Classical Liberalism and the Problem of Technological Change
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A Critique of John Stuart Mill Chris Daly
Southern Illinois University Carbondale OpenSIUC Honors Theses University Honors Program 5-2002 The Boundaries of Liberalism in a Global Era: A Critique of John Stuart Mill Chris Daly Follow this and additional works at: http://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/uhp_theses Recommended Citation Daly, Chris, "The Boundaries of Liberalism in a Global Era: A Critique of John Stuart Mill" (2002). Honors Theses. Paper 131. This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the University Honors Program at OpenSIUC. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of OpenSIUC. For more information, please contact [email protected]. r The Boundaries of Liberalism in a Global Era: A Critique of John Stuart Mill Chris Daly May 8, 2002 r ABSTRACT The following study exanunes three works of John Stuart Mill, On Liberty, Utilitarianism, and Three Essays on Religion, and their subsequent effects on liberalism. Comparing the notion on individual freedom espoused in On Liberty to the notion of the social welfare in Utilitarianism, this analysis posits that it is impossible for a political philosophy to have two ultimate ends. Thus, Mill's liberalism is inherently flawed. As this philosophy was the foundation of Mill's progressive vision for humanity that he discusses in his Three Essays on Religion, this vision becomes paradoxical as well. Contending that the neo-liberalist global economic order is the contemporary parallel for Mill's religion of humanity, this work further demonstrates how these philosophical flaws have spread to infect the core of globalization in the 21 st century as well as their implications for future international relations. -
The Restless Liberalism of Alexis De Tocqueville
FILOZOFIA ___________________________________________________________________________Roč. 72, 2017, č. 9 THE RESTLESS LIBERALISM OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE JAKUB TLOLKA, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK TLOLKA, J.: The Restless Liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville FILOZOFIA, 72, No. 9, 2017, pp. 736-747 This essay attempts to contextualise the purported novelty of Alexis de Tocqueville’s particular brand of liberalism. It regards the author not as an heir or precursor to any given political tradition, but rather as a compelled syncretist whose primary philosophical concern was the moral significance of the democratic age. It suggests that Tocqueville devised his ‘new political science’ with a keen view to the existential implications of modernity. In order to support that suggestion, the essay explores the genealogy of Tocqueville’s moral and political thought and draws a relation between his analysis of democracy and his personal experience of modernity. Keywords: A. de Tocqueville – Modernity – Liberalism – Inquiétude – Religion Introduction. Relatively few authors in the history of political thought have produced an intellectual legacy of such overarching resonance as Alexis de Tocqueville. Even fewer, perhaps, have so persistently eluded ordinary analytical and exegetical frameworks, presenting to each astute observer a face so nuanced as to preclude serious interpretive consensus. As writes Lakoff (Lakoff 1998), ‘disagreement over textual interpretation in the study of political thought is not uncommon’. However, ‘it usually arises around those who left writings of a patently divergent character’ (p. 437). When we thus consider the ‘extraordinarily coherent and consistent nature’ of Alexis de Tocqueville’s political philosophy, it appears somewhat odd that the academic consensus surrounding that author relates almost exclusively to the grandeur of his intellectual achievement (Lukacs 1959, 6). -
The Contradiction of Classical Liberalism and Libertarianism
The contradiction of classical liberalism and libertarianism blogs.lse.ac.uk/businessreview/2017/02/01/the-contradiction-of-classical-liberalism-and-libertarianism/ 2/1/2017 A standard assumption in policy analyses and political debates is that classical liberal or libertarian views represent a radical alternative to a progressive or egalitarian agenda. In the political arena, classical liberalism and libertarianism often inform the policy agenda of centre-right and far- right parties. They underpin laissez-faire policies and reject any redistributive action, including welfare state provisions and progressive taxation. This is motivated by a fundamental belief in the value of personal autonomy and protection from (unjustified) external interference, including from the state. It is difficult to overestimate the philosophical and political relevance of classical liberalism and libertarianism. President Trump’s proposal to repeal the “Affordable Care Act (Obamacare)”, for example, is clearly inspired by a libertarian philosophical outlook whereby “No person should be required to buy insurance unless he or she wants to” (Healthcare Reform to Make America Great Again ). More generally, in the last four decades the political consensus, and the spectrum of policy proposals and outcomes, has significantly moved in a less interventionist, more laissez faire direction. The centrality of classical liberal and libertarian views has been such that the historical period after the end of the 1970s – following the election of Margaret Thatcher in the UK and Ronald Reagan in the US – has come to be known as the “Neoliberal era”. Yet the very coherence of the classical liberal and libertarian view of society, and its consistency with the fundamental tenets of modern democracies, have been questioned. -
