Hate Beyond Borders: the Internationalization of White Supremacy
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Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
The Rise of Populism in Europe Can Be Traced Through Online Behaviour...”
“The rise of populism in Europe can be traced through online behaviour...” THE NEW FACE OF DIGITAL POPULISM Jamie Bartlett Jonathan Birdwell Mark Littler Demos is a think-tank focused on power and politics. Our unique approach challenges the traditional, 'ivory tower' model of policymaking by giving a voice to people and communities. We work together with the groups and individuals who are the focus of our research, including them in citizens’ juries, deliberative workshops, focus groups and ethnographic research. Through our high quality and socially responsible research, Demos has established itself as the leading independent think-tank in British politics. In 2011, our work is focused on five programmes: Family and Society; Public Services and Welfare; Violence and Extremism; Public Interest and Political Economy. We also have two political research programmes: the Progressive Conservatism Project and Open Left, investigating the future of the centre-Right and centre-Left. Our work is driven by the goal of a society populated by free, capable, secure and powerful citizens. Find out more at www.demos.co.uk. THE NEW FACE OF DIGITAL POPULISM Jamie Bartlett Jonathan Birdwell Mark Littler First published in 2011 © Demos. Some rights reserved Magdalen House, 136 Tooley Street London, SE1 2TU, UK ISBN 978-1-906693-86-2 Copy edited by Susannah Wight Series design by modernactivity Typeset by modernactivity Set in Gotham Rounded and Baskerville 10 Open access. Some rights reserved. As the publisher of this work, Demos wants to encourage the circulation of our work as widely as possible while retaining the copyright. We therefore have an open access policy which enables anyone to access our content online without charge. -
The Global New Right and the Flemish Identitarian Movement Schild & Vrienden a Case Study
Paper The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden A case study by Ico Maly© (Tilburg University) [email protected] December 2018 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/ The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden. A case study. Ico Maly Abstract: This paper argues that nationalism, and nationalistic activism in particular are being globalized. At least certain fringes of radical nationalist activists are organized as ‘cellular systems’ connected and mobilize-able on a global scale giving birth to what I call ‘global nationalistic activism’. Given this change in nationalist activism, I claim that we should abandon all ‘methodological nationalism’. Methodological nationalism fails in arriving at a thorough understanding of the impact, scale and mobilization power (Tilly, 1974) of contemorary ‘national(istic)’ political activism. Even more, it inevitably will contribute to the naturalization or in emic terms the meta-political goals of global nationalist activists. The paradox is of course evident: global nationalism uses the scale- advantages, network effects and the benefits of cellular structures to fight for the (re)construction of the old 19th century vertebrate system par excellence: the (blood and soil) nation. Nevertheless, this, I will show, is an indisputable empirical reality: the many local nationalistic battles are more and more embedded in globally operating digital infrastructures mobilizing militants from all corners of the world for nationalist causes at home. Nationalist activism in the 21st century, so goes my argument, has important global dimensions which are easily repatriated for national use. -
Isolationism & Appeasement in Australia E. M. Andrews
> Isolationism & Appeasement ü w* in Australia C /3 Reactions to the European Grises, 1935-1939 ‘They tell me things are not too good in Europe, Dave.’ ‘What’s wrong? Drought?’ ‘Unk’ White, Bulletin, 26 July 1939 E. M. Andrews Australian foreign policy in the late 1930s has till now been a neglected topic in historical writing. In this book the author examines Australian reactions to the aggressions which led to World War II — Abyssinia, Spain, Austria, Czecho slovakia, and Poland. He describes the early support in Britain and Australia for the League of Nations, and goes on to discuss the causes of the change to a policy of appeasement, culminating in the Munich crisis of 1938, and Australian reactions to that crisis. Additionally, he compares Australian foreign policy at that time and in the sixties, when Australia again supports a powerful ally, this time in Vietnam. To those who lived through the crises of the thirties and now wish to see those years in perspective, as well as to readers of a younger generation, who seek the causes for the development of present-day attitudes to Australian foreign policy, this book will make absorbing reading. For teachers and students of the history of the period it will provide a welcome insight into the reactions of Australian politicians and people to the European crises and to Britain’s part in them. Price in Australia $6.95 This book was published by ANU Press between 1965–1991. This republication is part of the digitisation project being carried out by Scholarly Information Services/Library and ANU Press. -
Bulk Catalogue July 2017
BULK CATALOGUE JULY 2017 YOU ARE RECEIVING THIS CATALOGUE FOR BEING EITHER A BULK CUSTOMER OR FREQUENT REVIEWER OF OUR PUBLICATIONS. From the Editor ecently, I have had the pleasure and European genealogy and global destiny of R good fortune of editing two manu- our Faustian anti-globalist movement, and scripts that are particularly noteworthy. also owe a profound debt to the thought of These are Alexander Dugin’s The Rise of Martin Heidegger (as I do), that drew me the Fourth Political Theory, and the first to Arktos in the first place. volume of the long-awaited English trans- Although I am inundated with manu- lation of Alain de Benoist’s magnum opus, scripts to review (most of which I have View from the Right. Dugin’s book, which had to reject despite their relatively high is the second volume of his The Fourth quality), it has also been possible to find Political Theory, was fascinating to me the time to work on my own second book, insofar as he draws on the metaphysics of which is now nearing completion. It con- the Medieval Iranian philosopher, Shahab cerns the sociopolitical implications of al-din Suhrawardi in order to develop convergent advancements in technology his geopolitical concept of an ‘Oriental’ that fundamentally call into question hu- Eurasia that is a radiantly solar point of man existence and represent an apocalyp- orientation opposed to the twilight of the tic rupture in world history. If Prometheus Atlanticist world with its nihilist historical and Atlas was the intellectual equivalent trajectory. I also found it noteworthy that of an atomic bomb, this book is the death Benoist’s encyclopedic study of European star. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right Josh Vandiver Ball State University Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH The radical political movement known as the Alt-Right Revolution, and Evolian Traditionalism – for an is, without question, a twenty-first century American audience. phenomenon.1 As the hipster-esque ‘alt’ prefix 3. A refined and intensified gender politics, a suggests, the movement aspires to offer a youthful form of ‘ultra-masculinism.’ alternative to conservatism or the Establishment Right, a clean break and a fresh start for the new century and .2 the Millennial and ‘Z’ generations While the first has long been a feature of American political life (albeit a highly marginal one), and the second has been paralleled elsewhere on the Unlike earlier radical right movements, the Alt-Right transnational right, together the three make for an operates natively within the political medium of late unusual fusion. modernity – cyberspace – because it emerged within that medium and has been continuously shaped by its ongoing development. This operational innovation will Seminal Alt-Right figures, such as Andrew Anglin,4 continue to have far-reaching and unpredictable Richard Spencer,5 and Greg Johnson,6 have been active effects, but researchers should take care to precisely for less than a decade. While none has continuously delineate the Alt-Right’s broader uniqueness. designated the movement as ‘Alt-Right’ (including Investigating the Alt-Right’s incipient ideology – the Spencer, who coined the term), each has consistently ferment of political discourses, images, and ideas with returned to it as demarcating the ideological territory which it seeks to define itself – one finds numerous they share. -
Name of Registered Political Party Or Independent Total
