Journal of Issue 22 / Spring 1999 / £4.00
Liberal DemocratHISTORY
Liberals and Nationalists Graham Watson Scottish Liberals, Scottish Nationalists and Dreams of a Common Front Russell Deacon ‘The Steady Tapping Breaks the Rock’ Liberalism in Wales Peter Lynch In From The Fringes? The Scottish Liberal Democrats Garry Tregidga Devolution for the Duchy The Liberal Party and the Nationalist Movement in Cornwall Liberal Democrat History Group Issue 22: Spring 1999 The Journal of 3 Scottish Liberals, Scottish Nationalists and Liberal Democrat Dreams of a Common Front History Graham Watson MEP analyses the history of relations between Scottish Liberals and Scottish Nationalists. The Journal of Liberal Democrat History is published quarterly by the 14 ‘The Steady Tapping Breaks the Rock’ Liberal Democrat History Group.
Russell Deacon traces the history of the post-war Welsh ISSN 1463-6557 Liberal tradition. 18 In From The Fringes? Editorial/Correspondence Contributions to the Journal – letters, Peter Lynch examines the development of the Scottish articles, and book reviews – are Liberal Democrats. invited, preferably on disc or by email. 20 No Docking of Horses’ Tails The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. The fight for an independent Cumberland; by Mark Egan. Contributions should be sent to: 21 Devolution for the Duchy Duncan Brack (Editor) Flat 9, 6 Hopton Road, The Liberal Party and the Nationalist Movement in London SW16 2EQ. Cornwall; by Garry Tregidga. email: [email protected]. 24 From Liberalism to Nationalism All articles copyright © their authors. The political career of David Murray; by Mark Egan. Advertisements 26 In This Month ... the 1950 general election Adverts from relevant organisations and publications are welcome; please 27 Letters to the Editor contact the Editor for rates. 29 Review: ‘There are Things Stronger Than Subscriptions/Membership An annual subscription to the Journal Parliamentary Majorities’ of Liberal Democrat History costs Alan O’Day:Irish Home Rule. Reviewed by Tony Little. £10.00 (£5.00 unwaged rate; add £5.00 for overseas subscribers); this 30 Review: Three Acres and a Cow includes membership of the History David Stemp:Three Acres and a Cow: The life and works Group unless you inform us otherwise. of Eli Hamshire. Reviewed by John James. Send a cheque (payable to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to: 31 Review: Plugging the Gaps Patrick Mitchell, 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; Duncan Brack et al (eds): Dictionary of Liberal Biography. email: Reviewed by Chris Cook. [email protected]
Published by The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and Liberal Democrat History Group, research of historical topics, particularly those relating to the histories of the c/o Flat 9, 6 Hopton Road, Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party and the SDP. The Group organises London SW16 2EQ. discussion meetings and publishes the quarterly Journal of Liberal Democrat History and other occasional publications. Front cover illustration: Martin Horwood.
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Hon President: Earl Russell. Chair: Duncan Brack. February 1999
2 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 Scottish Liberals, Scottish Nationalists and Dreams of a Common Front Sometimes allies, sometimes enemies: Graham Watson MEP analyses the history of relations between Scottish Liberals and Scottish Nationalists.
From the passing of the Great Reform Act in As so often in history, however, the need did not call forth its own fulfilment; the Liberal Party to the end of Victoria’s reign, the Liberals won every went into decline and those opposed to Lon- general election in Scotland. While there was often don rule were divided on issues ranging from a Tory majority, in Scotland the Liberals’ nadir (in pacifism to social reform, many of which seemed more pressing after the Great War than the me- ) was a majority of nine seats over the Tories; chanics of governing Scotland. in November the Liberal Party won no fewer In the s the Liberal Party split, and al- than fifty-three of the sixty Scottish constituencies. though Herbert Samuel reiterated the commit- ment of mainstream Liberals to Scottish Every Liberal government of the period relied on self-government, the party was by now pow- Scottish Liberals. erless to put its policies into effect. The cause of home rule was destined, between the wars, Scottish Liberals demanded and achieved to rely on the energies of a few outstanding recompense in the devolution of government, individuals – John McCormick, Eric Linklater, with major pieces of reforming legislation in- Roland Muirhead, Sir Alexander MacEwen cluding the creation, in , of the post of and others – as Unionist coherence triumphed Secretary for Scotland, and the establishment over Liberal disorder. ten years later of the Scottish Grand Commit- After the second world war, home rule was tee. The concern of many Liberals, that Scot- briefly back on the agenda. In April , Dr land had been betrayed in the Union of the Robert Mclntyre won an important byelection parliaments, was assuaged as definite steps were victory in Motherwell in a straight fight against taken towards Scottish self-government within Labour, becoming the first modern ‘Scottish the Union. National’ MP. In February John To add impetus to the process the Scottish McCormick stood as a ‘National’ candidate in Home Rule Association was formed in , a byelection in Paisley, again in a straight fight and the break-away of the Liberal Unionists with Labour, and was a close runner-up. In over Irish home rule shortly thereafter left the , two million Scots put their signatures to field clear for the Liberal home rulers. With the Covenant organised by the Scottish Con- the new century they founded the Young Scots vention. Despite these events, however, Society, whose principal aim was to work to- self-government was hardly an issue at the gen- wards self-government. In June , some eral elections of and . Social reform twenty Liberal MPs established the Scottish and the welfare state were the orders of the Nationalist Committee and historians have ar- day. Liberal energies were committed to see- gued that, had it not been for the outbreak of ing through the Beveridge reforms, which were the first world war, logic would have forced being implemented badly by the Labour gov- the Liberal government to follow Irish home ernment, and to ensuring the survival of a Lib- rule with similar provisions for Scotland. eral Party whose decline seemed terminal.
journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 3 to forge pacts with other parties to and almost topple the Unionist can- Jo Grimond and advance the cause of home rule didate from second into third place. cooperative politics Grimond’s thesis was that al- Derek Michael Henderson though the Liberal Party had lost Starforth-Jones, a tertiary education It was not until the surprising Lib- much of its former glory, Liberals adviser of colourful hue who trav- eral revival of the early s that could expand their influence elled according to whim under dif- home rule began once more to fire through seeking cooperation wher- ferent combinations of his name, was the imagination of the political class. ever possible with those of like mind. despatched as one of the Liberal rep- Many Liberals saw in Jo Grimond, This could mean working together resentatives to the cross-party Scot- whose maiden speech in had with different parties on different is- tish National Congress. Though the majored on self-government for sues. At Westminster he sought a rea- SNP did not formally join the Con- Scotland, and who assumed the lead- lignment of the left to put an end gress, some of its members attended; ership of the Liberal Party in , to thirteen years of Tory misrule. In and Starforth began talking with a Westminster leader willing to Scotland, his supporters argued, he them about the idea of a possible champion Scotland’s interests. They sought cooperation between all Liberal–Nationalist pact. The believed that however wide the dif- those in favour of self-government byelections in Paisley and Woodside ference between the home rule ad- to complete the process of devolu- had shown each party’s potential; if vocated by the Liberals and the com- tion begun by Gladstone and they had competed on the same plete independence of the emerging Rosebery. ground such a strong showing would SNP, it was narrower than the gulf The general election restored have eluded them. Did this not mili- between two large unionist parties some Liberal confidence after the dis- tate in favour of a formal agreement? on the one hand and two small appointment of the three general elec- That idea was subsequently to re- self-government parties on the other. tions since . The Liberal vote had main prominent on both parties’ Elected as Rector of Edinburgh started to creep back up and a agendas for more than a decade. University in , Grimond in- byelection in North Edinburgh the The death of John Taylor MP spired in a generation of younger following year showed a gratifying caused a byelection in West Lothian politicians the idea that cross-party % support for the party. But it was in June . An Edinburgh Univer- cooperation was the key to achiev- the Paisley byelection in April , sity law graduate and promising ing their aims. before Orpington was even heard of, young Liberal called David Steel Little has yet been written about which set the Liberal heather alight. (soon to become Assistant General the way Grimond’s proposals for a Paisley had traditionally been a Lib- Secretary of the Scottish Liberal Liberal–SNP pact were continually eral stronghold and John Bannerman, Party) called a meeting at St. Michael’s to resurface in non-unionist politics the Scottish rugby international, can- manse in Linlithgow which decided until the s. Now, with the ad- vassed on a home rule platform ‘like a to invite William Wolfe, a local char- vent of a Scottish parliament and the thing possessed’. He polled % of the tered accountant and outspoken likelihood of Grimond’s successors vote, rocking (like John McCormick home ruler, to stand as the Liberal in the Scottish Liberal Democrats in the previous Paisley byelection in candidate. Mr Wolfe declined; he was being coalition partners of either ) the foundations of a complacent to stand for election, but as the SNP’s Labour or the SNP in the first Scot- Labour establishment. candidate. The Scottish Liberals, una- tish government for years, it In Paisley there had been no ware that Wolfe had joined the SNP seems appropriate to look back at Scottish National candidate, a fact three years earlier, were not a little the history of attempts by Liberals which had undoubtedly helped rally embarrassed. For the first time since the wider non-un- they fielded a candidate of their Gladstone’s governments relied on Scottish Liberal MPs. ionist vote to the own in West Lothian despite having Liberal cause. Seven only a skeleton constituency organi- months later, at a sation. Unsurprisingly, and like many byelection in the Liberals before and since (including Bridgeton division the author), he failed even to save his of Glasgow caused deposit. by the resignation Starforth pursued the idea of of the sitting La- electoral cooperation with a draft bour MP, the ab- pamphlet entitled ‘A Scottish Gov- sence of a Liberal ernment and Parliament’, advocat- candidate helped ing openly a pact between Liberals Scottish National and the SNP. His enthusiasm was not candidate Ian shared by all his fellow Liberals, how- Macdonald poll ever. At a meeting in their Atholl % of the vote Place, Edinburgh headquarters on
4 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 June the Scottish Liberals’ executive for contesting a byelection in the December he moved that the two committee refused to publish it. But Labour–Liberal National marginal parties’ office-bearers should meet to they agreed simultaneously not to constituency of Dundee West, a con- negotiate a pact, though he was adopt parliamentary candidates for test in Kinross & West Perthshire out-voted. But on February , the coming general election in with the chance of defeating or at at an extraordinary meeting of the North Aberdeen, Stirling or either least embarrassing the Prime Min- SNP council, Wolfe moved success- of the Perthshire constituencies. The ister of the day was a prospect nei- fully to gain a commitment that the non-unionist opposition should not ther could resist. matter would feature on the agenda be split. Alasdair Duncan-Miller, the son of the party’s next regular council On December the Liberals’ ex- of a former member for East Fife, had meeting on March. ecutive gave ‘sanction, but not ap- previously spoken in favour of the The SNP resolved in March proval’, for talks between their Chair- SNP candidate Arthur Donaldson. to ask the Scottish Liberals whether they would put self-government at the head of their programme and re- Grimond’s thesis was that although the quire all general election candidates to pledge themselves to it and to forc- Liberal Party had lost much of its former ing self government if the two par- glory, Liberals could expand their influence ties between them held a majority of Scottish constituencies. Starforth re- through seeking cooperation wherever sponded warmly, but John possible with those of like mind. Bannerman, quizzed by the press, re- plied that the issue ranked alongside other key priorities and that the Scot- man, John Bannerman and the SNP But Duncan-Miller himself was per- tish Liberals, as part of a wider UK President Dr Robert McIntyre. ceived by the Liberals and by some party, could not contemplate unilat- Meeting a fortnight later at the North Nationalists as the candidate more eral action. Bannerman would not British hotel, the Liberal Party council likely to dent Tory prestige. Ap- allow the SNP to dictate the terms added the rider that ‘there should be proaches were made to the SNP to of cooperation. no appeasement’. But in the light of allow Duncan-Miller a free run, but The Scottish Liberals resolved in the byelection in Glasgow Woodside in vain. And though the Liberal band- April to establish a study group to the previous month, where the Lib- wagon made much noise and investigate measures that could has- erals and the SNP between them had achieved second place for their can- ten the achievement of self-govern- polled almost as many votes as the didate, (‘a gratifying result in difficult ment, ‘not precluding discussion Labour victor, Bannerman was con- circumstances’, as John Bannerman with outside bodies’. That month vinced that talks aiming at a described it), the Tories romped home the Liberals fielded their largest-ever non-aggression pact could prove to victory with more votes than all slate of candidates for the local elec- fruitful. The meeting with McIntyre the other parties combined. tions and prepared for what was by in March identified good will The government decided that Liberal standards a major onslaught on both sides. The two men agreed the time was opportune to elevate at the general election in October. to consider the respective strength of Niall Macpherson to the peerage, Alec Douglas-Home’s return to each party when deciding which seats provoking a byelection in Dumfries the Commons had done little to re- to contest. Though both recognised the following month. The Scottish vive Tory fortunes. A byelection in that without the party discipline Liberals and the SNP again both May in the Lanarkshire seat of which the prospect of government fielded candidates; both lost their Rutherglen, a Tory–Labour mar- can offer, the decision about whether deposits, though their intervention ginal, was to prove unappetising to to field a candidate would rest ulti- almost cost the Conservatives the both Liberals and Nationalists. The mately with the local constituency seat. John Bannerman noted that the Conservatives entrusted Iain Sproat organisations, they nonetheless shared SNP had now lost four deposits in to maintain their narrow majority in the view that the cause of home rule succession, but with little satisfaction; a straight run against Labour. Not for could best be advanced by maximis- he deplored the fact that the lack of the last time, he was to disappoint ing the third-party devolutionist vote. agreement between the two parties them. meant ‘the Scottish vote’ remained The Scottish Liberals entered the ineffective. For the SNP, William election on a platform of fed- Discord Wolfe became similarly convinced eralist fervour. They gained three The balmy days of spring were not that a pact was the way forward. In new MPs – Russell Johnston in In- to last, however, and the autumn a letter to the Scots Independent in verness, Alasdair Mackenzie in Ross brought renewed discord. While nei- November he laid out his stall. & Cromarty and George Mackie in ther party showed much enthusiasm At the SNP’s national council on Caithness & Sutherland – and took journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 5 Roxburgh, Selkirk & Peebles at a cooperation with the SNP, though fissiparous affair. Party Vice Chair- byelection less than a year later. one or two members dissented. man Russell Johnston MP used a Though these gains owed something speech to a session chaired by to the successful appeal of Liberal Donald Wade to accuse Grimond for plans for rural regeneration, pre- 1967: Nationalist incoherence and lack of self-disci- sented in the Liberal pamphlet ‘A strength grows pline, criticising especially Grimond’s better deal for the Highlands’, their visit to the SNP headquarters in plans for Scottish self-government If Liberal doubts about a pact had Ardmillan Terrace. The stage was set had featured prominently in their grown in the latter half of , the for a battle. In what the Scotsman de- campaign. Even the Daily Record, following year was to produce two scribed as ‘the most lively and not known for its attention to Lib- events which were to strengthen the hackle-raising debate .... in the eral politics, was moved to report on hand of those SNP members op- steaming political cauldron of the the Liberals’ plans in a series of arti- posed to a Nationalist–Liberal agree- Salutation Hotel’, Kennedy and cles on the Liberal revival. ment. Parliamentary byelections in Starforth called for the drawing up In the following general election Pollok (March ) and Hamilton of an electoral pact with the SNP eighteen months later, Scottish Lib- (November) were to change radi- ‘to avoid splitting the self-govern- erals held most of their gains of cally the SNP’s perception of their ment vote and to join in achieving and added to them West Aberdeen, chances of going it alone. a Scottish parliament before Britain’s though they lost Caithness to Labour In Pollok a prominent National- entry into the Common Market’. In (by just sixty-four votes). In none of ist candidate in the shape of George a stormy session, with a number of the five constituencies