In Praise of Liberalism: an Assessment of Liberal Political Thought from the 17Th Century to Today
Review of Contemporary Philosophy Vol. 14, 2015, pp. 11–36, ISSN 1841-5261 IN PRAISE OF LIBERALISM: AN ASSESSMENT OF LIBERAL POLITICAL THOUGHT FROM THE 17TH CENTURY TO TODAY MICHAEL B. FRIEDMAN [email protected] School of Social Work, Columbia University ABSTRACT. The author of this essay maintains that liberalism has been the primary source of progressive change in the United States since its earliest history. To support his claim, he traces the philosophical and political history of liberalism in England and the United States. The specific forms of liberalism have varied in different periods of history; but, he maintains, there is an underlying spirit of liberalism that has persisted throughout the past 350 years and can be the source of dynamic progressive social change in the 21st century. Throughout history, he maintains, liberalism has been committed to social progress and has sought to improve the lives of populations that are economically and politically disadvantaged. This underlying spirit, the author argues, can be the source for an energized liberal agenda for the 21st century. Keywords: liberalism; political philosophy; political history 1. Introduction Conservative – and even centrist – opponents of liberalism reject it because they identify it with cumbersome government; reckless spending; high tax- ation; naiveté about economics, crime, and world power; and lack of moral values. What a mistake! In fact, liberalism has been the source of social and political progress in the Western world since the 17th century. The idea that rights set a limit on the legitimate power of government is a liberal idea. The idea that govern- ment must respect the liberty of individuals is a liberal idea. -
The Principles of Embedded Liberalism: Social Legitimacy and Global Capitalism Rawi Abdelal and John G
chapter 7 The Principles of Embedded Liberalism: Social Legitimacy and Global Capitalism Rawi Abdelal and John G. Ruggie In this essay we revisit the principles of “embedded liberalism” and argue for their relevance to the contemporary global economy. The most essential principle is the need for markets to enjoy social legitimacy, because their politi- cal sustainability ultimately depends on it. From this principle we analyze three current sets of practices and institutions in which ongoing crises of legitimacy demonstrate the need for a renewal of embedded liberalism and a revitalization of global governance. They are: the activities of transnational corporations, particularly with regard to core standards in labor and human rights; the orga- nization of the international financial architecture; and the formal rules and informal norms of international organizations. Learning the Lessons of Embedded Liberalism The post-1945 world economy embodied a social bargain. In the aftermath of the political and economic chaos of 1920s, the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the Second World War—all of which together shattered the world order within the span of a single generation—policymakers sought to reorganize and rebuild the world economy by restoring open markets, promising to mitigate their adverse social consequences and thereby preempting societal demands, from both left and right, to replace markets altogether. The failure to strike such a compromise earlier had undermined international cooperation in trade and macroeconomic policy during the 1920s and 1930s, just as it had caused the collapse of the first era of globalization, circa 1870 to 1914. Influential scholars and policymakers began to make sense of how that first era of globalization had lost its way. -
Capitalism in the Classical and High Liberal Traditions*
CAPITALISM IN THE CLASSICAL AND HIGH LIBERAL TRADITIONS* By Samuel Freeman I. Essential Features of Liberalism Liberalism holds that there are certain individual liberties that are of fundamental political significance. These liberties are fundamental or basic in that they are preconditions on the pursuit of other social values, such as achieving economic efficiency, promoting the general welfare, and mod- erating the degree of inequality in the distribution of income and wealth. None of these liberties are absolute, but the reasons for limiting their exercise are to protect other basic liberties and maintain essential back- ground conditions for their effective exercise. For example, freedom of speech and expression can be limited when it imminently endangers others’ safety or the freedom of their person, but not because the ideas expressed are found to be offensive by vast majorities of people. Liberal basic liberties are also inalienable: they cannot be given up voluntarily or permanently transferred to anyone else, though some liberties are forfeit- able upon criminal conviction for serious crimes. No liberal government would enforce a contract in which a person sold himself into permanent servitude, or alienated his freedom to change religions, or legally bound himself to vote only as his employer insisted. An integral feature of a liberal constitution is the protection of the basic rights and liberties nec- essary to establish and maintain the equal civic status of citizens. What liberties do liberals generally find to have this extraordinary status? Liberals now would all agree that among the basic liberties are freedom of thought, expression, and inquiry, freedom of conscience and of association, freedom and security of the person, and free choice of occupation. -