Final Results 2016 GLA ELECTIONS ELECTION OF THE LONDON ASSEMBLY MEMBERS Declaration of Results of Poll I hereby give notice as Greater London Returning Officer at the election of the London Wide Assembly Members held on 5th May 2016 that the number of votes recorded at the election is as follows: - Name of Registered Political Party or Independent Total Votes Animal Welfare Party 25810 Britain First - Putting British people first 39071 British National Party 15833 Caroline Pidgeon's London Liberal Democrats 165580 Christian Peoples Alliance 27172 Conservative Party 764230 Green Party - "vote Green on orange" 207959 Labour Party 1054801 Respect (George Galloway) 41324 The House Party - Homes for Londoners 11055 UK Independence Party (UKIP) 171069 Women's Equality Party 91772 Total number of good votes 2615676 The number of ballot papers rejected was as follows:- (a) Unmarked 18842 (b) Uncertain 1127 (c) Voting for too many 9613 (d) Writing identifying voter 145 (e) Want of official mark 6 Total 29733 And I do hereby declare that on the basis of the total number of London votes cast for each party and number of constituency seats they have gained, the eleven London Member seats have been allocated and filled as follows. Seat Number Name of Registered Political Party or Independent 1 Green Party - "vote Green on orange" 2 UK Independence Party (UKIP) 3 Caroline Pidgeon's London Liberal Democrats 4 Conservative Party 5 Conservative Party 6 Labour Party 7 Green Party - "vote Green on orange" 8 Labour Party 9 Conservative Party 10 Labour Party -
1 Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: a Comparative
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by The Australian National University 1 Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: A Comparative Study of Political Parties Online This is a pre-print for: R. Ackland and R. Gibson (2013), “Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: A Comparative Study of Political Parties Online,” International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 16(3), special issue on Computational Social Science: Research Strategies, Design & Methods, 231-244. Dr. Robert Ackland, Research Fellow at the Australian Demographic and Social Research Institute, The Australian National University, Canberra, Australia *Professor Rachel Gibson, Professor of Politics, Institute for Social Change, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK. *Corresponding author: Professor Rachel Gibson Institute for Social Change University of Manchester, Oxford Road Manchester M13 9PL UK Ph: + 44 (0)161 306 6933 Fax: +44 (0) 161 275 0793 [email protected] Word count: 6,062(excl title page and key words) 2 Abstract This paper analyses hyperlink data from over 100 political parties in six countries to show how political actors are using links to engage in a new form of ‘networked communication’ to promote themselves to an online audience. We specify three types of networked communication - identity reinforcement, force multiplication and opponent dismissal - and hypothesise variance in their performance based on key party variables of size and ideological outlook. We test our hypotheses using an original comparative hyperlink dataset. The findings support expectations that hyperlinks are being used for networked communication by parties, with identity reinforcement and force multiplication being more common than opponent dismissal. The results are important in demonstrating the wider communicative significance of hyperlinks, in addition to their structural properties as linkage devices for websites. -
1 U.S. White Supremacy Groups Key Points
U.S. White Supremacy Groups Key Points: • Some modern white supremacist groups, such as The Base, Hammerskin Nation, and Atomwaffen Division, subscribe to a National Socialist (neo-Nazi) ideology. These groups generally make no effort to hide their overt racist belief that the white race is superior to others. • Other modern white supremacist groups, however, propagate their radical stances under the guise of white ethno-nationalism, which seeks to highlight the distinctiveness––rather than the superiority––of the white identity. Such groups, which include the League of the South and Identity Evropa, usually claim that white identity is under threat from minorities or immigrants that seek to replace its culture, and seek to promote white ethno- nationalism as a legitimate ideology that belongs in mainstream political spheres. • Most modern white supremacist groups eschew violent tactics in favor of using demonstrations and propaganda to sway public opinion and portray their ideologies as legitimate. However, their racial elitist