they now held Leslie, a local folk singer, polled more close votes, the conference narrowly had there been a Nationalist chal- than , votes to the Liberals’ . accepted a compromise amendment lenger. The value of this was clear to The SNP executive met three days put by two of the Scottish Liberal Liberals, and a resolution from Ross later and decided to take no action MPs, Jim Davidson and David Steel, & Cromarty Liberal Association to on electoral pacts; instead they urged rejecting a Liberal approach to the their national council in June , all who wanted a Scottish parliament SNP but inviting them to take the calling again for a formal Liberal– to join the SNP. initiative ‘if they recognised the need SNP pact, was debated at length. A special meeting was called of .... to place the national interests of By September, Scottish Liberal the Scottish Liberals’ executive to Scotland before short-term party in- Chairman George Mackie had re- discuss the Pollok result and the terests’. The SNP reaction was a ceived a letter from his SNP coun- SNP’s move. Once again, Liberals statement from their Chairman, terpart asking for a formal approach favouring an agreement with the Arthur Donaldson, that any ap- from the Liberals. There was division SNP pushed their case: James proaches for cooperation must come in the Liberal camp on the ripeness Davidson MP announced that he from the Liberals. Partisan pride had of the time, but renewed discussions would try another approach to the the upper hand: both sides were on an informal basis were agreed ‘to SNP; Grimond, who had resigned playing hard to get. see what common basis there was for the Westminster leadership of the With Jo Grimond on the back- a joint effort to promote Scottish Liberals, supported him. Broadcaster benches and John Bannerman in the interests’. and prominent Liberal Ludovic House of Lords, Mackie and Clouds were gathering from the Kennedy and his comrade-at-arms Johnston put out a statement the fol- south, however. A joint meeting that Michael Starforth handed round the lowing month to all Liberal constitu- summer between the office-bearers text of a resolution to go to the SLP’s ency organisations outlining the of the Scottish and English Liberal annual conference in May, formally SLP’s opposition to cooperation Parties and Liberal parliamentarians seeking links with the SNP. with the Nationalists. For the Lib- had reached no agreement on The Liberal executive resolved to erals, it seemed that the matter was whether a pact would serve Liberal express its opposition to a pact, how- firmly closed. There were to be no interests; whilst the Liberal Party in ever, defeating the Kennedy- dealings with a party which a young parliament relied on Scotland for al- Starforth proposal by sixteen votes Liberal spokesman had derided in most half its MPs, the vanity induced to two and resolving to release the Perth as ‘a motley collection of fa- by its victories across Britain had figures to the press. The hard-liners, natics, ragamuffins and comic sing- fuelled belief in a nation-wide revival led by George Mackie and Russell ers’. In the SNP, too, the advocates and had drawn some of the fluid from Johnston, appeared to be in the as- of a pact were losing ground. The the Scottish self-government boil. cendant, reasserting their distinctive cause of nationalism in the UK had The following month the SNP Liberal identity. But it was clear the been given a boost by a stunning issued press statements to the effect issue would dominate the Liberals’ victory for Welsh nationalist that it would contest all seventy-one conference agenda. Gwynfor Evans in Carmarthen in Scottish constituencies. In January the The Scottish Liberal Party con- July. The SNP themselves came tan- Liberals’ executive saw no basis for ference in Perth (– May) was a talisingly close to winning a local
6 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 council seat in the Ruchill ward of impression that .... we are hostile to Johnston nor George Mackie had Glasgow in a massive swing against self-government itself’. been consulted, and Lord Banner- Labour; they stormed to victory in To g rassroots Liberals in Scotland man’s attack on the Tories earlier that a Stirling county council byelection it was clear that the extent of the day for sending Ted Heath up to pro- in October. Their optimism about SNP’s enthusiasm for complete se- nounce on Scottish problems looked their own success grew. cession from the UK had risen in mighty hollow. ‘It is riot for Mr In the second of the two deci- direct proportion to their promi- Thorpe to say what kind of govern- sive events of , the Hamilton nence. The SNP’s substantial gains in ment we should have,’ stormed SNP byelection in November, the SNP the local elections in May had president Robert Mclntyre in an polled % of the vote, returning given many enthusiastic but inexpe- impeccably targeted reply, ‘it is for Winnie Ewing to parliament in a rienced Nationalists a platform from the Scottish people’. spectacular victory and putting which Liberals were frequently at- Scottish Liberal leaders convened self-government back in the head- tacked. SLP Chairman George a swift emergency meeting with lines. The absence of a Liberal can- Mackie, on the brink of resignation, their UK leader and a statement was didate had been due not to any demanded that the MPs listen to the issued saying: ‘Mr Thorpe offered no agreement between the two parties voices from the constituencies. He pact, which he would not do with- but to the absence of an active Lib- persuaded the Scottish Liberal Par- out the approval of the Scottish Lib- eral Association in the constituency. ty’s executive to state their unani- eral Party ….’ But Jo Grimond seized Ludovic Kennedy went to speak on mous agreement that ‘the gulf be- the opportunity, and two days later Winnie Ewing’s behalf but to do so tween the separatist policy of the used the conference debate on fed- he resigned from the Liberal Party, SNP and the federalist system of eralism to appeal to the people of thus denting any hopes of a joint self-government proposed by the Scotland to unite in a quest for a campaign. SLP shows no prospect of being Scottish democracy, ‘ready to col- Nationalist sentiment in Scotland bridged. The response from the SNP laborate in equal partnership with seemed to be on the up, and on has been completely negative.’ the other nations of Great Britain’. December Jo Grimond broke si- By the summer of the following Appealing to Nationalists and Lib- lence. If hitherto some had doubted year, however, while blacks in erals over the heads of their leaders, the amount of energy Grimond was America and students in Paris were he seemed almost to propose a Scot- prepared to invest in the cause of caught up in a whirlwind of new tish Party with the sole aim of home rule, there doubts were now ideas about how individuals could self-government and to offer him- dissipated. Grimond calculated that take power over their own lives, the self as its leader. Russell Johnston despite the rise of the SNP and the mechanisms of self-empowerment in took the floor to launch a stinging development of a Nationalist theol- Scotland through a home rule pact attack on Grimond, and by thirty ogy, there had been no decline in the were to erupt once again on the Lib- votes the Grimond plan was voted Liberal vote; indeed, the SNP was eral and Nationalist agendas. At a down. The joint conference backed taking votes mainly from Labour. In press briefing during a joint confer- a comprehensive plan for devolution, a speech in Kirkwall, well-reported ence of Scottish and English Liber- but wanted nothing of a Liberal– SNP ‘dream ticket’. Following Ludo Kennedy’s lead There were to be no dealings with a party at Hamilton, Starforth resigned from the Scottish Liberal Party and which a young Liberal spokesman had joined the SNP, and though scat- derided in Perth as ‘a motley collection of tered individuals in both parties made occasional rumblings, talk of fanatics, ragamuffins and comic singers’. a pact again receded. In preparation for the general election of the SNP adopted in the national press, he raised once als in September in Edinburgh, candidates in eight of the most again the banner of common cause Jeremy Thorpe chose as his subject promising Liberal territories. As between Liberals and the SNP. Hard the advocacy of a common front Chris Baur reported in The Scotsman on the heels of his speech came a between the Liberals and National- in November , ‘The Scottish letter to the Scottish Liberal head- ists on limited home rule ‘which Liberals and the Nationalists have quarters from four of the five Scot- could sweep Scotland and Wales at become so entrenched in their offi- tish Liberal MPs arguing that the the next general election and bring cial attitudes towards cooperation party ‘should cease passing resolu- about national parliaments within with each other that .... a pact be- tions or making statements hostile to three or four years’. tween the two parties .... to preserve the Nationalists since it is impossi- Scottish Liberals were more than and enhance the Home Rule vote ble to do this without giving the a little surprised. Neither Russell is an almost hopeless proposition’. journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 7 from the Scottish Liberal HQ, cooperation developed. ‘and as a matter of courtesy the By the time the election SLP executive will hear what they approached, excitement in both have to say. But in the light of re- camps had all but died. The cinders cent press statements from the were to flicker briefly in January SNP the Liberal executive have , after ten SNP members and not seen any great change in their four Liberals met in Perth, at the ini- attitude.’ The Liberal delegation tiative of SNP Angus candidate was led by Russell Johnston, who Malcolm Slessor and the Liberals’ had already put on record his op- John Russell of Kingussie, reviving position to exchanging his Lib- the proposal for a limited eral birthright for a mess of non-aggression pact. But the plan unsalted secessionist porridge. was thrown out by the SNP’s con- Wolfe and Steel saw two ways ference in May and met a similar fate of bending the post-election cir- at the Scottish Liberal conference At the election the intervention cumstances to the purpose of their later the same month. of an SNP candidate in Ross & common cause. The first was to use Why had the two parties failed, Cromarty almost certainly caused the election results to persuade their over the course of thirty years, to the defeat of the sitting Liberal respective parties to agree on a fist advance the cause of self-govern- member, and in Caithness prevented of constituencies where one party ment, reborn in ? The failure of George Mackie from recapturing the would stand down, easing the task the non-unionist parties to agree a seat from Labour’s Robert of the holder or the best-placed chal- common front certainly prevented Maclennan. The Scottish Liberals lenger to the major parties; the sec- the issue from achieving the sus- refrained from contesting the SNP’s ond would be to seek common can- tained prominence it would have re- best prospect seats, but to little avail: didatures in seats where the com- quired to elicit a government re- the Nationalists gained only one sur- bined vote of the two parties was sponse. Prior to the s, neither prise victory, in the Western Isles, and substantial. Such agreements would party had many candidates and there lost their byelection gain in Hamil- rely heavily, however, on the good were few, if any, constituencies where ton. In two other seats, Banff and will of both parties’ local constitu- both had a local organisation wor- East Aberdeenshire, the combined ency associations; as Steel was to dis- thy of the name. While many in the vote for the Liberal and SNP candi- cover in different circumstances a Liberal Party were seized with the dates was greater than the number decade later, such good will would idea in the late s, enthusiasm for cast for the winner. prove difficult to foster. pluralism within the SNP did not Despite William Wolfe’s insist- come to a head until after the The 1970s ence at the three-hour meeting that general election. But by then the Disillusion within both parties at their poor election performances While both parties were unhappy with the sparked calls for a fresh look at the idea of a pact. The election to the Union, one advocated home rule, the other SNP leadership some months before – increasingly – independence. The former of William Wolfe, an admirer of Grimond’s and an advocate of co- cause held an intellectual attraction, the operation, and the insistence on the latter a more populist appeal. Liberal side of Grimond disciple David Steel, led to an exchange of correspondence between the parties’ the two parties’ views on self-gov- idea had been soured for Liberals by presidents and a meeting to discuss ernment were less far apart than was the SNP’s costly intervention in their the matter in July. But if the matter thought, Johnston and his team po- best constituencies. Moreover, while caused dispute privately among the litely showed the door to the SNP. the SNP could attract votes from the Scottish Liberals, Wolfe could not A joint statement issued after the Scottish Liberals in rural constituen- contain his dissenters. The Nation- meeting reported that: ‘The objec- cies, it was by no means clear that alists were publicly divided on the tions to making electoral pacts were the Liberals appealed to the voters issue and it was an infinitely cautious recognised and the subject was not in urban west central Scotland team of Liberal leaders who con- pursued’; and though scope was among whom the SNP had found fronted their SNP counterparts in foreseen for cooperation at West- fertile ground. Edinburgh. ‘The SNP have asked for minster on Scottish issues, there is In the s, an electoral pact these talks’, read a terse statement precious little evidence that such would have been a logical arrange-
8 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 ment between the third and fourth Government on a programme for lines along with the issue of home parties in an essentially two-party national recovery. rule. Though the Scottish Liberals system. But did they share enough Shortly after the October entered the s with the same common ground? While both were election, a split in the Labour Party three MPs as a decade earlier, their unhappy with the Union, one ad- in Scotland put the issue of devo- emerging pact with the SDP was to vocated home rule, the other – in- lution back on the government’s swell their ranks in Scotland before creasingly – independence. The agenda. But the breakdown of talks the general election, and the former cause held an intellectual at- between those in favour of self gov- Liberal-SDP Alliance’s performance traction, the latter a more populist ernment meant that when the ref- was to take them into double fig- appeal. Both parties were divided erendum finally came, at the fag end ures. about the wisdom of working to- of a tired parliamentary term, the Liberal leader David Steel be- gether. pro-devolution forces were divided came the country’s second most into separate camps and unable to popular politician. His campaign for mount a campaign to inspire the merger between the Liberal Party 1974–79: An end to electorate with the half-baked fare and the SDP for the best part of the the debate? on offer from Labour in March . s diverted Liberal attention from Even the governing party could not common fronts with other parties. The two general elections unite its supporters in favour of its But with the SDP led by Dr David changed the fortunes of both par- devolution proposals; Tam Dalyell’s Owen, the Alliance was doomed to ties in a way which silenced the de- ‘West Lothian’ question was simply failure. The new party which arose bate. Though Scottish Liberal num- the most striking feature of its divi- from its ashes saw public support fall bers remained constant, across Brit- sion into ‘Labour says Yes’ and ‘La- to just three per cent in opinion polls ain the Liberals more than doubled bour No’ campaigns. Nor could in Scotland in ; yet despite this their number of MPs, vastly in- pro-devolutionists rally four-square the Liberal Democrats retained in creased their share of the popular behind the plans. Scottish Liberal the general election the nine vote and looked on the verge of a MP Russell Johnston and Conserva- Scottish seats they had won in . breakthrough. Talk of coalition, first tive MP Alick Buchanan-Smith ran The Scottish Liberal Democrats with Heath’s Conservative Govern- their own distinctive brand of ‘Yes’ were born into a changed political ment and then with Wilson’s Labour, campaign. climate. The economic recession hit the headlines. Liberal coalition- Although % voted in favour of which followed the Scottish ist energies were thus absorbed else- devolution in the March refer- oil-financed boom years of the mid where. The SNP meanwhile gained endum, a wrecking amendment in- eighties hit Scotland hard. While in six seats in the February election and serted in the legislation by Islington the early years of her premiership a further four in October, taking Labour MP George Cunningham Mrs Thatcher had allowed the Scot- their numbers from one MP to (requiring the support of at least % tish Office to continue Keynesian eleven within as many months. They of those eligible to vote before the economic policies, the re-election of were now substantially more impor- measure could proceed) saw the de- the Conservatives in signalled tant than the Liberals in Scotland. feat of the plan for devolution worked the arrival of a new, harsher ap- While the Liberals’ David Steel, ever out during the Lib–Lab agreement. proach. It did not go down well with a dogged campaigner, clung to his The opportunity to unite those in fa- Scotland’s voters. In the Scot- mentor Grimond’s idea of common vour of self-government and to drive tish Conservatives suffered their fronts, the – parliament was forward a convincing agenda had been worst defeat since , returning to deliver to him the prize of Brit- lost once again by its advocates. only ten MPs out of seventy-two. A ish Liberal leadership and the oppor- decade later they were to be elimi- tunity for a pact with the Callaghan nated totally. The democratic deficit Unrepentant, Mrs Thatcher ad- Much to the dismay of those who dressed the General Assembly of the had believed Alec Douglas-Home’s Church of Scotland in and re- last minute promise, on the eve of stated her opposition to devolution. the referendum, that the Conserva- She believed in the primacy of the tives would come up with a better individual over the collectivity. To plan for self-government, the Con- some observers at the General As- servative victory in the general sembly, the forum which most election under Margaret Thatcher closely approximated to a Scottish ushered in nearly two decades of Parliament, the Prime Minister Westminster hostility to devolution. showed a lack of understanding and The SNP, reduced from eleven MPs an incapacity for generosity. To one to just two, was relegated to the side- cleric, her speech was ‘a disgraceful journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 9 travesty of the gospel.’ and the Scottish Liberal Democrats. alist fundamentalists over the mod- Scotland’s ‘nanny state’ was in- The election of John Smith as leader erates who were genuinely in favour creasingly under attack from Lon- of the Labour Party in allowed of a cross-party approach. In oppo- don. Yet many took pride in the the self-government question free sition to the Tories, many SNP standard of social welfare provision. expression in Scottish Labour circles. members believed the key to suc- With government ministers such as Suddenly, all opposition parties were cess lay in differentiating themselves Chancellor Nigel Lawson openly advocating a change to the Union, from Labour – thus independence scolding the Scots for their ‘depend- backed by stronger voices in the rather than home rule. ency culture’ and Scots being used churches, the trades unions and in The withdrawal of the SNP be- as guinea pigs for measures such as local government. fore the Convention began talks the hated poll tax, dissent grew. It worried the Scottish Liberal Demo- found expression on a wider canvass crats. Fearful of a Convention domi- too. While it had been in Scotland’s The Constitutional nated by the much larger Labour interest to help the English run the Convention Party, they had hoped the SNP’s British Empire, did not the gradual presence would allow Liberals to retreat from Empire and the immi- A century after the creation of the occupy the middle ground between nent loss of Hong Kong, in which post of Scottish Secretary under a minimalist and maximalist ap- Scots had played a significant role, Liberal government, Home Rule proaches to devolution. In fact they mean the English were fast outliv- was fully back in the spotlight of found allies in the smaller parties and ing their usefulness? Moreover, the mainstream politics. The Campaign the churches and discovered that the Single European Act of , pav- for a Scottish Assembly, erected from SNP’s withdrawal actually increased ing the way for a closer European the debris of the referendum Labour’s reliance on the Liberal Union, threw into sharp relief the campaign, decided to repeat some of Democrats to give the Convention measure of self-government enjoyed the tactics of the Covenant of . cross-party legitimacy. Moreover, on the continent from Bavaria to It launched a Scottish ‘Claim of Labour proved to be less monolithic Barcelona. Right’ in July to demonstrate than some Liberal Democrats had More and more Scots began to the breadth of support for reform. feared, with groups such as the question the Conservative Govern- On March the emerging STUC and the Scottish Labour ment’s legitimacy north of the bor- Scottish Constitutional Convention, Women’s Caucus siding with the der. The Scottish Grand Committee, set up under the joint chairmanship Liberal Democrats in favour of a composed of Westminster MPs rep- of Sir David Steel and Lord Ewing proportional election system and tax-raising powers for the Scottish Parliament. A ‘democratic deficit’ was becoming By , however, prominent Scottish Liberal Democrats were los- apparent. If Scotland voted consistently for ing enthusiasm for cooperation with left-of-centre government, why should it put Labour. As they had feared, they suf- fered by being perceived as too close up with right-wing governments foisted on it to the larger party. They blamed the by the English? drop in their party’s share of the vote at the general election on their involvement with Labour in the resenting Scottish constituencies, had to draw up a practical blueprint for Convention. Liberal Democrat seen its powers progressively reduced a Scottish Assembly, endorsed the leader and Gordon MP Malcolm under the Conservative Governments Claim of Right. Bruce, who had seen his own par- since ; in , having lost most The Scottish Constitutional liamentary majority sharply reduced of their Scottish seats, the Tories de- Convention enjoyed the support of and a byelection gain in neighbour- cided to boycott the committee, thus all opposition parties plus the ing Kincardine blown away like effectively killing it off. For Scotland churches and the trade unions. The snow off a dyke, led the change of this added insult to injury. SNP were concerned, however, that tack; but the new course was not to A ‘democratic deficit’ was be- it would deprive them of identity be long held, for concern for his own coming apparent. If Scotland voted and electoral advantage. In Novem- re-election led to Bruce handing consistently for left-of-centre gov- ber they had overturned a La- over the leadership in to Ork- ernment, why should it put up with bour majority to win % of the ney & Shetland member Jim Wallace, right-wing governments foisted on vote in a byelection in Glasgow’s whose constituents’ concerns about it by the English? Opposition to the Govan constituency. Their gen- government from Edinburgh, which Union now found expression be- eral election slogan, ‘Free by ’’, he understood, were balanced by the yond the narrow ranks of the SNP represented the triumph of Nation- strong personal commitment to
10 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 Scottish self-government bred in the gest at one point that scions of the Scottish establishment. they would not exceed Many felt that the SNP’s refusal those enjoyed by parish to join forces with other parties in councils south of the the Constitutional Convention had border. Any tax-raising delayed the project for home rule powers were to require and played into the hands of the un- a separate endorsement ionists. Frustrated by the surprising in the referendum. The re-election of a unionist government Scottish National in and the slow progress of the Party seized the op- Convention following John Smith’s portunity to accuse untimely death, Scottish Liberal Labour of insincerity; Democrats and leading Scottish La- even Scottish Liberals bour figures began to pool ideas felt obliged to con- about how to ensure that an incom- demn Labour’s new ing Labour government would de- policy as ‘a gross breach of liver the devolved government trust’. To some, dreams of a common one vote needed for a which seemed to many axiomatic of front seemed once again dashed. Scottish parliament’, needing to dif- the trend within the ever-more ferentiate themselves sharply from a prominent European Union. Labour Party which they argued In December the forces in A nation again could not be trusted on home rule, favour of home rule staged the larg- The determination of a small group and an SNP which now sought out- est political rally ever held in Scot- of prominent Scots politicians, how- right independence. In an important land. The leaders of the Scottish La- ever, brought together by institutions shift from previous election cam- bour, Scottish Liberal and Scottish such as the John Wheatley centre, paigns, however, they sought to con- National parties led over , in was undiminished. Under Labour centrate their campaigning not on the a demonstration, at the Meadows in front-bencher Robin Cook and Lib- constitutional issue but on issues of Edinburgh, against the democratic eral Democrat President Robert greater concern to the electorate such deficit. This was followed by a Maclennan, a series of talks on con- as health, crime and education. twenty-four hour vigil outside the stitutional reform narrowed down On the morning of May , old Royal High School on Calton the options for a Scottish Parliament, Scotland woke up to a changed po- Hill (the site of the proposed Scot- building on the measure of agree- litical landscape. Westminster had a tish parliament) which was main- ment that cooperation in the Con- Labour government with a landslide tained until the passing of the Scot- stitutional Convention had spawned. majority; just as importantly, there land Bill under the Labour govern- A new agreement on a voting sys- was not a single Conservative MP ment nearly five years later. tem was drawn up allowing for the left in Scotland. The unionists had The Liberal Democrats’ coopera- election of a reduced but nonethe- been routed. The Liberal Democrats tion with Labour proceeded, but not less substantial number of Members themselves had more than doubled without hiccup. The death of Labour of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) their Westminster representation to leader John Smith in deprived under proportional representation a total of forty-six MPs, ten of whom the home rule movement of a pow- top-up lists. Professor Bernard Crick, were from Scotland. Though halved erful ally. In , Labour leader for Labour, and the Liberal Demo- as a percentage of their party’s West- To ny Blair declared a shift in his par- crats’ David Millar of Edinburgh minster contingent, the Scottish Lib- ty’s position on devolution. A Labour University’s Europa Institute even eral Democrats were now without government, he said, would hold a prepared draft standing orders for the doubt the official opposition in Scot- referendum before proceeding to parliament. Liberal Democrat leader land. Despite significant tactical vot- legislate. It would not support the Paddy Ashdown used his growing ing to oust the Conservatives, pub- terms of the ‘electoral contract’ relationship with Labour leader Tony lic demand for devolution had not agreed between Scottish Liberals and Blair to coax him into viewing Scot- swept the SNP to great prominence; Scottish Labour under which the tish and Welsh self- government in their numbers had increased from Scottish Parliament would be com- domestic matters as necessary parts three MPs to six, but the general prised of almost equal numbers of of the modernisation of Britain. election result was viewed by some members elected under a constitu- The Scottish Liberal Democrats in the SNP as a disappointment. ency system plus proportional rep- were to approach the general The new government moved resentation top-up lists. He also election determined not to repeat quickly to introduce a bill on Scot- questioned the proposed Scottish their mistakes of five years earlier. tish devolution and to set a date for Parliament’s powers, causing wide- They campaigned on the theme: ‘one a referendum. For Scottish Liberal spread dismay by appearing to sug- vote for the Liberal Democrats is the Democrats, the referendum required journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 11 a ‘double yes’, since there were to be command a majority of votes in the Scottish Liberals their strongest ne- two questions, one on the principle parliament. Liberal Democrats offi- gotiating position. of devolution and one on whether cially remain neutral on their prefer- Whatever the outcome of the the new parliament should have rev- ence for a coalition partner, but many elections in May , Scotland’s enue-raising powers. Could the three believe inevitably that the choice will parliament is likely to have a gov- non-unionist parties decide to put be Labour. Labour and the Liberal ernment in which parties are obliged aside their differences and to cam- Democrats both believe in devolution to find common ground. It seems paign together for a ‘yes, yes’ vote? within the Union and worked to- almost certain that Liberal Demo- Prospects for cooperation be- gether in the Scottish Constitutional crats will follow the advice of the tween Labour and the Liberal Demo- Convention. The seats held by the now deceased Jo Grimond to ‘ex- crats were good: they had worked Liberal Democrats are unlikely to be pand their influence through seek- together in the Constitutional Con- won by Labour, and vice versa. The ing cooperation wherever possible vention and both had included a SNP, by contrast, remained aloof from with those of like mind’. commitment to a Scottish parliament the Convention and see devolution Graham Watson was Chair of Paisley in their election manifestos. Se- as a stepping stone to independence; Liberal Association, and a member of the SLP executive, from –. He con- tested byelections in Glasgow Central in The system of proportional representation June and Glasgow Queen’s Park for the election of MSPs is only the most in December . From – he was head of the private office of Liberal leader evident of the results of the common front David Steel. In he became the first with other parties which Jo Grimond and Scottish and British Liberal ever to be elected to the European Parliament – for David Steel had advocated. a constituency south of the border! Notes: curing the support of the SNP was indeed they have pledged themselves G. S. Pryde, Scotland from to the more problematic; they opposed to a referendum on independence if Present Day, p. . home rule, seeing independence as they gain office. H. H. Asquith was MP for Paisley – , and it had been solidly Liberal be- the only solution for Scotland. Even- Liberal Democrat collaboration fore then; the Liberals held the seat again tually their leader Alex Salmond MP, with Labour at Westminster adds to from –. under pressure from the other par- the likelihood of cooperation in the John McCormick, ‘Flag in the Wind’. ties, decided to support the campaign Scottish Parliament, though some The other Scottish Liberal representa- since his party’s constitution required argue that the Liberals have rarely tive was John J. Mackay, who fought Ar- gyll as a Liberal in and be- it to ‘further Scotland’s interests’; home gained from pacts with Labour, cit- fore contesting the seat as a Conserva- rule would be presented as a step down ing the s and the s, and tive in and winning it for the To- the road to independence. A the prospect of a new Liberal Demo- ries in . cross-party umbrella group, ‘Scotland crat leader may throw the party’s The pamphlet was subsequently pub- FORward’, was established to promote cooperation strategy into question. lished in October as ‘Having been agreed by a panel of Scottish Liberals’. the new parliament, but the lacklustre Many Scottish Liberal Democrats Scottish Liberal Party Council and Ex- nature of the opposition ‘Think twice’ favour an agreement with the SNP ecutive Committee minutes, Edinburgh campaign provided little competition. and would support a referendum on University Library. The Tories were in some disarray af- independence within the lifetime of The Earl of Home had assumed the pre- ter their election disaster. the first Scottish parliament. Donald miership on October and had re- Scotland voted unequivocally in Gorrie MP and party treasurer signed his peerage to seek election to the Commons. favour of a Scottish parliament with Dennis Robertson Sullivan are The SNP’s special council meeting had tax-varying powers. Through coop- among the most prominent advo- been convened to discuss a reorganisa- eration in the Constitutional Con- cates of this position, which has also tion plan drawn up by Gordon Wilson, vention, the Liberal Democrats had been discussed between MPs repre- later to lead his party. Towards the end achieved their aim of home rule for senting the two parties at Westmin- of the meeting Tom Gibson, a promi- nent Nationalist, editor of the Scots In- Scotland. The system of proportional ster. A further option, favoured by dependent and an opponent of a pact, representation for the election of some, would be to allow a minority had to leave. Wolfe saw his chance to MSPs is only the most evident of the government to operate, with Liberal get his issue on to the party’s agenda results of the common front with Democrats lending support on an and seized it. other parties which Jo Grimond and agreed programme. Most recognise SLP executive committee minutes. Despite the prestige of ministerial office, David Steel had advocated. that keeping their options open un- Iain Sproat was to fail in his bid to se- The voting system, however, will til after the votes have been counted cure re-election to Parliament in mean that no one party is likely to and the MSPs are known gives the Roxburgh & Berwickshire in . In
12 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 one of the most delicious ironies in Labour Party in January . For an twentieth-century Scottish politics, he account of this short-lived venture, see had abandoned his Aberdeen South con- H. M. Drucker, Break-away: the Scottish 1895 election stituency for fear that he would lose it. Labour Party. A young candidate named Gerry Her speech of May , reported in R. W. Wilson, the victorious Liberal Malone was ousted from the new con- The Scotsman two days later (‘Sermon on MP for Mid-Norfolk in 1895, stituency of Roxburgh & Berwickshire the Mound’, May ) included the presented a framed certificate to to make way for the minister, who sub- monstrous proposition that the good Sa- his helpers. It is in colour with a sequently failed to win the seat. The only maritan’s greatest asset was his bulging photograph of the MP and a thank- seat left for Gerry Malone was the afore- wallet. It was probably the most insensi- you letter to the recipient. One was mentioned Aberdeen South, which he tive address to a General Assembly of the proceeded to hold for the Tories. Kirk since Cromwell’s ‘bowels of Christ’ found in an antique shop in Budge and Urwin, in Scottish Political letter of August . Norfolk by subscriber Tony Behaviour, pp. –, suggest on the con- Andrew Marr, The Battle for Scotland, . Luckhurst. If anyone would like to trary that voters perceived the Scottish The SNP claimed they were ‘ grossly acquire a colour copy, please Liberals as being opposed to home rule; under-represented’ at the Convention. contact him at [email protected]. if so the voters paid remarkably little at- They had been offered % of the seats, tention to either the party’s literature or a calculation based on the party’s number the media reports of its campaigning. of MPs and local councillors alter the The motion was finally referred back for general election, but claimed that for ‘Slogans, Not Policies’. further discussion. their recent success in opinion polls and Scottish Liberal Democrat executive Christopher Harvie, in No Gods and Pre- byelections entitled them to greater rep- committee minutes, September . cious Few Heroes, pp. –, contends resentation. Allan Massie, Sunday Times, Decem- that ‘after the Liberals kept their Wallace was always more comfortable ber . distance from the SNP’. He is mistaken. with cooperation with Labour than the SNP Deputy Leader John Swinney and The Scotsman, May . SNP. In a speech to the Liberal Demo- Scottish Liberal Democrat campaign William Wolfe, Scotland Lives, p. . crat conference in Inverness in , he coordinator Michael Moore discussed Two Labour MPs and a host of their sup- launched a stinging attack on the SNP, potential cooperation over lunch at porters left Labour to form the Scottish suggesting that the party’s acronym stood Westminster.
