COLLECTION Les préoccupations économiques et sociales des philosophes, littérateurs et artistes au XVIII e siècle, 1976 Bruxelles au XVIIIe siècle, 1977 L'Europe et les révolutions (1770-1800), 1980 La noblesse belge au XVIIIe siècle, 1982 Idéologies de la noblesse, 1984 Une famille noble de hauts fonctionnaires: les Neny, 1985 Le livre à Liège et à Bruxelles au XVIIIe siècle, 1987 Unité et diversité de l'empire des Habsbourg à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, 1988 Deux aspects contestés de la politique révolutionnaire en Belgique: langue et culte, 1989 Fêtes et musiques révolutionnaires: Grétry et Gossec, 1990 Rocaille. -
Law, Liberty and the Rule of Law (In a Constitutional Democracy)
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2013 Law, Liberty and the Rule of Law (in a Constitutional Democracy) Imer Flores Georgetown Law Center, [email protected] Georgetown Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper No. 12-161 This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1115 http://ssrn.com/abstract=2156455 Imer Flores, Law, Liberty and the Rule of Law (in a Constitutional Democracy), in LAW, LIBERTY, AND THE RULE OF LAW 77-101 (Imer B. Flores & Kenneth E. Himma eds., Springer Netherlands 2013) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, Legislation Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Chapter6 Law, Liberty and the Rule of Law (in a Constitutional Democracy) lmer B. Flores Tse-Kung asked, saying "Is there one word which may serve as a rule of practice for all one's life?" K'ung1u-tzu said: "Is not reciprocity (i.e. 'shu') such a word? What you do not want done to yourself, do not ckJ to others." Confucius (2002, XV, 23, 225-226). 6.1 Introduction Taking the "rule of law" seriously implies readdressing and reassessing the claims that relate it to law and liberty, in general, and to a constitutional democracy, in particular. My argument is five-fold and has an addendum which intends to bridge the gap between Eastern and Western civilizations, -
National Honor Society Liberty High School Chapter LHS Chapter of The
National Honor Society Liberty High School Chapter 1115 Linden Street Bethlehem, PA 18018 LHS Chapter of the National Honor Society A pplication Criteria and Requirements Criteria to Receive an Application: Students must have a 3.75 cumulative GPA at the end of their Sophomore or Junior year to receive an application at the beginning of their Junior or Senior year, respectively. How to Apply: Students will receive an application packet at the beginning of the school year in which they are eligible (Junior or Senior year). The application must be completely filled out and returned on the due date in September. The sections are as follows: Section I - Community Service Juniors applying must have at least 30 hours of community service completed (ie: 15 hours/year). Seniors applying must have at least 45 hours completed It is recommended that students complete all 60 hours of community service prior to applying at a minimum Section II - Essay Statement Demonstrate how you plan to incorporate the four pillars of the National Honor Society into your future experiences and endeavors: F our Pillars: I. Scholarship II: Leadership III: Service IV: Character Section III - Leadership Positions List any/all leadership positions you feel may be appropriate. The more positions listed, the better Section IV - Structured Extracurricular Activities/Work List any/all activities you feel are relevant. The more activities listed, the better. Section V - Teacher Recommendations Requirements Once Accepted: Attendance ALL meetings are mandatory unless otherwise noted. If you fail to come to a meeting without an excuse, you will have a meeting with Mr. -
5. What Matters Is the Motive / Immanuel Kant
This excerpt is from Michael J. Sandel, Justice: What's the Right Thing to Do?, pp. 103-116, by permission of the publisher. 5. WHAT MATTERS IS THE MOTIVE / IMMANUEL KANT If you believe in universal human rights, you are probably not a utili- tarian. If all human beings are worthy of respect, regardless of who they are or where they live, then it’s wrong to treat them as mere in- struments of the collective happiness. (Recall the story of the mal- nourished child languishing in the cellar for the sake of the “city of happiness.”) You might defend human rights on the grounds that respecting them will maximize utility in the long run. In that case, however, your reason for respecting rights is not to respect the person who holds them but to make things better for everyone. It is one thing to con- demn the scenario of the su! ering child because it reduces overall util- ity, and something else to condemn it as an intrinsic moral wrong, an injustice to the child. If rights don’t rest on utility, what is their moral basis? Libertarians o! er a possible answer: Persons should not be used merely as means to the welfare of others, because doing so violates the fundamental right of self-ownership. My life, labor, and person belong to me and me alone. They are not at the disposal of the society as a whole. As we have seen, however, the idea of self-ownership, consistently applied, has implications that only an ardent libertarian can love—an unfettered market without a safety net for those who fall behind; a 104 JUSTICE minimal state that rules out most mea sures to ease inequality and pro- mote the common good; and a celebration of consent so complete that it permits self-in" icted a! ronts to human dignity such as consensual cannibalism or selling oneself into slav ery. -
The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making. -
The Contradiction of Classical Liberalism and Libertarianism
The contradiction of classical liberalism and libertarianism blogs.lse.ac.uk/businessreview/2017/02/01/the-contradiction-of-classical-liberalism-and-libertarianism/ 2/1/2017 A standard assumption in policy analyses and political debates is that classical liberal or libertarian views represent a radical alternative to a progressive or egalitarian agenda. In the political arena, classical liberalism and libertarianism often inform the policy agenda of centre-right and far- right parties. They underpin laissez-faire policies and reject any redistributive action, including welfare state provisions and progressive taxation. This is motivated by a fundamental belief in the value of personal autonomy and protection from (unjustified) external interference, including from the state. It is difficult to overestimate the philosophical and political relevance of classical liberalism and libertarianism. President Trump’s proposal to repeal the “Affordable Care Act (Obamacare)”, for example, is clearly inspired by a libertarian philosophical outlook whereby “No person should be required to buy insurance unless he or she wants to” (Healthcare Reform to Make America Great Again ). More generally, in the last four decades the political consensus, and the spectrum of policy proposals and outcomes, has significantly moved in a less interventionist, more laissez faire direction. The centrality of classical liberal and libertarian views has been such that the historical period after the end of the 1970s – following the election of Margaret Thatcher in the UK and Ronald Reagan in the US – has come to be known as the “Neoliberal era”. Yet the very coherence of the classical liberal and libertarian view of society, and its consistency with the fundamental tenets of modern democracies, have been questioned. -
