NATURAL LAW, LIBERALISM, and CHRISTIANITY Frank Van Dun*
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Contradiction of Classical Liberalism and Libertarianism
The contradiction of classical liberalism and libertarianism blogs.lse.ac.uk/businessreview/2017/02/01/the-contradiction-of-classical-liberalism-and-libertarianism/ 2/1/2017 A standard assumption in policy analyses and political debates is that classical liberal or libertarian views represent a radical alternative to a progressive or egalitarian agenda. In the political arena, classical liberalism and libertarianism often inform the policy agenda of centre-right and far- right parties. They underpin laissez-faire policies and reject any redistributive action, including welfare state provisions and progressive taxation. This is motivated by a fundamental belief in the value of personal autonomy and protection from (unjustified) external interference, including from the state. It is difficult to overestimate the philosophical and political relevance of classical liberalism and libertarianism. President Trump’s proposal to repeal the “Affordable Care Act (Obamacare)”, for example, is clearly inspired by a libertarian philosophical outlook whereby “No person should be required to buy insurance unless he or she wants to” (Healthcare Reform to Make America Great Again ). More generally, in the last four decades the political consensus, and the spectrum of policy proposals and outcomes, has significantly moved in a less interventionist, more laissez faire direction. The centrality of classical liberal and libertarian views has been such that the historical period after the end of the 1970s – following the election of Margaret Thatcher in the UK and Ronald Reagan in the US – has come to be known as the “Neoliberal era”. Yet the very coherence of the classical liberal and libertarian view of society, and its consistency with the fundamental tenets of modern democracies, have been questioned. -
Classical Liberalism and the Problem of Technological Change
Classical Liberalism and the Problem of Technological Change Justin “Gus” Hurwitz & Geoffrey A. Manne ICLE Innovation & the New Economy Research Program White Paper 2018-1 ICLE | 2117 NE Oregon St. Ste 501 | Portland, OR 97232 | 503.770.0652 [email protected] | @laweconcenter | www.laweconcenter.org 2 13 Classical Liberalism and the Problem of Technological Change Justin (Gus) Hurwitz and Geoffrey A. Manne Introduction The relationship between classical liberalism and technology is surprisingly fraught. The common understanding is that technological advance is complementary to the principles of classical liberalism – especially in the case of contemporary, information-age technology.1 This is most clearly on display in Silicon Valley, with its oft-professed libertarian (classical liberalism’s kissing cousin) affinities. The analytical predicate for this complementarity is that classical liberalism values liberty-enhancing private ordering, and technological advance both is generally facially liberty-enhancing and facilitates private ordering. 1 This chapter focuses on “contemporary technology.” That is, generally, those technologies associated with the information revolution of the past generation: computers, the Internet, and related information communications and processing technologies. A treatment of the relationship between classical liberalism and a more generalized concept of technology is beyond the scope of this chapter. It is, however, the authors’ view that the discussion offered here is relevant to such a broader conceptualization. 3 This analysis, however, is incomplete. Classical liberalism recognizes that certain rules are necessary in a well-functioning polity.2 The classical liberal, for instance, recognizes the centrality of enforceable property rights, and the concomitant ability to seek recourse from a third party (the state) when those rights are compromised. -
Johan Terryn Zijn Punkers Passé?
