Classical Liberalism and International Relations

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Classical Liberalism and International Relations FEATURE CLASSICAL LIBERALISM AND InternatIOnaL RELatIONS Classical liberal ideas apply between states as well as within states, explains Edwin van de Haar uestions of war and peace, or foreign Classical liberals often disagree on its precise policy in general, are among the definition, but most regard classical liberalism as most dramatic issues in politics. It is the political theory characterised by a firm belief no wonder that classical liberal think in individualism, negative freedom, non-religious tanks publish papers and articles on natural law, spontaneous order, a limited state, international affairs. Often these are reactions to and the rule of law.3 In this article these ideas current issues. They hardly ever clarify how their will be briefly introduced and then applied to points of view relate to classical liberalism as a international relations, thus sketching the contours political philosophy. This begs the question: Does of a classical liberal approach to world politics. In a classical liberal approach to international the process it will become clear that liberalism relations exist? in the American sense differs substantially from This article will argue in the affirmative, classical liberalism. that it is possible to judge current foreign policy Individualism and freedom standpoints from a classical liberal perspective and to develop a classical liberal foreign policy agenda. For liberals the individual is of ultimate value, Based on a study of four important classical liberal which entails that politics must serve the greater thinkers, David Hume, Adam Smith, Ludwig benefit of individual people. The basis for the von Mises, and Friedrich Hayek, it will show that classical liberal idea is its view on human nature: classical liberalism is applicable in international as what are individuals capable of, physically and well as domestic politics.1 Academic international relations theory is Dr Edwin van de Haar is a Lecturer in dominated by American-style liberalism, which International Relations at the Ateneo has much in common with European and Australian social democracy. One effect of this de Manila University in The Philippines. is the equation of liberalism with Immanuel His book Classical Liberalism and Kant and Woodrow Wilson inspired calls for International Relations Theory: Hume, a world federation of the brotherhood of man, Smith, Mises, and Hayek is forthcoming cosmopolitanism, a belief in the goodness of people with Palgrave Macmillan. and the possibility of abolishing war, optimism about the peace-enhancing outcomes of increased intergovernmental international organisation, Endnotes for this essay can be found international free trade, and so forth.2 at www.policymagazine.com. Vol. 25 No. 1 • Autumn 2009 • POLICY 35 CLASSICAL LIBERALISM AND InternatIOnaL RELatIONS rationally; what are their fundamental urges and international affairs, just as the best possible law natural instincts; and how do they relate to other system (however defined) cannot abolish crime in humans? One feature is that classical liberals a domestic political setting. Classical liberals argue take man as he is, not as he should become. that efforts to achieve perpetual peace are destined They start theorising from a realistic assessment to end in failure and they distance themselves of man’s abilities. Man is seen to be governed from the endless stream of utopias the history of by an interplay of passion and reason. Human ideas has produced. intellectual capacities can be impressive, but The ultimate goal of classical liberalism in are always limited: reason is not omnipotent, international relations is the same as in domestic particularly not when processing information or politics: to maximise individual freedom for all attempting to predict or plan complex societal people. Individuals fare best when they can freely phenomena. Human reason is an important tool deal with the challenges and opportunities in for individuals to adapt to change, but reason is life. Classical liberals define freedom as an area incapable of permanently overcoming certain of non-interference by others individuals and innate natural traits. Human nature is frail and the state. In the classical liberal view, winning ultimately, as Hume famously argued in A Treatise back and expanding this freedom is one of the of Human Nature, ‘man is and ought to be the most important tasks, especially in the modern slave to the passions.’ Human beings are not (Western) world. Historically, this call for destined to wrongdoing in a moral sense, but they freedom found an expression in the rejection of do tend towards it. Only a few are always prone to imperialism and colonialism. For example, Hume unlawful behaviour, but a much larger group can and Smith were strong supporters of American be ‘seduced from the more important but more independence, and Hayek and Mises supported distant interest, by the allurement of the present decolonialisation in the twentieth century. though often very frivolous temptations. This Wars have a negative effect on human freedom great weakness is incurable in man.’4 in several ways, but they are an inevitable feature of human nature.6 Therefore, the relevant question for classical liberals is not how they can Classical liberals take man as be abolished, but how they can be dealt with. he is, not as he should become. Natural law One part of the answer is provided by the natural law foundation of classical liberalism. Its aim of The classical liberal view on human nature achieving the greatest individual freedom is based is not just some unfounded normative choice, on the concept of natural rights. Every individual easily replaceable by any other view. These old has the right to life, liberty and property—and but crucial insights are increasingly supported respect for these rights is crucial for a just order. by research in the fields of evolutionary biology It enables humans, who are after all social and neuroscience, which point out that struggle, beings by nature, to live together and cooperate. competition, the protection of honour, and tribal The laws of nature are a set of rules aimed to and ethnic conflict remain crucial elements in preserve and protect natural rights and to achieve explaining both individual and group behaviour.5 social justice.7 Humans are not angels, Madison famously There is much discussion over natural law, argued in the Federalist Papers. One important which goes beyond the purposes of this article. consequence of this observation is the impossibility In international relations, the most obvious of rooting out the causes of friction and conflict link between natural law and classical liberalism between people. Since state action is human action, is found in the latter’s support for the ‘just war this means it is also impossible to get rid of war. tradition,’ which is associated with natural Depending on the circumstances military conflict law thinkers such as the Dutch scholar Hugo can sometimes be prevented or minimised, but as Grotius. Put briefly, the just war tradition limits such it can never be completely abolished from the grounds for warfare to a number of justified 36 Vol. 25 No. 1 • Autumn 2009 • POLICY CLASSICAL LIBERALISM AND InternatIOnaL RELatIONS causes and sets rules for the ways to fight wars. As states are the most important actors in international such the aim is to minimise international conflict. relations. Hume’s writings contain many examples of his To maximise individual freedom the state embrace of the just war tradition; Smith ended should only have a limited number of tasks. The the Theory of Moral Sentiments explicitly praising state is an important protector of natural rights, Grotius; while Hayek applied just war principles but history has shown that it is also the biggest in his numerous commentaries on world events, abuser of these rights. The principle of the rule such as his condemnation of American inaction of law intends to protect the negative liberty of in the Iran-hostage case of the late seventies and individuals. Classical liberals think the state can his support for the British in the Falklands War best be bound by a combination of constitutions; of 1981.8 separation of the legislative, executive and judicial powers; and the limitation of positive law. The nation and the limited state In international affairs this means that states Liberalism is the political expression of should be cautious about concluding and ratifying individualism, yet cooperation of individuals in treaties and other forms of positive law. These are groups is valued positively. For classical liberals often binding commitments that are very hard the nation, or the country, is the largest group to change or to get rid of, with a large possible in society which is the object of human passion, negative impact on individual freedom. both positive in the sense of national pride and negative in the sense of shame and humiliation. Hume noted that few men are entirely indifferent Attempts to build a better to their country, and both he and Adam Smith underlined that humans sympathise more with world by establishing people to whom they are close than with strangers international organisations or foreigners. Feelings for the nation are strong, and regimes are rejected. natural motivational forces for individuals.9 This also applies in the age of modern states and nationalism. Despite the atrocities committed Some international agreements may be useful in the name of national glory throughout the to smooth the working of the international society twentieth century, Mises and Hayek never of states, or to settle practical matters. But the predicted nor called for the end of the nation dangers of overregulation are just as real in world state. Mises thought that language was the essence politics as they are in national politics. Besides of nationality, and with the fragmentation of some specific cross-border issues, the classical the polyglot Austro-Hungarian Empire in mind liberal rule of thumb is that there is no need for he argued that multi-language countries were international state action if there is no domestic doomed to failure.
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