Research in Progress This column aims to assist research projects in progress. If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other helpful information – or if you know anyone who can – please pass on details to them. If you know of any other research project in progress for inclusion in this column, please send details to the Editor at the address on page 2.
The party agent and English electoral culture, The Liberal Party and foreign and defence c.1880 – c.1906. The development of political agency policy, 1922–88. Book and articles; of particular as a profession, the role of the election agent in managing interest is the 1920s and ’30s, and also the possibility of election campaigns during this period, and the changing interviewing anyone involved in formulating the foreign nature of elections, as increased use was made of the and defence policies of the party. Dr R. S. Grayson, 8 press and the platform. Kathryn Rix, Christ's College, Cheltenham Avenue, Twickenham TW1 3HD. Cambridge, CB2 2BU; [email protected]. The Liberal Party 1945–56. Contact with members Defections of north-east Liberals to the (or opponents) of the Radical Reform Group during the Conservatives, c.1906–1914. Aims to suggest 1950s, and anyone with recollections of the leadership of reasons for defections of individuals and develop an Clement Davies, sought. Graham Lippiatt, 24 Balmoral understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources Road, South Harrow, HA2 8TD. include personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of the papers of more obscure The grassroots organisation of the Liberal Party Liberal defectors welcome. Nick Cott, 1a Henry Street, 1945–64; the role of local activists in the late 1950s Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; revival of the Liberal Party. Mark Egan, First Floor Flat, 16 [email protected]. Oldfields Circus, Northolt, Middlesex UB5 4RR.
The Hon H. G. Beaumont (MP for Eastbourne The Unservile State Group, 1953–1970s. Dr Peter 1906–10). Any information welcome, particularly on his Barberis, 24 Lime Avenue, Flixton, Manchester M41 5DE. political views (he stood as a Radical). Tim Beaumont, 40 The political and electoral strategy of the Liberal Elms Road, London SW4 9EX. Party 1970–79. Individual constituency papers from this Liberals and the local government of London period, and contact with individuals who were members of 1919–39. Chris Fox, 173 Worplesdon Road, Guidlford the Party’s policy committees and/or the Party Council, GU2 6XD; [email protected]. particularly welcome. Ruth Fox, 7 Mulberry Court, Bishop’s Stortford, Herts CM23 3JW. journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 13 ‘The Steady Tapping Breaks the Rock’ Russell Deacon traces the history of the post-war Welsh Liberal tradition.
There is a Welsh proverb which states that it is the sented Welsh constituencies, for instance. MPs from Wales have played a prominent role in the ‘steady tapping that breaks the rock’. Over the last United Kingdom party as well. The national forty years, Welsh Liberals have undergone a process party was twice led by Welsh Liberal MPs: of consolidation rather than experienced any David Lloyd George (–) and Clement Davies (–). significant expansion. After Plaid Cymru’s political The origins of a distinct Welsh Liberal breakthrough in the s the Welsh Liberals and Party go back to the closing decade of the then the Welsh Liberal Democrats remained the last century. In the late nineteenth century the Liberals in Wales were split into two Federa- fourth political party in Wales. Recent Conservative tions of North and South Wales. The North misfortunes have brought the Welsh Liberal Wales Liberal Federation supported the idea Democrats back to the position of third largest of a Welsh Liberal Party that was distinct from that in England. Anglicised Liberals in the political party in Wales. This article explores the South, however, strongly resisted ‘Welsh domi- history of the Welsh Liberal Party since its nation’. The present day Welsh Party emerged when Lloyd George formed the Welsh Lib- establishment in and more latterly the Welsh eral Council in . The lack of trust be- Liberal Democrats, formed in . tween the northern and southern elements of the party, however, ensured that the Council was only an organisational shell. Power re- ‘Our spirit is such that if the Liberal Party died mained with the Federations. elsewhere it would always go on in Wales’ Between and , the Asquith/Lloyd Major Parry Brown (Chairman of the Liberal George split and the three-way division caused Party in Wales), December by the formation of the National Government Major Parry Brown’s confidence in the in caused divisions within Wales which Welsh Liberals reflected a strong Liberal tradi- ensured that the Council’s role remained ir- tion in Wales which reached its peak in relevant. The key post of Welsh Liberal Agent when, for the first time this century, Wales be- and Secretary was not even filled between came a Tory-free zone. The Liberal and Lib- and , and often the Northern and South- Lab candidates took thirty-three of Wales’ ern Federations passed conflicting resolutions. thirty-five seats, with the Labour Party taking The party lacked a Welsh identity in everything the other two. Liberalism in Wales had reached but name and developed few distinctively Welsh its zenith. For the whole of the twentieth cen- policies beyond support for political and ad- tury Liberalism has held on in Wales – though ministrative devolution. sometimes, such as during the periods between In , the Liberal Party contested eight- – and –, by only one seat. There een seats in Wales, winning eight; Liberals in has, however, never been a period in the twen- Welsh seats made up more than half of the par- tieth century when Liberalism has not been liamentary party. Between – the represented in Wales, in contrast to Welsh na- number of Welsh Liberal MPs was reduced tionalism, in the shape of Plaid Cymru, or Con- from eight to two; in the latter year, the Welsh servatism. For parts of the twentieth century component of the Parliamentary Liberal Party Wales almost acted as a refuge for Liberalism was reduced to a third. The number of Welsh within the United Kingdom – half of the par- seats contested by Liberals had also fallen, to liamentary party after the election repre- eight. Liberals were represented in local gov-
14 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 ernment only where they were pre- dred delegates at the Welsh Lib- pared to stand as independents. eral Conference at Llanidloes Table 1 Strong measures were felt to be decided, upon Hooson’s advice, Liberal Party/Alliance/Liberal needed in order to save the party; in to set up a separate party, based Democrat share of votes and the secretary of the party in on the Scottish Liberal Party seats in Wales 1970–97 Wales, G. Madoc-Jones, declared that: model, with federated links to Year % of vote MPs ‘a constructive and positive remedy the Liberal Party Organisation 1970 6.8 1 would be for the Liberal Party of in London. This move was un- 1974 Feb 16.0 2 Wales to declare itself an autono- popular in south Wales but a 1974 Oct 15.5 2 mous and quite independent organi- federal structure has been re- 1979 10.6 1 sation.’ Clement Davies had con- tained ever since. 1983 23.2 2 centrated on the survival of the na- Policy in the new Welsh 1987 17.9 3 tional party and therefore had done party continued to be focused 1992 12.4 1 little to encourage Welsh party devo- on political devolution. The 1997 12.0 2 lution. This notion was taken up by standard and depth of debate Emlyn Hooson upon his election for on this issue within the party Clement Davies’ seat of Mont- meant that, at its second annual con- party. Owing to Howells and gomeryshire following Davies’ death ference, at Llandrindod Wells in June Hooson, the Liberals’ commitment in . Over the next few years , Hooson was able to declare to devolution, including the propos- Hooson, together with other promi- that his party had become ‘the think- als of the Callaghan government, was nent Welsh Liberals such as Lord ing party in Wales …. the think-tank reinforced. Beyond devolution, how- Ogmore, Martin Thomas, G.W. of Welsh politics’. Welsh Liberals ever, both MPs paid only limited at- Madoc-Jones and Geraint Howells, championed devolution at Westmin- tention to policy creation or the determined to pursue a far greater ster. Hooson introduced the Gov- general stewardship of the Welsh degree of Welsh devolution within ernment of Wales Bill, which advo- Liberal Party. The party failed to the Liberal Party. They were also cated a Welsh Parliament, on St. make any real gains in the local gov- concerned that Plaid Cymru was David’s Day , though this was ernment elections of and , increasingly stealing their clothes on soundly defeated. Over the next ten which saw major Labour setbacks. the issue of devolution, and build- years, the Liberals fought hard to dis- The practical role of holding the ing up a healthy support in many tra- tinguish themselves in their enthu- Welsh party together was left to ditional Liberal areas of North siasm for devolution from Plaid Martin Thomas QC, Vice Chair of Wales. Cymru. the Welsh Party between –, Graham Jones, the Welsh histo- The fact that the Welsh Liberals Chair between – and Presi- rian, saw the Liberals in the period had further embraced devolution dent between –. Thomas, a up until as a party which: made little difference to their successful barrister based in North ‘emerged as increasingly the politi- electability in the general elec- Wales and London, played a crucial cal home of the elderly, ever more tion, where the party only contested role in running the Welsh party and detached from the mainstream of around a third of the seats (Table ). encouraging policy creation across a Welsh political life, many of its But they did gain Cardiganshire in broad range of issues until the younger radicals defecting to Labour, February , and by the general general election. the Welsh patriots embracing Plaid election of October the party Howells’ support for devolution Cymru, and some former Liberals was able to contest all of the Welsh may have been popular in the Welsh finding a congenial home in the seats for the first time since . -speaking heartland of Cardiganshire, Conservative Party. The Liberal ap- Over the next twenty-three years, but was less so in Montgomeryshire. peal and commitment to traditional however, despite achieving, at most, Hooson’s support for devolution al- values and memories were no longer in , almost a quarter of the ienated him from the increasing sufficient to win the party mass elec- Welsh popular vote, the party never number of English immigrants into toral support in Wales.’ won more than three MPs in Wales the area. In the general elec- In March Roderic Bowen (Table ). tion, as the Liberals prepared to cel- was defeated by votes in the tra- The Liberal victory in ebrate a ‘Liberal century’ in Mont- ditional Liberal seat of Cardiganshire. Cardiganshire brought on to the gomeryshire, Hooson lost his seat. With the Liberals reduced to just political stage the Ponterwyd hill- Welsh Liberal fortunes were once one seat (Emlyn Hooson’s Mont- farmer Geraint Howells. Howells, again at a low ebb. gomeryshire) and with a fearful eye like Hooson, was an ardent devolu- The limited popularity of devo- being trained upon the rising for- tionist. On some issues, such as lution forced Howells and the Welsh tunes of Plaid Cymru, the momen- Welsh education, he sometimes ap- party to concentrate on other areas tum for change began to build up. peared closer to the Plaid Cymru of policy, including local government On September , two hun- agenda than to that of his own reform. This made little difference to journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 15 the fortunes of the Welsh Liberal thirty-four included only four who parliamentary representation, retain- Party and not even the advent of the had previously belonged to the SDP. ing only one seat, Alex Carlile’s Alliance with the Social Democratic This implied that the core of the Montgomeryshire. As a result of this Party (SDP) boosted significantly Welsh Liberal Democrats remained poor election performance, the par- Liberal representation in Wales. strongly Liberal in background; the ty’s Swansea conference de- Montgomery was regained in , party’s three MPs – Carlile, Howells cided to take a number of measures by Alex Carlile, but this was a mea- and Livsey – were all former Lib- to avoid the Liberal Democrats’ to- gre reward for an Alliance poll of eral Party members. As a result, it was tal elimination in Wales. Prominent .%. Carlile was much more of a traditional Welsh Liberal ideals, rather amongst these was the upgrading of national politician than Howells, than those of the SDP, which shaped the party’s Welsh HQ, which for the who directed his attention towards the Welsh party’s policy agenda. This previous two decades had been run his own special interests of home af- encouraged weak central control of by part-time staff, to a full-time of- fairs and agriculture. Liberal Democrats in Wales, espe- fice. It also allowed for the employ- Richard Livsey’s byelection vic- cially because the SDP bequeathed ment of a full-time party manager, tory in , as Liberal/Alliance, did little in the way of money or admin- Judi Lewis, who had previously been little to revitalise the Welsh party. At istrative resources to the new party. secretary to Geraint Howells MP. A the conference so few delegates The Alliance’s inheritance did distinct Welsh policy agenda was also arrived that the conference came include some benefits. The creation to be encouraged. close to being abandoned. It was of the SDP, and its alliance with the Alex Carlile attempted to fulfil unsurprising, therefore, that at the Liberals, breathed new life into Lib- the role of Welsh Leader and federal general election the party’s vote erals at local government level. Al- party spokesman on issues ranging fell back to .% and no new seats though few SDP councillors were from health to the Home Office for were won, although the three exist- elected, for the first time in decades the next five years. While Howells ing seats were held. Liberal councillors appeared on ur- and Hooson had also adopted this In March a joint conference ban councils, including Cardiff and role in the past, the demands made of both the Welsh Liberal Party and Swansea. The Alliance also tended to on Carlile’s time by the media, as SDP, although attended by only contest more seats than either the well as by Welsh question time, the eight members, saw both parties Conservatives or Plaid Cymru. As a Welsh Grand Committee, the Welsh merged. The SDP had never suc- consequence, whereas the Liberals Affairs Select Committee and other ceeded in winning a Parliamentary had held .