studentenblad Universiteit Antwerpen Nummer 37 - jaargang 6 Maart 2007 dwars GRATIS Evaluatie van het vak Levensbeschouwing Johan Terryn Zijn punkers passé? Asielcentrum Linkeroever Colofon dwars is het studentenblad van de Uni- Hoofdredacteur: Ciska Hoet. Vincken (verantwoordelijke), Evelien Wouters. E-mail: [email protected] versiteit Antwerpen, gemaakt voor en Redactiesecretaris: Delphine De Pauw. Illustraties: Dimitri Sakelaropolos. Website: www.dwars.ua.ac.be door haar studenten. Vragen, opmerkingen en suggesties zijn Eindredactie: Stijn Cools, Astrid De Wit, Puzzelredactie: Raf Bocklandt. van harte welkom, alsook lezersbrieven. dwars verschijnt maandelijks tijdens het Matthias Meersmans (verantwoordelijke), Vormgeving: Folker Debusscher, Delphine Anonieme brieven komen echter niet in academiejaar en wordt gratis verdeeld Jonas Vincken. De Pauw, Ciska Hoet, Ward Joppen (verant- aanmerking. De redactie behoudt het op de UA-campussen Drie Eiken, Groe- woordelijke), Jef Leyssens, Jonas Vincken, Tom Redactie: Kirsten Cornelissen, Folker recht om ingezonden stukken in te korten nenborger, Middelheim en Stad. Vingerhoets. Debusscher, Niels Govaerts, Hendrik Jan, of niet te plaatsen. Oplage: 3.500 exemplaren. Ward Joppen, Mehdi Koocheki, Jef Leys- Werkten mee aan dit nummer: Bart Braem, sens, Raïssa Mvuyekure, Sabeth Snijders, Charis De Craene, Lieze Lingier en Lin Redactielokaal en correspondentieadres: V.U.: Ciska Hoet, Paardenmarkt 91, bus 1 Jef Van Hoofstat, Evelien Wouters, Ruud Louage. dwars - studentenblad UA B-2000 Antwerpen. Wouters. Drukkerij: Wilda nv, Deurne Paardenmarkt 91, kot 1 B-2000 Antwerpen Fotografie: Rudina Coraj, Jef Leyssens, Jonas 2 De BaMa-hervormingen hebben werkbelasting van onze administratieve Cartoon 2 al veel stof doen opwaaien. De medewerkers de voorbije jaren expo- door de overheid opgelegde ver- nentieel is toegenomen. -
The Principles of Embedded Liberalism: Social Legitimacy and Global Capitalism Rawi Abdelal and John G
chapter 7 The Principles of Embedded Liberalism: Social Legitimacy and Global Capitalism Rawi Abdelal and John G. Ruggie In this essay we revisit the principles of “embedded liberalism” and argue for their relevance to the contemporary global economy. The most essential principle is the need for markets to enjoy social legitimacy, because their politi- cal sustainability ultimately depends on it. From this principle we analyze three current sets of practices and institutions in which ongoing crises of legitimacy demonstrate the need for a renewal of embedded liberalism and a revitalization of global governance. They are: the activities of transnational corporations, particularly with regard to core standards in labor and human rights; the orga- nization of the international financial architecture; and the formal rules and informal norms of international organizations. Learning the Lessons of Embedded Liberalism The post-1945 world economy embodied a social bargain. In the aftermath of the political and economic chaos of 1920s, the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the Second World War—all of which together shattered the world order within the span of a single generation—policymakers sought to reorganize and rebuild the world economy by restoring open markets, promising to mitigate their adverse social consequences and thereby preempting societal demands, from both left and right, to replace markets altogether. The failure to strike such a compromise earlier had undermined international cooperation in trade and macroeconomic policy during the 1920s and 1930s, just as it had caused the collapse of the first era of globalization, circa 1870 to 1914. Influential scholars and policymakers began to make sense of how that first era of globalization had lost its way. -
Capitalism in the Classical and High Liberal Traditions*
CAPITALISM IN THE CLASSICAL AND HIGH LIBERAL TRADITIONS* By Samuel Freeman I. Essential Features of Liberalism Liberalism holds that there are certain individual liberties that are of fundamental political significance. These liberties are fundamental or basic in that they are preconditions on the pursuit of other social values, such as achieving economic efficiency, promoting the general welfare, and mod- erating the degree of inequality in the distribution of income and wealth. None of these liberties are absolute, but the reasons for limiting their exercise are to protect other basic liberties and maintain essential back- ground conditions for their effective exercise. For example, freedom of speech and expression can be limited when it imminently