Classical Liberalism and the Problem of Technological Change
Classical Liberalism and the Problem of Technological Change Justin “Gus” Hurwitz & Geoffrey A. Manne ICLE Innovation & the New Economy Research Program White Paper 2018-1 ICLE | 2117 NE Oregon St. Ste 501 | Portland, OR 97232 | 503.770.0652 [email protected] | @laweconcenter | www.laweconcenter.org 2 13 Classical Liberalism and the Problem of Technological Change Justin (Gus) Hurwitz and Geoffrey A. Manne Introduction The relationship between classical liberalism and technology is surprisingly fraught. The common understanding is that technological advance is complementary to the principles of classical liberalism – especially in the case of contemporary, information-age technology.1 This is most clearly on display in Silicon Valley, with its oft-professed libertarian (classical liberalism’s kissing cousin) affinities. The analytical predicate for this complementarity is that classical liberalism values liberty-enhancing private ordering, and technological advance both is generally facially liberty-enhancing and facilitates private ordering. 1 This chapter focuses on “contemporary technology.” That is, generally, those technologies associated with the information revolution of the past generation: computers, the Internet, and related information communications and processing technologies. A treatment of the relationship between classical liberalism and a more generalized concept of technology is beyond the scope of this chapter. It is, however, the authors’ view that the discussion offered here is relevant to such a broader conceptualization. 3 This analysis, however, is incomplete. Classical liberalism recognizes that certain rules are necessary in a well-functioning polity.2 The classical liberal, for instance, recognizes the centrality of enforceable property rights, and the concomitant ability to seek recourse from a third party (the state) when those rights are compromised. -
Liberalism, Contractarianism, and the Problem of Exclusion
Edinburgh Research Explorer Liberalism, Contractarianism, and the Problem of Exclusion Citation for published version: Cook, P 2015, Liberalism, Contractarianism, and the Problem of Exclusion. in S Wall (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Liberalism. Cambridge Companions to Philosophy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 87-111. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139942478 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1017/CBO9781139942478 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Peer reviewed version Published In: The Cambridge Companion to Liberalism General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 28. Sep. 2021 LIBERALISM, CONTRACTARIANISM AND THE PROBLEM OF EXCLUSION Philip Cook University of Edinburgh [email protected] Final Pre-Publication Draft Published Version Appeared in The Cambridge Companion to Liberalism. Wall, S. (ed.). (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), p. 87-111 Introduction For liberal contractarians, moral and political principles are justified if agreeable to persons as free and equals.1 But for critics of liberal contractarianism, this justification does not apply to all those who should be treated as free and equal, but only to those capable of agreement. -
Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University. -
Multicultural Cold War: Liberal Anti-Totalitarianism And
MULTICULTURAL COLD WAR: LIBERAL ANTI-TOTALITARIANISM AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA, 1935-1971 by Gregory Smolynec Department of History Duke University Date: April 24, 2007 Approved: ___________________________ John Herd Thompson, Supervisor ___________________________ Warren Lerner ___________________________ Susan Thorne ___________________________ Suzanne Shanahan Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2007 ABSTRACT MULTICULTURAL COLD WAR: LIBERAL ANTI-TOTALITARIANISM AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA, 1935-1971 by Gregory Smolynec Department of History Duke University Date: April 24, 2007 Approved: ___________________________ John Herd Thompson, Supervisor ___________________________ Warren Lerner ___________________________ Susan Thorne ___________________________ Suzanne Shanahan An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2007 Copyright by Gregory Smolynec 2007 Abstract In Cold War North America, liberal intellectuals constructed the Canadian and American national identities in contrast to totalitarianism. Theorists of totalitarianism described Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union as monolithic societies marked by absolutism and intolerance toward societal differences. In response, many intellectuals imagined Canada and the -
Free to Choose
June 9, 2005 COMMENTARY Free to Choose By MILTON FRIEDMAN June 9, 2005; Page A16 Little did I know when I published an article in 1955 on "The Role of Government in Education" that it would lead to my becoming an activist for a major reform in the organization of schooling, and indeed that my wife and I would be led to establish a foundation to promote parental choice. The original article was not a reaction to a perceived deficiency in schooling. The quality of schooling in the United States then was far better than it is now, and both my wife and I were satisfied with the public schools we had attended. My interest was in the philosophy of a free society. Education was the area that I happened to write on early. I then went on to consider other areas as well. The end result was "Capitalism and Freedom," published seven years later with the education article as one chapter. With respect to education, I pointed out that government was playing three major roles: (1) legislating compulsory schooling, (2) financing schooling, (3) administering schools. I concluded that there was some justification for compulsory schooling and the financing of schooling, but "the actual administration of educational institutions by the government, the 'nationalization,' as it were, of the bulk of the 'education industry' is much more difficult to justify on [free market] or, so far as I can see, on any other grounds." Yet finance and administration "could readily be separated. Governments could require a minimum of schooling financed by giving the parents vouchers redeemable for a given sum per child per year to be spent on purely educational services.