NATURAL LAW, LIBERALISM, and CHRISTIANITY Frank Van Dun*
Journal of Libertarian Studies Volume 15, no. 3 (Summer 2001), pp. 1–36 Ó2001 Ludwig von Mises Institute www.mises.org NATURAL LAW, LIBERALISM, AND CHRISTIANITY Frank van Dun* Classical liberalism arose at a time when Christian orthodoxy was still vibrant.1 Liberalism and Christian orthodoxy, sharing a number of fundamental ideas about the nature of man and of inter- personal relations, presuppose the same moral ontology of natural law. The high tide of Christian orthodoxy and classical liberalism belongs to the era when natural law was the fundamental concept of all serious thought about the human world. Both classical liberalism and Christianity went into sharp de- cline from the later nineteenth century onward, and, by the begin- ning of the twentieth century, the concept of natural law was rap- *Professor of Philosophy of Law at the Universities of Ghent and Maas- tricht. An earlier version of this text was presented at the conference “The World Out of Balance?” (Gummersbach, Germany, November 5–7, 1999), held at the Theodor Heuss Akademie, and organized in cooperation with the Von Mises Institute (Ghent), Nova Civitas (Ghent), and The Centre for a New Europe (Brussels). The author wishes to thank the participants for their questions and comments. 1By “classical liberalism,” I mean the liberalism of those who postulate a necessary link between liberty and objective law and justice, i.e., respect for natural persons, their property, and contractual obligations. By “Chris- tian orthodoxy,” I mean the interpretation of the Bible that became au- thoritative within the main churches as a result of the efforts of Saint Augustine and other early church fathers. -
Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School
Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School Ralph Raico Foreword by Jörg Guido Hülsmann Preface by David Gordon LvMI MISES INSTITUTE The cover design by Chad Parish shows the Neptune Fountain, at the Schönbrunn Palace, in Vienna. Copyright © 2012 by the Ludwig von Mises Institute. Permission to reprint in whole or in part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given. Ludwig von Mises Institute 518 West Magnolia Avenue Auburn, Alabama 36832 mises.org ISBN: 978-1-61016-003-2 Dedicated to the memory of the great Ludwig von Mises Table of Contents Foreword by Jörg Guido Hülsmann . ix Preface by David Gordon . xiii Introduction . .xxv 1. Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School . .1 2. Liberalism: True and False . .67 3. Intellectuals and the Marketplace. 111 4. Was Keynes a Liberal? . .149 5. The Conflict of Classes: Liberal vs. Marxist Theories. .183 6. The Centrality of French Liberalism . .219 7. Ludwig von Mises’s Liberalism on Fascism, Democracy, and Imperalism . .255 8. Eugen Richter and the End of German Liberalism. .301 9. Arthur Ekirch on American Militarism . .331 Index. .339 vii Foreword “History looks backward into the past, but the lesson it teaches concerns things to come. It does not teach indolent quietism; it rouses man to emulate the deeds of earlier generations.” Ludwig von Mises1 The present book contains a collection of essays written through- out the past twenty years. I read virtually all of them when they were first published. They have been a central part of my education in the history of liberalism and of the Austrian School of economics, and I consider myself privileged indeed to have encountered Professor Raico and his work early on in my intellectual development. -
A Reconsideration of Montesquieu's Liberal
ABSTRACT A RECONSIDERATION OF MONTESQUIEU’S LIBERAL PACIFISM James Boesen, PhD Department of Political Science Northern Illinois University, 2017 Andrea Radasanu, Director Liberal international relations scholars have posited that liberalism promotes peaceful relations amongst states. These scholars utilize the writings of Montesquieu, most notably Spirit of the Laws, as the philosophic foundation for their liberal peace theory. My dissertation challenges this conventional understanding of Montesquieu. I contend that Montesquieu’s liberalism does not bind nations together in peace but instead pushes liberal states to engage in expansionary and imperial behavior. Mores rooted in commerce and liberty inclines liberal state to be in contention with other states and push its interests across the globe. This will lead the liberal states to push their liberalism into countries which opposes these liberal mores, leading to the forced imposition of the liberal order on previous illiberal people. Furthermore, I challenge the notion that the liberal peace theory is even a theory of peace. It suffers from the same expansionary behavior and insensitivity to local contexts that we find in Montesquieu’s liberalism. Although Montesquieu and liberal peace scholars have strong oppositions to the project of empire they still advocate for a liberal ideology that inevitably leads to said empire. NORTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY DE KALB, ILLINOIS DECEMBER 2017 A RECONSIDERATION OF MONTESQUIEU’S LIBERAL PACIFISM BY JAMES BOESEN ©2017 James Boesen A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF POLITITCAL SCIENCE Doctoral Director: Andrea Radasanu DEDICATION To my brother Brad Boesen for inspiring in me a love of politics and my mentor Dr. -
Rousseau, David L., Thomas C. Walker. 2012. "Liberalism."