endangers others’ safety or the freedom of their person, but not because the ideas expressed are found to be offensive by vast majorities of people. Liberal basic liberties are also inalienable: they cannot be given up voluntarily or permanently transferred to anyone else, though some liberties are forfeit- able upon criminal conviction for serious crimes. No liberal government would enforce a contract in which a person sold himself into permanent servitude, or alienated his freedom to change religions, or legally bound himself to vote only as his employer insisted. An integral feature of a liberal constitution is the protection of the basic rights and liberties nec- essary to establish and maintain the equal civic status of citizens. What liberties do liberals generally find to have this extraordinary status? Liberals now would all agree that among the basic liberties are freedom of thought, expression, and inquiry, freedom of conscience and of association, freedom and security of the person, and free choice of occupation. -
Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School
Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School Ralph Raico Foreword by Jörg Guido Hülsmann Preface by David Gordon LvMI MISES INSTITUTE The cover design by Chad Parish shows the Neptune Fountain, at the Schönbrunn Palace, in Vienna. Copyright © 2012 by the Ludwig von Mises Institute. Permission to reprint in whole or in part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given. Ludwig von Mises Institute 518 West Magnolia Avenue Auburn, Alabama 36832 mises.org ISBN: 978-1-61016-003-2 Dedicated to the memory of the great Ludwig von Mises Table of Contents Foreword by Jörg Guido Hülsmann . ix Preface by David Gordon . xiii Introduction . .xxv 1. Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School . .1 2. Liberalism: True and False . .67 3. Intellectuals and the Marketplace. 111 4. Was Keynes a Liberal? . .149 5. The Conflict of Classes: Liberal vs. Marxist Theories. .183 6. The Centrality of French Liberalism . .219 7. Ludwig von Mises’s Liberalism on Fascism, Democracy, and Imperalism . .255 8. Eugen Richter and the End of German Liberalism. .301 9. Arthur Ekirch on American Militarism . .331 Index. .339 vii Foreword “History looks backward into the past, but the lesson it teaches concerns things to come. It does not teach indolent quietism; it rouses man to emulate the deeds of earlier generations.” Ludwig von Mises1 The present book contains a collection of essays written through- out the past twenty years. I read virtually all of them when they were first published. They have been a central part of my education in the history of liberalism and of the Austrian School of economics, and I consider myself privileged indeed to have encountered Professor Raico and his work early on in my intellectual development. -
Prof. Lieven Annemans Oud-Kamervoorzitter Siegfried Bracke Zal Laudatio Uitspreken
Persbericht Libera! Vzw – 26 mei 2021 Voor onmiddellijke verspreiding en publicatie DENKTANK LIBERA! KENT PRIJS VOOR DE VRIJHEID 2021 TOE AAN PROF. LIEVEN ANNEMANS OUD-KAMERVOORZITTER SIEGFRIED BRACKE ZAL LAUDATIO UITSPREKEN Professor Lieven Annemans is hoogleraar gezondheidseconomie aan de Faculteit Geneeskunde van de Universiteit Gent en is ook verbonden aan de Vrije Universiteit Brussel. Al jaren is hij, via talrijke publicaties en lezingen, een groot pleitbezorger voor een rationele benefit-cost-benadering van de gezondheidszorg waarbij hij zowel irrationele besparingen als inefficiënte kostenstromen bekritiseert. Professor Lieven Annemans is ook bekend als ‘geluksprofessor’ door zijn boeiende analyse van de factoren die ons geluks- of ongeluksgevoel bepalen. Recent bracht hij nog het boek ‘Geluk vinden zonder het te zoeken’ uit, naar eigen zeggen een ‘wij-boek’ over hoe we als samenleving gelukkiger kunnen worden. Benevens deze verdiensten is de actuele aanleiding van de toekenning van de Prijs voor de Vrijheid evenwel de rol die professor Annemans heeft gespeeld in de coronacrisis en de daarmee gepaard gaande discussies over de gepaste beleidsmaatregelen. Professor Annemans heeft het aangedurfd de evidentie van de door het officiële virologendom gepropageerde maatregelen in twijfel te trekken door te wijzen op het impact ervan op het welzijn van de bevolking en op het perverse effect van het voortdurend creëren van een angstcultuur. De waarschuwing dat de remedie erger kan zijn dan de kwaal heeft geleid tot ostracisme door adepten van die remedie, voortdurende aanvallen in de pers en zijn uiteindelijke beslissing ontslag te nemen uit Celeval. Libera! wijst erop dat pandemiebestrijding geen vrijgeleide kan zijn voor ongebreidelde vrijheidsbeperkingen. Deze moeten steeds afgewogen worden met hun impact op andere gezondheidsaspecten, op de economische welvaart en het welzijn van de bevolking in het algemeen. -