% of district council parliamentary activities requiring a seat in Wales and, unlike in England seats in , the Alliance held .% Welsh Liberal input, were consider- or Scotland, no prominent SDP MPs in ; there was a similar rise in able. To help Carlile, Martin Thomas or peers were able to stamp their the number of county council seats was elevated to the peerage in . mark on the new Welsh party. Only held, from .% in to .% in He was the first Welsh Liberal a few of the key Welsh SDP figures . Although this did not include Democrat or Welsh Liberal who had such as Gwynoro Jones (former La- the control of any councils, it did not been an MP to join the House bour MP for Carmarthen) and Tom give the Alliance a presence for the of Lords since the party’s formation Ellis (former Labour MP for first time on many. in . Wrexham) and a few SDP council- Whilst the s had proved to By the time of the general lors in Neath and Taff-Ely district be a period of expansion for the Al- election the Welsh party had pub- councils remained much involved at liance, the European elections licly targeted the seats of Brecon & the time of the merger, and none and the general election were Radnorshire, Ceredigion, Conwy became prominent in the new party. severe disappointments for the Welsh and Montgomeryshire for election Cardiff Liberal councillor Jenny Liberal Democrats. In the latter elec- victories. All needed swings of .% Randerson, for instance, beat tion, Geraint Howells lost his seat to or less; Brecon & Radnorshire was Gwynoro Jones in the contest for the Plaid Cymru and Richard Livsey lost one of the most marginal seats in the chairmanship of the new party. By his to the Conservatives. The party whole of the United Kingdom. In the Welsh Party Executive of fell behind Plaid Cymru in terms of Ceredigion and Conwy the Liberal Democrats put forward two tradi- tional Welsh-speaking Liberal candi- dates, Dai Davies and Roger Table 2 Welsh Liberal Party fortunes 1970 and 1997 Roberts. In the event, however, the Election Seats contested Position (%) Lost deposits party quietly abandoned Ceredigion. 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th (no.) A traditionally Welsh-speaking and 1970 17 out of 36 6 7 53 29 6 2 politically independent area, the 1997 40 out of 40 5 18 55 23 0 2 mainly English-speaking Welsh Ex- ecutive felt that an uncharismatic (Sums do not total 100% due to rounding) candidate had been selected and that
16 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 the seat was now irretrievably na- third party in Wales may well be rep- tional Question Again: Welsh Political tionalist. Plaid increased its majority resented throughout Wales for the Identity in the s (Gomer Press, from less than two thousand votes first time since . It will be case ), p. . Clive Betts, The Political Conundrum to over ten thousand. Ceredigion of the ‘steady tapping of the Welsh (Gomer Press, ), p. . was replaced by Cardiff Central as Liberal Democrats’ finally breaking J. Graham Jones, ‘The Liberal Party and the party’s fourth most winnable the rock of its widespread political Wales –’, The Welsh History Review Welsh seat. exclusion. : (June ), p. . Conwy’s fate, however, was differ- Roberts, ‘The Strange Death of Liberal Russell Deacon is a senior lecturer in Wales’, p. . ent. A Conservative/Liberal marginal government and politics at the Univer- Graham Jones, ‘The Liberal Party and throughout the s, Labour, who sity of Wales Institute, Cardiff (UWIC) Wales – ’, p. . had become the strongest party on Graham Jones, ‘The Liberal Party and Business School. He was Director of the local council in , came from Wales –’, p. . Policy for Liberal Democrats Wales in the third to win in . Richard Livsey Roberts, ‘The Strange Death of Liberal general election, and the Welsh par- Wales’ p. did, however, regain Brecon & ty’s principal author of its proposals for Graham Jones, ‘The Liberal Party and Radnorshire in a more anglicised part a Welsh Parliament: ‘A Senedd for Wales: Wales – ’, p. . of Wales. Montgomeryshire was won Duncan Brack et al (eds), Dictionary of beyond a talking shop’. by Lembit Öpik, a Newcastle coun- Liberal Biography (Politico’s Publishing, cillor from Northern Ireland born of Notes: ), p. . Betts, The Political Conundrum, p. . The Welsh Liberal Democrats’ official Estonian parents, with no previous K. O. Morgan ‘Montgomeryshire’s Lib- title is Liberal Democrats Wales, chosen Welsh background. Thus Welsh Lib- eral Century: Rendel to Hooson, – by the former leader Alex Carlile because eral Parliamentary representation re- ’, The Welsh History Review : (June it translates more closely the Welsh name ), p. . mained restricted to the English bor- of Democratiaid Rhyddfydol Cymru. For Brack, Dictionary of Liberal Biography, p. der county of Powys, and neither MP grammatical reasons they are referred to . spoke Welsh. The failure of the Con- as the Welsh Liberal Democrats through- Betts, The Political Conundrum, p. . out this article. servatives to win any seats in Wales M. Rallings and M. Thrasher, Local Gov- K. O. Morgan, Rebirth of a Nation (Ox- in meant that the Liberal ernment Election Results, Local Govern- ford University Press, ), p.. ment Chronicle , p.xix. Democrats at Westminster, as well as D. Roberts, ‘The Strange Death of Lib- at local government level, could truly eral Wales’ in J. Osmond (ed), The Na- claim to be the third party in Wales for the first time since the early s. It was also significant that the total Liberal Democrat vote in Wales re- A Liberal Democrat History Group Evening Meeting mained the same as in , at .%, despite the party languishing at be- Did the Yellow Book spell the end tween –% in Welsh opinion polls between –. of Asquithian Liberalism? In its first general election as a federal party, , the Welsh Liberal Britain's Industrial Future, the report of the Liberal Industrial Party contested % of the seats and Inquiry established by Lloyd George, was far in advance of came first in just one (Table ). In any comparable contribution to political debate when it its most recent election, , the appeared in February 1928. Welsh Liberal Democrats contested all of the seats and came first in two. The 'Yellow Book's' advocacy of government planning to Its overall electoral position re- reduce unemployment formed the basis of the Liberal mained better than in but it election campaign of 1929. What difference did it really never managed to break out of the make to British politics? Did it change the direction of the counties of Ceredigion or Powys at a Parliamentary level during the in- Liberal Party? tervening period. As in , how- Discuss the issues with leading historians of the period ever, the party remained in the po- sition of the third most popular in John Grigg and Richard Grayson. the majority of the seats it contested. (The meeting will follow the History Group AGM, at Perhaps a fitting judgement on a political party that has always 6.30pm). thought to provide a third way in Welsh politics. When the first pro- 7.00pm, Monday 12 April portional elections are held for the National Liberal Club, 1 Whitehall Place, London SW1 Welsh Assembly, in May , the journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 17 In From The Fringes? The Scottish Liberal Democrats Peter Lynch examines the development of the Scottish Liberal Democrats and assesses whether the party can emerge from the fringes of Scottish politics to become an important player in the Scottish Parliament.
It is not only the Federal Liberal Democrats who eral Democrats as a determinedly Scottish party committed to home rule historical roots in Scot- celebrate their tenth birthday this year, but also the tish culture and politics. Undoubtedly, the par- Scottish Liberal Democrats, created by the merger ty’s role in the future Scottish Parliament will of the Scottish Liberal Party and the Scottish SDP serve to make it even more distinctive from the federal organisation. in . Scotland has always been important to the Liberal Democrats and the Liberal tradition in The Liberal Tradition general, both historically and in recent times. It would be no exaggeration to say that Liber- After all, it was Scotland which provided alism was the political movement of nineteenth- Jo Grimond and David Steel, in addition to century Scotland. The Liberal Party dominated around a half to one third of the party’s MPs elections from until the s, when the at Westminster, many of them in prominent splits within the party over Irish home rule front-bench positions, such as Malcolm Bruce created the break-away Liberal Unionists to and Menzies Campbell, or holding important divide the Liberal vote. However, even then, positions within the federal party organisation, support for the Liberals never dipped below such as Charles Kennedy and Bob Maclennan. % in Scotland from –, with the re- Clearly, without their Scottish MPs, the Alli- sult that the Liberals were almost always able ance would have been a much weakened force to harvest a substantial majority of Scottish seats from –. In addition, since , given until the end of the First World War. After , the new intake of MPs, the Scottish contin- however, the party went into what seemed like gent provides the party with some of its most a permanent decline, fuelled by the UK-wide experienced parliamentarians. divisions of the s and s, only briefly It can also be argued that it is the Scottish reviving in the s before experiencing a Liberal Democrats (SLD) that make the Liberal much more substantial renaissance in the s. Democrats (and the Liberals before them) a Ironically, the Liberal tradition lived on after genuinely federal party. This may sound an ex- in the shape of the Scottish Unionist Party, aggerated claim given the existence of the Welsh with some of its inheritance reflecting previous and English parties, but can be appreciated given divisions over Irish home rule and the merger the size, political impact and autonomy enjoyed of the Liberal Unionists with the Conservatives by the Scottish party within the federal struc- in . This brought a radical, liberal element ture both before and after the merger. The into the Unionist Party in addition to a work- Scottish party has a clear identity, distinctive ing-class electorate opposed to Irish home rule policies and an entirely separate organisation and and Irish migration into Scotland. Whilst the membership structure – and a greater level of Liberals survived as a minor party after the s, autonomy – than its counterparts in Wales and reconstituted as the Scottish Liberal Federation England. In part, this is a result of Scotland’s in , a broader liberalism successfully oper- political and governmental distinctiveness within ated through Unionism and the experience of the UK, with different education and legal sys- the National coalition of the s. Significantly, tems and distinctive government arrangements National Liberal candidates were still standing through the Scottish Office. However, it is also for the Unionists in the s (indeed, eight of a result of the lengthy development of the Lib- them were elected in Scotland at the gen-
18 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 eral election), reflecting the extent to The party’s weaknesses in organi- of the Tories, but the SLD does re- which liberalism remained a viable sation and membership provide part main vulnerable to a Conservative political force in Scotland, though not of the reason for the limited success revival. one which actually helped the Scot- of the party in later years – and why Second, there is the fact that the tish Liberal Party itself. The Union- those successes only occurred in cer- SLD’s support is often non-existent ists were also careful to maintain good tain parts of Scotland – but the rise outside its heartlands in the Borders, relations and tacit electoral alliances of the Scottish National Party is also Highlands and Northeast. Besides with local Liberal parties in a number an important factor. Unlike the Lib- Edinburgh West, the party has no of Scottish constituencies, in order to erals in England, the Scottish party urban seats and is a marginal force avoid splitting the anti-Labour vote. faced an important competitor for in the central belt, which contains Thus, as the Liberal Party withered the third-party vote as Scotland de- the bulk of Scotland’s population and away across the UK from the s, veloped into a four-party system in seats. This reality makes the SLD ap- it was the Scottish Unionists who the s and s. For example, pear as something of a ‘regional’ were able to appear as a replacement the Liberal revival in saw the party in Scotland, represented in the party and the natural home for disaf- party’s support in England rising to rural areas and small towns, in com- fected and disenfranchised Liberals as .% in February and .% in petition with the Conservatives, but Liberal organisation declined – October. In Scotland, the party was unable to challenge Labour or the though Labour was also able to ben- pegged back to only .% and .% SNP. Devolution and the use of the efit from an ability to attract former at the two elections, whilst the Na- additional member system for elec- Liberal voters. tionalists emerged to take .% and tions to the Scottish Parliament is The Unionists’ success mirrored .