2 Liberalism David L. Rousseau and Thomas C. Walker Liberalism is an expansive concept that carries a variety of meanings for students of pol- itics. For Doyle (1997: 206), ‘liberalism resembles a family portrait of principles and institutions, recognizable by certain characteristics – for example, individual freedom, political participation, private property, and equality of opportunity’. In the realm of International Relations (IR), students look to liberalism to explain how human reason, progress, individual rights and freedoms can give rise to more peaceful interstate relations. Liberals predict that stable democracies and economically interdependent states will behave differently in several respects. First and most importantly, democratic states are less likely to initiate and escalate conflicts with other states (also known as the ‘demo- cratic peace theory’). Second, democratic states are more likely to engage in international trade and investment, and the resultant interdependence will contribute to peace. Third, democratic states are more likely to seek cooperative solutions through international institutions. While there are significant differences between individual liberal thinkers, all have a general faith in the pacifying effects of political liberty, economic freedom, interdependence and international association. Before proceeding, it is important to dispel one persistent myth that has clouded understandings of liberalism: the association between early forms of liberal inter- nationalism and normative-laden versions of idealism. For example, Howard (1978: 11) defined ‘liberals’ as ‘all those thinkers who believe the world to be profoundly other than it should be, and who have faith in the power of human reason and human action so to change it’. But liberal theory provides much more than imagining a world as it should be. -
Eugene Heath, Spontaneous Social Order and Liberalism
SPONTANEOUS SOCIAL ORDER AND LIBERALISM Eugene Heath* Abstract Focusing on the ideas of order and social order, this essay offers an analysis of how Hayek’s social theory of spontaneous order may relate to his political theory of liberalism. It is suggested that a moral justification of liberalism may flow from the qualities or virtues that are inextricably connected with a spontaneous social order. This justification is Hayekian, though it is not Hayek’s. Introduction The thought of Friedrich A. Hayek spans several decades and incorporates interrelated theories of economics, society, law, and politics. Hayek is vague, how- ever, on a specific and important question: How does his theory of society, under- stood as a theory of spontaneous social order, relate to his political liberalism? To pose this question is to consider whether Hayek’s social theory plays a role in justi- fying his political theory. Even as one recognizes the features of both theories, it is unclear how the social theory provides the grounds for the political. Hayek seeks to combat a view of society, typically labeled “rationalist constructivist,” that posits that beneficial social patterns must arise from some rational intention, purposeful agreement, or design. Against this outlook, Hayek counters with his theory of spontaneous order, and in so doing he also delineates a liberal theory of politics. Are there any properties of spontaneous order that would provide a nor- mative and theoretical justification of Hayek’s liberal rule of law? A positive re- sponse requires focus on a much neglected question: How ought we to conceive of * Eugene Heath is Associate Professor of Philosophy at the State University of New York at New Paltz. -
Kant and Contemporary Liberal Cosmopolitanism
Preliminary Communication UDC 172.16:[1:329.12] Received November 30th, 2008 Rafał Wonicki Warsaw University, Institute of Philosophy, Krakowskie Przedmiescie 3, PL–00–047 Warsaw [email protected] Cosmopolitanism and Liberalism: Kant and Contemporary Liberal Cosmopolitanism Abstract The author of this paper compares Kant’s notion of cosmopolitan right with contemporary liberal cosmopolitanism of such theorists like James Bohman (Professor of Philosophy at Saint Louis University) and David Held (Professor at the London School of Economics and Political Science). These two theorists bring Kant’s cosmopolitan right and reshape it by taking into consideration the process of globalization and the fact of pluralism. It is neces- sary to investigate how far these authors have changed the insight into Kant’s cosmopolitan right and its implications as well as how deeply the authors reshape the classical liberal political vocabulary. Key words Immanuel Kant, David Held, James Bohman, cosmopolitanism, liberalism, democracy Introduction Currently, it is observed that the issues of political philosophy and political science concern not only the internal state relations but also the internation- al, trans- and supranational relations. The perspective of describing political phenomena shifted from the national and local to the global and cosmo- politan. Moreover, the language of political theories has changed. Numer- ous authors consider this situation to be the result of dwindling explanatory power of the classical political theories and their less adequate descriptions of virtual mutual relations of states and other political actors or entities. As a result, new social and political science theories have evolved. Numerous authors, Giddens, Beck, Held, and Bohman among them, formed theories which describe the “global” political reality and make it more comprehen- sible.