Kant and Contemporary Liberal Cosmopolitanism
Preliminary Communication UDC 172.16:[1:329.12] Received November 30th, 2008 Rafał Wonicki Warsaw University, Institute of Philosophy, Krakowskie Przedmiescie 3, PL–00–047 Warsaw [email protected] Cosmopolitanism and Liberalism: Kant and Contemporary Liberal Cosmopolitanism Abstract The author of this paper compares Kant’s notion of cosmopolitan right with contemporary liberal cosmopolitanism of such theorists like James Bohman (Professor of Philosophy at Saint Louis University) and David Held (Professor at the London School of Economics and Political Science). These two theorists bring Kant’s cosmopolitan right and reshape it by taking into consideration the process of globalization and the fact of pluralism. It is neces- sary to investigate how far these authors have changed the insight into Kant’s cosmopolitan right and its implications as well as how deeply the authors reshape the classical liberal political vocabulary. Key words Immanuel Kant, David Held, James Bohman, cosmopolitanism, liberalism, democracy Introduction Currently, it is observed that the issues of political philosophy and political science concern not only the internal state relations but also the internation- al, trans- and supranational relations. The perspective of describing political phenomena shifted from the national and local to the global and cosmo- politan. Moreover, the language of political theories has changed. Numer- ous authors consider this situation to be the result of dwindling explanatory power of the classical political theories and their less adequate descriptions of virtual mutual relations of states and other political actors or entities. As a result, new social and political science theories have evolved. Numerous authors, Giddens, Beck, Held, and Bohman among them, formed theories which describe the “global” political reality and make it more comprehen- sible. -
An Analysis of Classical- and Neo-Liberal Imperatives in the Immigration Policy and Ethnic Relations in New Zealand for a Cohesive Multi-Ethnic Civil Society
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. An Analysis of Classical- and Neo-liberal imperatives in the Immigration Policy and Ethnic Relations in New Zealand for a Cohesive Multi-ethnic Civil Society A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Sociology At Massey University, Albany, New Zealand John (Jong Duk) Park 2014 Abstract The influence of classical- and neo-liberal imperatives in relation to immigration is not confined to the settlement processes of new immigrants. It seems to penetrate the whole procedure, including the formation of immigration policy, the selection of immigrants, their settlement, their residential and economic activities, and social experiences. Furthermore, it extends, on a national level, to the nation-building project of New Zealand for a cohesive multi-ethnic civil society. Current tensions and conflicts surrounding immigration in Western countries appear to be the immediate products of the collision between, on the one hand, ethnic immigrants who experience socio-economic discrimination in their search for social and economic spaces for them in the host society and, on the other, the existing inhabitants of the host society who might experience anxiety over the changed social space around them. The ultimate cause of these tensions and conflicts, however, seems to be the collision between, on the one hand, global and local capitalist imperatives to incorporate nation- states into the global capitalist system and, on the other, the social imperatives of nation- states to maintain a cohesive national society. -
Classical Liberalism, Neoliberalism and Ordoliberalism1