ideologies have nonetheless spurred affiliated individuals to become involved in violent altercations. • White supremacist groups often target youth for recruitment through propaganda campaigns on university campuses and social media platforms. White supremacists have long utilized Internet forums and websites to connect, organize, and propagate their extremist messages. Executive Summary Since the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) first formed in 1865, white supremacist groups in the United States have propagated racism, hatred, and violence. Individuals belonging to these groups have been charged with a range of crimes, including civil rights violations, racketeering, solicitation to commit crimes of violence, firearms and explosives violations, and witness tampering.1 Nonetheless, white supremacist groups––and their extremist ideologies––persist in the United States today. -
Still Anti-Asian? Anti-Chinese? One Nation Policies on Asian Immigration and Multiculturalism
Still Anti-Asian? Anti-Chinese? One Nation policies on Asian immigration and multiculturalism 仍然反亚裔?反华裔? 一国党针对亚裔移民和多元文化 的政策 Is Pauline Hanson’s One Nation party anti-Asian? Just how much has One Nation changed since Pauline Hanson first sat in the Australian Parliament two decades ago? This report reviews One Nation’s statements of the 1990s and the current policies of the party. It concludes that One Nation’s broad policies on immigration and multiculturalism remain essentially unchanged. Anti-Asian sentiments remain at One Nation’s core. Continuity in One Nation policy is reinforced by the party’s connections with anti-Asian immigration campaigners from the extreme right of Australian politics. Anti-Chinese thinking is a persistent sub-text in One Nation’s thinking and policy positions. The possibility that One Nation will in the future turn its attacks on Australia's Chinese communities cannot be dismissed. 宝林·韩森的一国党是否反亚裔?自从宝林·韩森二十年前首次当选澳大利亚 议会议员以来,一国党改变了多少? 本报告回顾了一国党在二十世纪九十年代的声明以及该党的现行政策。报告 得出的结论显示,一国党关于移民和多元文化的广泛政策基本保持不变。反 亚裔情绪仍然居于一国党的核心。通过与来自澳大利亚极右翼政坛的反亚裔 移民竞选人的联系,一国党的政策连续性得以加强。反华裔思想是一国党思 想和政策立场的一个持久不变的潜台词。无法排除一国党未来攻击澳大利亚 华人社区的可能性。 Report Philip Dorling May 2017 ABOUT THE AUSTRALIA INSTITUTE The Australia Institute is an independent public policy think tank based in Canberra. It is funded by donations from philanthropic trusts and individuals and commissioned research. Since its launch in 1994, the Institute has carried out highly influential research on a broad range of economic, social and environmental issues. OUR PHILOSOPHY As we begin the 21st century, new dilemmas confront our society and our planet. Unprecedented levels of consumption co-exist with extreme poverty. Through new technology we are more connected than we have ever been, yet civic engagement is declining. -
Understanding the Qanon Conspiracy from the Perspective of Canonical Information
The Gospel According to Q: Understanding the QAnon Conspiracy from the Perspective of Canonical Information Max Aliapoulios*;y, Antonis Papasavva∗;z, Cameron Ballardy, Emiliano De Cristofaroz, Gianluca Stringhini, Savvas Zannettou◦, and Jeremy Blackburn∓ yNew York University, zUniversity College London, Boston University, ◦Max Planck Institute for Informatics, ∓Binghamton University [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] — iDRAMA, https://idrama.science — Abstract administration of a vaccine [54]. Some of these theories can threaten democracy itself [46, 50]; e.g., Pizzagate emerged The QAnon conspiracy theory claims that a cabal of (literally) during the 2016 US Presidential elections and claimed that blood-thirsty politicians and media personalities are engaged Hillary Clinton was involved in a pedophile ring [51]. in a war to destroy society. By interpreting cryptic “drops” of A specific example of the negative consequences social me- information from an anonymous insider calling themself Q, dia can have is the QAnon conspiracy theory. It originated on adherents of the conspiracy theory believe that Donald Trump the Politically Incorrect Board (/pol/) of the anonymous im- is leading them in an active fight against this cabal. QAnon ageboard 4chan via a series of posts from a user going by the has been covered extensively by the media, as its adherents nickname Q. Claiming to be a US government official, Q de- have been involved in multiple violent acts, including the Jan- scribed a vast conspiracy of actors who have infiltrated the US uary 6th, 2021 seditious storming of the US Capitol building.