% and become Scotland’s second one route out of this electoral ghetto, the Scottish Liberal Party’s failures party. The Liberals gradually coped as the SLD can expect to pick up in the period from the s to the with the Nationalist threat in their votes and seats through the regional s. Party-political liberalism de- own heartlands, but the SNP has re- party lists in urban central Scotland, clined across Scotland, and the party mained a long-term obstacle to the giving it a level of representation that confined itself to contesting a lim- Scottish Liberal Democrats and has has so far eluded it. ited number of seats at general elec- often appeared more capable of up- The SLD’s opinion poll rating for tions due to its organisational weak- setting the two-party balance in elections to the Scottish parliament nesses. For example, in , the Scotland than its older Liberal rival on May have shown nothing Scottish Liberals only contested nine – often in dramatic style. of the volatility of support for the of the seventy-one seats, followed by SNP and Labour, but they have only five in . Of course, such demonstrated an opportunity to per- targeting yielded reasonable results Electoral prospects form well. The fact that the election in these seats. It helped to maintain Although in the past the Scottish involves a two-vote system has dem- local organisations and support bases Liberal Democrats can clearly be onstrated the party’s ability to win in some rural areas which would seen as the victims of an unfair vot- support on the second ballot for re- provide the grounds for future suc- ing system, over the last decade they gional party lists. For example, poll- cess – as in Gordon, which the Lib- have become experts at playing the ing for the Herald in July sug- erals contested at every post-war first-past-the-post system. Indeed, gested that the SLD would gain % election (except ), Russell the Scottish Liberal Democrats have of first votes and % of second Johnston’s Inverness seat, which the not been disadvantaged by the FPTP votes, which would deliver fifteen party fought at every election from system, through the party’s ability to seats, whilst by December this onwards (except ) and concentrate its support in a small had risen to % on the first vote David Steel’s seat in the Borders, number of constituencies. In the and % on the second, delivering which the party contested at every s and s, the success of the nineteen seats. election from . party’s targeting was evident from its Either result would put the party However, the inability to fight ability to win and retain seats in gen- in a position to play a role in a coa- the majority of seats in Scotland be- eral elections, even while its support lition government. Also, such polls tween and meant that was declining in Scotland after , have been taken well in advance of Liberal popular support fell away and remained static at % between the campaign itself. The SLD are for- across large parts of the country, de- and . midable constituency campaigners, spite efforts to revive support by the There are two problems with the and can also be expected to gain party’s grassroots. Significantly, it was party’s electoral performance in from the new system through fight- only in , with the advent of the Scotland. First, too much of it has ing a distinctive second-vote cam- Alliance, that the Liberals (together come at the expense of one party, paign as the balancing party, capa- with the SDP) were able to contest the Conservatives. Clearly, there have ble, through coalition, of radicalising all of Scotland’s Westminster con- been special factors at work here in Labour or, alternately, moderating stituencies. relation to the anti-Scottish image the SNP. journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 19 has two potential suitors rather than party a bright new future and a po- From constructive one. In the SLD had private tential power-sharing role in govern- opposition to discussions with the Nationalists as ment, with more than an echo of potential coalition partners. David Steel’s rallying cry to the equidistance to Of course, the different political party assembly at Llandudno, to go situations in Scotland and the rest of back to their constituencies and pre- government? Britain requires a careful balance to pare for government. be struck between the party’s strat- The Scottish Parliament seem likely Dr Peter Lynch is a lecturer in politics at egy in Scotland and at Westminster. to deliver a governing role for the the University of Stirling and author of The SLD’s strategy has become one Scottish Liberal Democrats. The ‘Third-party politics in a four-party sys- of equidistance between the SNP combined effects of the electoral sys- tem: the Liberal Democrats in Scotland’, tem and the balance of electoral sup- and Labour, rather than of construc- Scottish Affairs (Winter ). port for the four parties in Scotland tive opposition to Labour. Indeed. is likely to produce a coalition gov- constructive opposition at Westmin- Notes: ernment after the first elections in ster could start to unravel if the SLD I. Hutchinson, ‘Scottish Unionism be- enters government with the SNP at tween the two world wars’, in Catriona May . Given that the Conserva- Holyrood, and could also be under- MacDonald (ed), Unionist Scotland – tives remain persona non grata, and the (Edinburgh: John Donald, ). fractious relations between Labour mined if the SLD aligns with Labour Richard Parry, Scottish Political Facts (Ed- and the SNP, it is the Liberal Demo- in Scotland and drags the party too inburgh: T. & T. Clark, ). crats who could emerge as the king- far into government with Labour. Peter Lynch, ‘Third-party politics in a However, Liberal Democrats in four-party system: the Liberal Democrats makers. The party’s involvement in Scotland and in London have been in Scotland’, Scottish Affairs (Winter a coalition in Edinburgh has been ), p.. generally assumed to involve Labour, adept at managing these types of Before , equidistance could not have in a reconstruction of the coalition problems before, and the autonomy worked in Scotland. The SLD could never within the Scottish Constitutional of the Scottish Liberal Democrats, and have argued it was equidistant between Convention from –. How- its experience in local government in Labour and the Tories, as it was involved particular, should provide it with a in a tacit coalition with Labour in the ever, the emergence of the SNP as a Scottish Constitutional Convention. In more credible force, and evident dis- range of high-calibre Scottish parlia- addition, the Tories were persona non grata satisfaction with Labour in office (es- mentary candidates capable of hold- in Scotland and all the opposition parties pecially in Scotland) has presented a ing their own as either government combined against them. considerable opportunity for the or opposition in Edinburgh. Devo- Liberal Democrats, as the party now lution therefore offers the Scottish
gambling’, as well as ‘no docking of No Docking of Horses’ Tails horses’ tails’. Other distinctive poli- cies included increased salaries for The fight for an independent Cumberland mole-catchers and the return of land confiscated from Jacobites to By Mark Egan their descendants. Undaunted by his disappointing result, Brownrigg emerged again in Cornwall is not the only English county for which , challenging William Whitelaw as an Independent Conservative. His independence has been claimed by parliamentary candidates. poll improved to votes but he In the s, William Brownrigg twice contested Penrith & again lost his deposit. This was of lit- the Border on the platform of ‘Home Rule for Cumberland’. tle concern to Brownrigg, who cov- ered his election expenses on this occasion by means of wagers with Born in , Brownrigg was a dependent candidate at the fellow farmers that he would again well-known, rather eccentric, general election, securing just stand. Sadly, Brownrigg did not pur- farmer at The Flatts, Kirkbampton, votes. Aside from his call for home sue his political career further and Cumberland. Prominent within the rule, he argued for the legalisation was unable to capitalise on the in- local farming community, Brown- of ‘cock-fighting [during Decem- creasing popularity of nationalism in rigg put himself forward as an In- ber], sweepstakes, card-playing and the s.
20 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 Devolution for the Duchy The Liberal Party and the Nationalist Movement in Cornwall Garry Tregidga examines the historical links between Liberalism and nationalists in Cornwall.
There is a tendency for Cornish nationalism to be vocating a federal system of government: ‘home rule all round’. Although Coweth as Kelto- either ignored or ridiculed in studies of ethno- Kernuak (the Celtic-Cornish Society) operated regionalism. The absence of a major nationalist party on a non-political basis, the Cornish Liberals on the lines of Scotland or Wales, combined with used the cultural themes raised by this organi- sation for political purposes. Thus, the cause of the conventional view that Cornwall is just part of Irish home rule was defended on pan-Celtic a vague and artificial region of the south-west, grounds, while some Liberal activists echoed centred on Bristol, ensures that this attitude is not their counterparts in Wales by calling for the disestablishment of the Anglican Church in really surprising. Cornwall. When Winston Churchill proposed the creation of regional legislatures for England Yet the Duchy has not been immune to de- in , the editor of a local Liberal newspaper velopments elsewhere in the Celtic fringe. Al- called for domestic self-government: though Mebyon Kernow (MK), the principal nationalist party, is effectively marginalised by ‘There is another Home Rule movement on the current electoral system, regional discon- the horizon. Self-government for Cornwall will tent has been the catalyst for political devel- be the next move …. The Metropolis is com- opments in Cornwall throughout this century. ing to mean everything, and all the provinces Moreover, the Liberal Party has been the main approximate towards the fashion of the centre beneficiary of this process. This article will …. We think this is much to be deplored, and therefore focus on the historical links between we do not see why Cornwall should not join Liberalism and the Celtic-Cornish movement, in the ‘Regionalist’ movement which is striv- ing in various parts of Western Europe to re- noting the impact of nationalist ideas on the Liberals and discussing the electoral failure of vive local patriotism.’ MK since , before concluding with a brief Yet the outbreak of the First World War re- look at the current relationship between MK moved those conditions which had allowed and the Liberal Democrats. these ideas to flourish. This was crucial since the debate over devolution had not developed The formative years sufficiently to make a lasting impact on party politics. Nevertheless, the experience of the The history of modem Cornish nationalism can inter-war period was to ensure that the po- be traced back to the end of the nineteenth cen- tential for regionalist discontent was to remain. tury. Following the Liberal split of over While Labour’s electoral breakthrough led to the question of home rule for Ireland, Gladstone the creation of a class-based political system, and his supporters decided to make the issue the Liberals remained entrenched as the main appear more relevant to mainland Britain by ad- alternative to the Conservatives in Cornwall. journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 21 Radical politics was still based on the Liberal Party was its main ally. This embrace a new role as a political traditional agenda of religious non- was demonstrated only a few months party. In MK contested the par- conformity, while Liberalism was after the creation of the group, when liamentary constituency of Falmouth presented as the anti-metropolitan senior Liberal figures like John Foot & Camborne, though the party at- alternative to the new Labour-Con- supported home rule on the grounds tracted less than a thousand votes. By servative alignment at Westminster. that Cornwall was a ‘separate nation’, , however, there were indica- This left the Liberals well placed to while it was only the Liberal Party tions that this new strategy was start- take advantage of the emergence of which supported devolution in the ing to succeed. In the election of that political nationalism after the Sec- election. The revival of Cor- year MK secured a total vote of ond World War. nish Liberalism in the late s re- , from the three constituencies flected widespread concern over the that it contested, while a month later weak state of the local economy, and the party’s chairman, Richard Jenkin, Mebyon Kernow: the activities of MK reinforced the polled , votes (.% or nearly pressure group to party’s claims that Cornwall was be- % of the total Cornish vote) in the ing ignored by central government. European parliamentary constitu- political party But the Liberals also accepted the ency of Cornwall & Plymouth. constitutional objectives of the Cor- But MK failed to build on these The formation of Mebyon Kernow nish movement. Peter Bessell and results. The party’s vote in West (Sons of Cornwall) in May John Pardoe, the MPs for Bodmin Cornwall slumped in (see Ta- marked an official change of direc- and North Cornwall, were members ble ) as anti-Conservative voters tion for the Cornish movement, since of MK, and in they declared switched to the new SDP/Liberal this was the first organisation publicly that the ‘Cornish people have the Alliance. The shock of this defeat, to support devolution. Its initial strat- same right to control their country, combined with a lack of funds and egy was to operate as a pressure group, its economy and its political future, a failure to develop a coherent strat- working with other organisations to as the other Celtic peoples of Scot- egy, meant that the nationalists did protect the interests of the region, and land and Wales’. not even contest the and producing policy documents on sub- elections. In MK fielded four jects ranging from local government candidates on the platform of reform to the need for a university Cornish nationalism self-government within the Euro- in Cornwall. Membership remained since 1970: failure pean Community, but the party relatively low until the s, when struggled to obtain an average vote public concern over a series of issues, and potential of just one per cent. from rural depopulation to the threat The electoral failure of the na- of territorial expansion from Ply- Yet this Liberal/MK nexus was un- tionalist movement reflects a number mouth, led to a dramatic rise in sup- dermined by the decision of the na- of basic problems. In the first place port. By , when MK contested tionalists to enter the electoral arena. the increasing significance of tacti- its first parliamentary election, the The byelection successes of Plaid cal voting ensures that a small party movement had a total membership Cymru and the SNP in the late like MK is going to be at a serious of over ,. s, combined with growing sup- disadvantage in Westminster elec- Although MK attracted support port for MK in local government tions, while the creation of the Cor- across the political spectrum, the elections, encouraged the group to
Table 1 Cornish nationalist vote at general elections *
St Ives Fal-Cam Bodmin ** Truro North Cornwall Election Vote % Vote % Vote % Vote % Vote % 1970 – – 960 2.0 – – – – – – 1974 Feb – – – – – – 85 1.5 – – 1974 Oct – – – – – 384 0.7 – – 1979 1662 4.0 1637 3.0 865 1.7 227 0.4 – – 1983 569 1.2 582 1.2 – – – – 364 0.7 1987 – – – – – – – – – – 1992 – – – – – – – – – – 1997 – – 238 0.4 573 1.0 450 0.8 645 1.1
* Mainly Mebyon Kernow candidates, but includes Cornish Nationalist Party (CNP) at Truro in 1979 and North Cornwall in 1983. ** South-East Cornwall constituency since 1983.