ELZBIETA MĄCZYNSKA PIOTR PYSZ CLASSICAL LIBERALISM, NEOLIBERALISM AND ORDOLIBERALISM1 The key to distinguishing between classical liberalism, neoliberalism and ordoliberalism is their approach to the freedom of the individual. In 1938, Walter Lippmann asserted that the main cause underlying all failures of economic liberalism was its focus on expanding the scope of individual freedom in the market. This was accompanied by a lack of understanding of the need to develop an economic system under which the freedom of the individual would serve not only a select few, but also promote the interests of the majority of society. Eighty years later, this criticism goes to the crux of the contemporary dilemmas, as the neoliberal doctrine is driven by “freedom without order.” To overcome the ongoing global economic crisis, characterized by disorder, chaos, and anarchy, it is imperative to guide economic policy towards thinking “in terms of order” (Max Weber). And such an approach is offered by ordoliberal thought, which is concerned with the issue of economic order. Its leading idea, which is critical for today’s world, is “freedom within order.” Keywords: classical liberalism; neoliberalism; ordoliberalizm; historical context; advantages; reform. UDC 330.837.1 ELŻBIETA MĄCZYŃSKA ([email protected] ), Professor, Head of the Scientifi c Research Institute of bankruptcies Business Finance and Investment Corporation in the College of Business of the Warsaw School of Economics. Warsaw School of Economics, al. Niepodległości 162, 02-554, Warsaw, Poland. +48 22 564 60 00; PIOTR PYSZ ([email protected]), Professor of the Higher School of Finance and Management in Bialystok (Poland), the College of Business and Technology (Vechta, Germany). -
Denmark,Liberalism
Discuss this article at Journaltalk: http://journaltalk.net/articles/5895 ECON JOURNAL WATCH 12(3) September 2015: 400–431 Classical Liberalism and Modern Political Economy in Denmark Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard1 LINK TO ABSTRACT Over the last century, classical liberalism has not had a strong presence in Danish social science, including economics. Several studies have shown that social scientists in Denmark tilt leftwards. In a 1995–96 survey only 7 percent of political scientists and 3 percent of sociologists said they had voted for (classical-)liberal or conservative parties, whereas support for socialist parties among the same groups were 51 percent and 78 percent. Lawyers and economists were more evenly split between left and right, but even there the left dominated: 31 percent and 25 percent for at least nominally free-market friendly parties and 38 percent and 36 percent for socialist parties.2 Very vocal free-market voices in academia have been rare. This marginalization of liberalism was not always the case. Denmark was among the first countries to see publication of a translation of Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations (Smith 1779/1776; see Rae 1895, ch. 24; Kurrild-Klitgaard 1998; 2004). Throughout the 19th century the emerging field of economics at the University of Copenhagen was visibly inspired not only by Smith and David Ricardo but also the “Manchester liberals” and French classical liberal economists Jean Baptiste Say and Frédéric Bastiat, of whose works timely translations were made. The university had professors of economics who today would be termed classical liberals, e.g., Oluf Christian Olufsen (1764–1827), Christian G. -
Kant's Political Liberalism
Kant’s Political Liberalism Right, Freedom and Public Reason Runar Bjørkvik Mæland Master’s thesis in philosophy Supervised by associate professor Reidar Maliks Department for Philosophy, Classics, History of Art and Ideas Faculty of Humanities UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Fall 2015 II Kant’s Political Liberalism Right, Freedom and Public Reason III © Runar Bjørkvik Mæland 2015 http://www.duo.uio.no/ Trykk: CopyCat IV Abstract According to John Rawls’s political liberalism, the exercise of political power should be justi- fied by appeal to political values and principles that all citizens can reasonably be expected to share. I argue that we find a similar way of thinking about political legitimacy and justifica- tion in Immanuel Kant. Thus I defend the thesis that Kant’s conception of right can be inter- preted as a form of political liberalism. This goes against Rawls’s own verdict as well as much Kant scholarship, where it is often argued that Kant’s principles of right are derived from the ethical principle of the Categorical Imperative, or that Kant’s view of political justi- fication is not in fact liberal and democratic. The defense of my heterodox thesis hinges mainly on two arguments. First, I argue that Kant’s principles of right are tailor-made for the essentially political problem of enabling reciprocal relations of external freedom, and are not derived from or based on his broader ethical theory. Second, I argue that Kant’s claim that laws are justified only if all citizens could consent to them, taken together with his account of popular sovereignty, can be seen to express an idea of public reason similar to Rawls’s.