22 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 further strengthened after tionalists. Many issues still need to Table 2 Cornish nationalist vote at by the popular ap- be resolved, but under the moder- European elections (Cornwall & peal of David Penhaligon ate and practical leadership of Ri- Plymouth constituency) (MP for Truro), and it was chard Cole the party is currently at- only to be expected that tracting younger members and de- Election Vote % Party a separate electoral chal- veloping a more professional ap- 1979 10205 5.9 MK lenge by the nationalists proach to electioneering. MK’s im- 1984 1892 1.0 CNP 1989 4224 1.9 MK would fail at the Westmin- mediate objective is to build a base 1994 3315 1.5 MK ster level. in local government, and the first major test of this new strategy will come with this year’s district coun- nish Nationalist Party, a breakaway Future prospects cil elections when the party will be group formed in , also points to If we are to consider the prospects fielding a record number of candi- the tendency for fragmentation with for MK we must therefore start with dates. If this challenge achieves re- any marginalised organisation. The the Liberal Democrats. The relation- sults MK might finally start to es- nationalists also failed to develop a ship between MK and its old ally has tablish itself as a serious electoral long-term election strategy. Al- become increasingly complex in re- force in Cornish politics. though MK can expect to poll a cent years. In one sense the legacy of Dr Garry Tregidga is Assistant Director higher share of the vote in district the days of Bessell and Pardoe still of the Institute of Cornish Studies. and county council elections, local continues since the county’s Liberal victories were not used as a spring- Democrat MPs, particularly Andrew Notes: board for future success. This was George (MP for St Ives), tend to be .For a more detailed discussion of this demonstrated in the early s. In subject see G. Tregidga, ‘The Politics of sympathetic to MK ideas like a Cor- the previous decade MK had won a the Celto-Cornish Revival – ’ nish Assembly and a separate Re- in P. Payton (ed.), Cornish Studies number of seats on local councils, gional Development Agency. But the (). but just as this strategy was starting Liberal Democrats are also now the .For further information on the history to succeed the party effectively with- ‘establishment’ party in local govern- of MK see P. Payton, The Making of Mod- drew from local elections until the ern Cornwall (Redruth, ), pp. – ment. MK activists are suspicious of late s! In recent years national- and B. Deacon, ‘The Electoral Im- many leading Liberal Democrat pact of Cornish Nationalism’, in C. ist candidates can still expect to poll councillors in Cornwall, and believe O’Luain (ed.), For a Celtic Future (Dub- a median vote of over %, while the that the failure to press for a separate lin, ). party retains a small presence in lo- RDA will ultimately lead to political . Cornish Guardian, May ; New cal government, with one seat on the rule from Bristol if devolution is ex- Cornwall : (October ). county council and three seats at the . Quoted in Payton, The Making of Mod- tended to the English regions. ern Cornwall, p. . district level. In retrospect the par- These factors are currently shap- . See Cornish Nation (Autumn ) ty’s failure to concentrate its efforts ing the electoral strategy of the na- and (Winter –). at the local level was therefore a se- rious mistake. However, the underlying prob- lem for the nationalists lies with the central role of the Liberals in Cor- Membership Services nish politics. Although Plaid Cymru The following listings are available to History Group members: and the SNP could rely on a con- tinuous tradition of political activ- Mediawatch: a bibliography of major articles on the Liberal Democrats ity stretching back to the inter-war appearing in the broadsheet papers, major magazines and academic period, MK was a latecomer to the journals from 1988; plus articles of historical interest appearing in the world of party politics. By the late major Liberal Democrat journals from 1995. s the Cornish electorate had al- Thesiswatch: all higher degree theses listed in the Bulletin of the Institute ready been mobilised on the of Historical Research under the titles ‘Liberal Party’ or ‘liberalism’ (none yet anti-metropolitan issue by the Lib- under SDP or Liberal Democrats). eral Party. The crucial point about Any subscriber is entitled to receive a copy of either listing free; send an A4 the long-term development of SSAE to the address on page 2. Up to date versions can also be found on ethno-regionalism in Cornwall was our web site (www.dbrack.dircon.co.uk/ldhg). that until this process was mainly associated with the Liberals. Help needed: we need a volunteer to keep these listings up to date: That party’s local role as the anyone with access to the British Humanities Index (Bowker Saur) and the centre-left and anti-metropolitan al- journal Theses Completed (both should be available in university libraries). ternative to the Conservatives was Anyone willing to help should contact the Editor at the address on page 2. journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 23 From Liberalism to Nationalism: The political career of David Murray Mark Egan examines the career of one politician who epitomised the relationship between Liberals and Nationalists in Scotland.
The links between the Liberal Party and Scottish Glen-Coats’ reply was doubly disappoint- ing; she argued that home rule was ‘not a big nationalism have been detailed elsewhere in this issue in the Isles, as they are as suspicious of Journal, particularly by Graham Watson. The career Edinburgh as of London’, and that the SLP of David Murray, who stood four times for would not back Murray against Wing-Com- mander Huntly Sinclair, the independent Lib- Parliament in the s, illustrates the close eral candidate. Murray’s protest that Sinclair was relationship between Liberals and Nationalists at that a right-winger, adopted by the local Liberal As- time. Murray began his political career in the Scottish sociation only because he could pay his own election expenses, fell on deaf ears, so he Convention movement in support of home rule, claimed to have the support of Glen-Coats and serving alongside several prominent Liberals, but the SLP anyway. Glen-Coats telegrammed the within twenty years was active in opposition to SLP’s support of Sinclair at the last moment, even though the latter had indicated his un- David Steel in the Roxburgh, Selkirk & Peebles willingness to accept the Liberal whip if elected, constituency. leading to an acrimonious exchange of corre- spondence between Murray and the SLP. David Murray was an engineer and jour- Murray polled just votes in , with nalist who had travelled extensively prior to Macmillan defeating Sinclair by a majority of the second world war, before standing for Par- ,. In October, Murray again contacted liament for the Western Isles in at the age Glen-Coats to warn her that the Liberal As- of fifty. Murray appears to have chosen the sociation was considering an alliance with the Western Isles, where he challenged Labour MP local Tories, but that some senior local Liber- Malcolm Macmillan, because there was ‘very als would back his candidature at the next little Tory feeling in the Isles’, but the Labour election. This spurred Glen-Coats into action vote was not solidly based on trade unionism, and her letter to the Liberal Association per- as in the Scottish lowlands. Murray stood as suaded them to accept Murray as their pro- ‘an independent on a home rule platform’, spective candidate. having been prominent in the launching of the Murray, back home in Cambuslang, did not Covenant for a Scottish Parliament, and in take his chance. Over the summer, Donald January approached Lady Glen-Coats for Stewart, a Liberal-minded councillor with formal backing from the Scottish Liberal Party whom Murray had corresponded, chaired SNP (SLP). Glen-Coats served with Murray as an meetings in Stornaway, and branches of the officer of the National Covenant Committee, party were formed in Lewis and Uist. The West- which agitated for Home Rule. ern Isles Liberal Association responded by back-
24 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 ing John Mitchell as Conservative contest the election. He was Murray’s political career culmi- and National Liberal candidate. offered the chance to become Lib- nated in support for Anthony Kerr, Murray arrived in Stornaway three eral candidate for Glasgow Woodside independent nationalist candidate at weeks before polling day without in , but refused, only to stand the Roxburgh, Selkirk & Peebles any local support, literature, commit- for the Kelvingrove seat at a byelection in , at which David tee rooms or an agent. The under- byelection in . The West of Scot- Steel was elected for the Liberal standing he had felt had been land Liberal Federation had declined Party. Kerr did not believe that the achieved with the SNP had evapo- to contest this seat, provoking Liberals were sincere in their sup- rated. Glen-Coats was cautious of Murray to appear as a Liberal port for home rule, or that their pro- providing official backing for a can- Home-Rule candidate. He was posals were sufficiently far-reaching. didate in such a weak position, but backed by neither the SLP nor the The SNP refused to back Kerr and the Liberal Party was especially keen SNP; his agent, Ian Howard, was ex- abstained from the election, indicat- to challenge any candidates standing pelled from the latter for backing ing their disagreement with Kerr’s under a Conservative/Liberal ban- Murray and later formed the ‘Scot- assessment and the weakness of their ner, and a cheque for £ was dis- tish Alliance’ including other rebel organisation on the ground. Murray patched. Murray optimistically re- nationalists, illustrating the SNP’s spoke for Kerr, perhaps still bitter ported to Edinburgh that the ren- growing political consciousness. about what he perceived as shabby egade Liberal Association was in its Murray was privately backed by sev- treatment by the SLP when he was ‘death throes’, that the SNP’s inter- eral SNP branch officials and polled candidate for the Western Isles, but vention was ‘more pique and per- his best ever vote – , – though the nationalist polled badly. sonality than anything else’, and that a long way short of the two main David Murray’s papers can be Labour support was slipping. But, parties. Eighteen months later, found in the National Library of despite describing himself in his Murray again polled over , votes Scotland, from which all quotations election address as ‘of the seed of the as an Independent at Motherwell. have been taken. Scottish Highlands and Islands’, He stood on local issues, with little Murray scraped the worst Liberal mention of Liberalism or home rule Mark Egan is a clerk in the House of poll in the election – just votes, in his literature, although he contin- Commons, and a regular contributor to less than a hundred ahead of the ued to claim membership of the Lib- the Journal. SNP candidate. eral Party. Murray initially presented his re- sult as a triumph, which showed that: ‘the Liberal Party emerges as the Liberal Democrat History Group only one with great hidden reserves’ in the constituency. He particularly Publications discounted the growth of the SNP, seeing no fundamental differences of Following the success of the Dictionary of Liberal Biography (see review on policy or principle between them pp. 31–32), the History Group will be publishing more books in association and the Liberal Party at the time. with Politico’s – and readers of the Journal of Liberal Democrat History are This approach irritated the SLP, as invited to help. did Murray’s request for a further The Dictionary of Liberal Quotations is scheduled for autumn 1999, part of a £ to invest in a local lobster set of three political quotations books. Quotations from, or about, any famous scheme, to boost the party’s profile. (or obscure) Liberal, Social Democrat or Liberal Democrat are very welcome; Murray argued that, if Cambuslang please include full details of the source. SNP could raise money to spend Great Liberal Speeches, intended for publication during 2000. This book will wherever was most appropriate in include the full texts of around thirty famous speeches by Liberal politicians, Scotland, he should receive the back- with commentaries. ing of rich Liberal Associations from throughout Scotland. This attitude Oral History of Twentieth Century Liberalism. A thematic study of the Liberal was contrary to that which under- Party and liberalism, drawing upon interviews with Liberal activists and pinned the Liberal Party’s constitu- politicians, as well as autobiographical sources. tion and also illustrated Murray’s Dictionary of Liberal Biography, 2nd edition, provisionally scheduled for connections with the SNP in his 2002 or 2003 – but we would like to hear ideas now for the inclusion of home town. major figures omitted from the first edition. Please also tell us about any Murray continued until to mistakes you spot in the current edition; errata will be included in the History claim that he was Liberal candidate Group’s web site, and corrections made in the second edition. for the Western Isles, although he lacked the backing of a Liberal As- Please write with ideas to Duncan Brack, Flat 9, 6 Hopton Road, London SW16 2EQ; [email protected]. sociation or of the SLP and did not journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 25 In This Month ... Every seat in London was fought, constituency. One aspect of the plan without the approval of either the was a proposal to form a committee to The 1950 general election took place President or Chairman of the London study local affairs and to present on 23 February. The result of the Liberal Party. G. B. Patterson and proposals to the Borough Council. election shattered hopes of a Liberal Norman Stewart ensured that From the minutes of the revival. 319 of the 475 Liberal candidates were found for every seat, executive committee of South candidates lost their deposit; only with Stewart acting as agent for eight Leeds Liberal Association, 20 twenty-four candidates polled over candidates in south-east London. Due March 1950 25% of the total vote and only nine of to lack of finance Stewart was given Leeds Liberal Federation suggested those were actually elected. his notice immediately after polling that, in the forthcoming local elections, day. The Secretary of the Party The records of various Liberal Liberals should fight wherever (Gendall Hawkins) was worried that organisations shows how bitter the Communist candidates stood, as a candidates had over-spent, leading to blow of the election debacle was to protest at the agreement between the the possibility of writs being issued. Liberals, especially in financial terms. Conservative and Labour Parties for all Some sixty-one or sixty-two Liberal sitting councillors to be returned From the minutes of the General Associations were now in operation in unopposed this year. Council of Altrincham Liberal London as a result of the fight. Mr Association, 17 April 1950 Hawkins stated that there was a lot of Some sought guidance from the Liberal Mr Bayley, the defeated Liberal ‘clearance work’ to be done, removing Party’s Headquarters about its policy candidate, told the meeting that the those Association officers who were for the next election, which was Liberals were only existing at the willing to cling to office without expected within months. present time. He described the situation producing results. A special meeting of as very awkward. ‘Until the country four delegates per Association was From the minutes of the action had a moral stature behind it, it would being called to form a steering committee of Southport Liberal do no good’. committee to plan for the next election. Association, 28 February 1950 The Action Committee is not in a From the minutes of the From the minutes of a meeting position to indicate to the Special executive committee of of Liberals in Sittingbourne, 28 General Meeting any policies for Harborough Liberal Association, February 1950 contesting the next general election 25 March 1950 Motion to form a Liberal Association, until it is known what will be the policy Agreed to ask the Liberal Party’s in the light of the election result, was of the Liberal Headquarters. headquarters if the Association could passed unanimously. Miss Beth be exempted from paying to them an Graham suggested a plan of action – At the top, plans were afoot. annual £50 bond. decided to form a committee in Sittingbourne and West Swale before Letter from Viscount Samuel to From the minutes of the trying to organise in the other parts of Sir Gilbert Murray, 23 March executive committee of the Faversham constituency. The sole 1950 Harwich Liberal Association, 17 purpose of the Association would be to There is a correspondence now March 1950 fight elections. proceeding between Clement Davies Mr Train, the defeated Liberal candidate, and Clement Attlee on the general stated the amount he had put down for Some (but too few) Liberal Associations question of electoral reform, arising out the recent election campaign and considered their stance in the 1950 of Churchill’s statement in the House of indicated that no more money would be local elections. Commons …. Until we have a definite available from him in future. declaration from the two parties – if From the minutes of the From the minutes of the one can be obtained – it would be executive committee of executive committee of West inexpedient to arrive at a decision as Hampstead Liberal Association, Walthamstow Liberal to our own future course ….Whatever 13 April 1950 Association, 2 March 1950 its nature, it might cause open Pre-election publicity had used all of Mr Pim, the defeated Liberal disagreement in the Liberal Party. the Association’s funds. The Treasurer candidate, was not willing to continue had loaned the Association £100 and as candidate without greater financial But they came to nothing. paid £77 12s 3d to complete the backing because of the costs he had purchase of the lease on 130, Finchley Letter from P. P. Bloy to B. incurred during the last campaign. Road. Two other committee members Ashmore, 18 November 1950 had subbed the Association £150. The Liberal Party today lacks Some Liberal organisations, despite the Even so, only £57 was left in the bank leadership, especially since the set-back, began to plan for the future. to pay liabilities of £78, without election; the Parliamentary Party is From the minutes of the executive accounting for future salaries and disunited; and it lacks interest in the committee of the London Liberal expenses. A plan was formulated to South African colour bar and recent Party, 16 March 1950 contest all local election seats in the immigration restrictions.
26 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 parties manoeuvred to secure an ad- vantage. However, the only way the Liberals could have formed a gov- Letters to the ernment would have been to recon- vert the Unionist Liberals and retain the support of the Irish. Even for such an expert sophist as Gladstone Editor this was a Herculean task. It did not make a Tory-Unionist alliance the only possible outcome. Previous Lib- eral rebellions had always been re- Liberals in the balance solved inside the party. Efforts were made to reunite the Liberals, espe- Tony Little cially during the Round Table talks. Some Liberal Unionists did drift back to the Gladstonian fold John Howe is right to remind us that ture than the Premier Lord Salisbury over the lifetime of the parliament Dangerfield does not represent his- would have wished (shades of recent and while personalities and events tory but rather great polemical writ- dealings by his descendant Lord prevented a healing of the rupture, ing (‘Liberal history and the balance Cranborne). This gave Parnell the hope was not abandoned until the of power, Journal of Liberal Democrat apparent prospect of a deal with the mid s. History ). He is also right to remind To r ies, and he urged the Irish living Parnell’s career was destroyed by us that there is a dynamic in hung in England to vote Tory at the elec- his divorce scandal but while he led parliaments which predisposes certain tion of December , in the hope the Nationalist party, he remained outcomes, but not, I believe, right to of precipitating a hung parliament. alert to the practical possibilities of argue that the third and fourth par- Technically he achieved this but gaining concessions from the Con- ties have no choice, and by implica- the arithmetic (the number of Lib- servatives. Salisbury operated the tra- tion no influence, on the outcome. eral MPs elected at the elec- ditional British policy of coercion The cases involving the Irish tion approximately equalled the against disturbances and providing Nationalists have proved consistently Conservatives plus the Home Rule timely relief for practical Irish griev- controversial, with an academic in- Irish) was too finely balanced. The ances, hoping to ‘kill home rule by dustry which would be sadly disap- Irish could deny government to the kindness’ but keeping alive the pos- pointed if all the peculiarities were Liberals but could not hope to sus- sibility of Irish support for Con- ever resolved. This is because there tain the Conservatives in office for servative policy. This remained the was a range of possible outcomes and any length of time against Liberal Unionist strategy between and complex but ambiguous manoeu- opposition. Nevertheless, at first, , for most of which they had the vring rather than an inevitable Gladstone hoped that the Tories additional advantage of a split in the dénouement. To understand these would stay in office to resolve the Home Rule party. dynamics it is necessary to go back Irish difficulties. But once Herbert The bitter futility of trying to before and follow the process Gladstone had flown the Hawarden achieve home rule against the Lords’ through rather than look at , Kite, revealing his father’s conversion veto in influenced the younger and in isolation. to home rule, it was clear that the generation of Liberals who formu- The rise of the Home Rule party Liberal bid for Irish support was lated government policy between in Ireland had largely been at the ex- higher than Salisbury could ever and . They were deter- pense of the Irish Whigs/Liberals. Af- contemplate. Since it was also im- mined to give domestic issues the ter Parnell seized the leadership of the mediately clear that the Liberals were priority over Irish concerns that party, it perfected obstructionism, split on home rule, Salisbury could Gladstone had denied. The People’s contributing to the frustration and stand back and watch his enemies Budget and the reform of the Lords low achievement of the – Lib- fight among themselves. Parnell had opened up new possibilities. The eral government. Following no choice but to support the Liber- Liberal losses sustained in the elec- Gladstone’s resignation in , the als, but only because Gladstone, tions necessary to bring in Lords’ Conservative minority government much to the surprise and dismay of reform created a hung parliament, depended on Irish support. Parnell his own party, had adopted the Irish while the removal of the Lords’ veto had a secret meeting with Lord agenda. made home rule a practical propo- Carnarvon, the Tory Lord Lieuten- In the period – , as John sition. Home rule was a price paid ant of Ireland, in which Carnarvon, Howe argues, neither the Liberals reluctantly, rather than enthusiasti- it appears, exceeded his brief, show- nor Tories had a majority. But once cally, by Asquith. The Irish went ing more support for an Irish legisla- again it was a period in which the along with budget policy because journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 27 that was the bargain they struck to their limited advance had been against the previous year). The party pub- get home rule. the Tories who had anyway rejected lished on that occasion six or eight (I Unlike the Labour Party, the Irish Lloyd George in . As John Howe think the latter) pamphlets of new could afford to hold out for a high indicates, the Labour government did policy, all of it interesting, most of it price. They were unlikely to lose not last because it did no deal. There good. But the new factor (compared votes by playing their hand too hard. was no clear choice for the Liberals with previous years) was that each Despite their numerical superiority, as the balancing party, and they cer- one of them was the work of an aca- the Liberals were the weaker part- tainly did not discover the right way demic of standing or of a committee ner unwillingly prepared to make out of their dilemma. It is not obvi- headed by one. Alec Peterson, Bruce concessions. ous that they would have gained from Patterson, Brian Keith-Lucas and the The position of the Liberals in sustaining Labour in power for longer, rest were all people highly respected – was very different and or from backing the Tories. However, in their fields. might be more appropriately com- that is not the same as saying that the How he attracted these people is pared to that of the Peelites in the Liberals had no power. They had the not obvious. Part of it was pure per- s, when weak party allegiances power to bring down the govern- sonal charm; part of it was that he were linked to hung parliaments. ment which they, unwisely, exercised. was at heart a maverick intellectual Hindsight tells us that the Whigs, Unlike the participants at the and they recognised the fact he was Radicals and Peelites inevitably coa- time, we can now see that the Lib- bored by the obvious and adored up- lesced, but it did not look obvious erals were destroyed as a party of setting conventional thinking; and to the participants who needed sev- government in the inter-war years. the third part was the fact that he eral attempts before arriving at this Labour’s decision to go it alone ul- was by education and family at home answer. Like the Liberals in , the timately strengthened the Tory hand and at ease in the liberal establish- Peelites knew what they did not as much as its own. Surely it is re- ment of the day, which meant that want – protection – but, unlike the flection on this period which has led he had immediate access to the cir- Irish in , had no very clear and Mr Blair to hanker after a rebuild- cles in which he would meet and obtainable positive policy. ing of the forces which backed could influence rising academics. Perhaps if Liberals had had a Yel- Asquith and Lloyd George in their Jo found a Commons party of six low Book manifesto earlier the out- great reforming government. For and left it the same number; he never come would have been different. As Liberal Democrats, the lesson is to as far as I know gave a ‘great’ parlia- it was, personal differences among the be well-prepared in advance of a mentary performance; he would leadership remained unresolved while hung parliament. have been an unreliable cabinet min- ister and probably a bad premier. He was hell to work for. But he found an intellectually run-down party and (with the help of Mark Bonham Was Grimond a ‘great man’? Carter) lit an intellectual flame in it Lord Beaumont of Whitley which continues to this day, and which perpetually surprises those who were only prepared to judge the party by more conventional stand- . A bouquet for publishing the bril- achieve greater parliamentary repre- ards. In my book that amounts to liant article on ‘Liberal history and sentation while he was leader and greatness. the balance of power’ (John Howe, implicitly on the observation, which Journal of Liberal Democrat History ). no-one would challenge, that he was not a great success in the Commons . A brickbat for allowing through chamber (the touchstone which Graham Watson’s howler stating that Help Needed! most parliamentarians would use). Chesterton was an MP (‘Six char- What Bill ignores was Jo’s influ- The Liberal Democrat History acters in search of an author’, Jour- ence on the intellectual standing of Group will be having an nal ). He would have fallen off the the party. Under Sinclair and Davies exhibition stand at the Liberal bench! Graham was presumably Democrat conference in the sparkle of ideas which Keynes and mixing him up with Belloc. Edinburgh (5–7 March), in others had brought to the party had order to increase membership, slipped away, and William Beveridge . And most importantly, Bill raise our profile and make new Rodgers (‘Of obituaries and great was not closely enough identified contacts. We would like to hear men’, Journal ) denies Jo Grimond with the Liberals to bring it back. from any member who would be a place in his pantheon of Liberal But Jo did! The first assembly I able to spare an hour or two great men on the grounds that ‘he attended was in at Llandudno looking after the stand; please in the end achieved very little’. He (although I had been elected a Party contact the Editor (see page 2). bases this explicitly on his failure to Treasurer in my absence at Edinburgh
28 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 net to draft the first Home Rule Bill, it had been an aspiration for the Irish but untested in England, and had no Reviews need for a concrete form. The proc- ess of definition crystallised all the difficulties, which have ever since ‘There are Things Stronger bedevilled the Irish peace process and the introduction of devolution anywhere in Britain. What powers Than Parliamentary Majorities’ should be devolved? What reserved for the imperial parliament? Should (Andrew Bonar Law, 1912) there be representation at Westmin- ster? Should it be more closely re- Alan O’Day: lated to the size of the electorate? Irish Home Rule 1867–1921 Should the representatives of the de- volved countries have the right to (Manchester University Press, 1998) speak and vote on the affairs of the other countries at Westminster? How Reviewed by Tony Little should the rights of minorities within the community be protected? While not accepting Gladstone’s Devolution has been the policy of the Liberal and Liberal proposals as fixing ‘the boundary to Democrat parties for more than a century, and is so ingrained the march of a nation’, Parnell sup- ported the bill. For the majority of in the party that its origins and strange history are often Liberals such devolution chimed in forgotten. An argument can be made that in the form of with trusting the people. However, home rule for Ireland it was a policy that almost destroyed about one third of Liberal MPs on the radical left and Whig right of the the Liberal Party and that it was an accident of parliamentary party not only harboured prejudices circumstances rather than a natural outcome of Liberal about obstructive and rebellious philosophy. Irish, but saw the bill as heralding the break-up of an Empire then Ireland was the last nation for- mission ‘to pacify Ireland’, adopted a nearing its peak. At times it is hard mally to join the United Kingdom, policy initially of disestablishment of to see the distinction drawn, espe- and union with Britain never ap- the Anglican Church of Ireland, and cially by Radical Unionists, between pears to have sat comfortably with later of land reform. schemes of local government reform the majority of the population. Un- From the conjunction of the which they would have accepted and ion was a reaction to the rebellion forces in Ireland emerged the Home the proposals Gladstone made, but of and, at intervals thereafter Rule party under Isaac Butt. While it should not be forgotten that in idealistic but inept revolutionaries it made progress in winning seats in , there was no county council unsuccessfully attempted to cut the Ireland, its impact at Westminster was system as we know it today. Irish lo- chains. While sometimes led by limited until Joseph Biggar and cal government was provided by a high-minded and even upper-class Charles Stewart Parnell developed series of grand juries dominated by Protestants, these uprisings drew obstructionism. They exploited the an elite of Protestant landowners. whatever strength they had from the then easy-going rules of the Com- The break with the Liberal Un- dissatisfaction, poverty and despera- mons to slow down the pace of Eng- ionists was fatal to the bill. Contin- tion of the Catholic peasants. lish business and highlight the needs ued advocacy of home rule gave Strangely it was the failure of the of Ireland. Parnell replaced Butt as Gladstone and the remainder of the Fenian outrages in which acted the leader of the party and in party a sense of purpose over the fol- as the catalyst for change. A campaign the party won (just) the balance of lowing years, but guaranteed that to secure clemency for Fenians suf- power in the Commons. The Home there would be no reunion. This put fering long prison terms overlapped Rule party won the vast majority of paid to the prospect of Liberals gov- with a reaction among respectable seats in Ireland, including a major- erning for the best part of twenty Catholics towards a non-violent con- ity in Ulster, and one in Liverpool. years. structive constitutional form of na- In the ensuing crisis, Gladstone Alan O’Day argues that there tionalism. Meeting them part-way, in both adopted home rule as Liberal were two kinds of home ruler – the , a new Liberal government un- policy and defined its structure. Until moral and the material. For the der Gladstone, with a self-proclaimed Gladstone sat down with his cabi- moral home rulers, the appeal was journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 29 primarily to achieve a form of na- tial for exploiting their fears, and solve the Ulster problem and grant tionhood for Ireland to which she Gladstone was prepared to give some dominion status to the rest of Ire- was entitled. For many, this emo- protection to the religious minority land in . It was a messy solu- tional and spiritual ambition was sec- overall. By , the Ulster Union- tion with few friends for which we ondary to the reforms required to ists were better prepared, and in are still paying a price, but for most give the Irish people the day-to-day the support given to their intransi- practical purposes Ireland had ceased government which reflected their gence by the Conservatives brought to be of contention in Britain. own needs and agenda. The party the greatest crisis for parliamentary O’Day’s book provides a full cov- leadership worked on both ambi- government since the civil war. The erage of each stage in the develop- tions and it is this which differenti- even greater European crisis of ment of home rule. Written in the ates the party from any Irish pred- put the Irish debate on hold, though form of a textbook, it also comes ecessors. Even short of achieving a with home rule on the statute book with a clear chronology, potted bi- parliament for Ireland, the party but not implemented. ographies of each of the main char- could always put proposals forward The Great War changed many acters and an assortment of relevant and sometimes achieve successes things, not least the landscape of Irish brief documents for students to use which met the needs of the elector- politics. The rebellion resur- as evidence. However, the general ate for land reform, better education, rected the military strategy. The in- reader should not be dissuaded by economic aid and local government. troduction of conscription for Ire- this structure. It is a clear and en- This service function sustained land in delivered the election joyable read, written from the per- the Home Rule party through the into the hands of Sinn Fein. Those spective of the Irish but not in any crisis of the fall of Parnell, the frus- of its members not in prison met in partisan way. This difference in view- tration of the Gladstone gov- Dublin rather than Westminster. But, point provides a valuable counter- ernment and the growing disengage- perversely, their boycott allowed the point to the traditional English Lib- ment of the Liberals from home rule British parties at Westminster to re- eral historiography. that followed. Nationalists were able to exploit the alliance of the Con- servatives and Liberal Unionists to secure and improve the lot of the Three Acres and a Cow Irish tenants. Despite splits within its ranks and the growth of Sinn Fein, David Stemp: with its more militant philosophy of boycotting Westminster, the Home Three Acres and a Cow: The life and works of Rule party was ready and able to Eli Hamshire exploit the hung parliament which followed the elections of and Reviewed by John James the removal of the Lords’ veto. O’Day provides another useful analytical tool by enumerating the When I saw this title on the bookshelf I guessed it would eight groups each of whom was vital to the legitimacy of self-government. contain at least some kind of reference to land reform and These included, naturally, the Catho- poverty; I reached for my wallet; and I’ve not been lic population of Ireland, and the disappointed. The book, written by the subject’s great-great- adoption of the plan by one of the major British parties, support of the grandson, is an ideal purchase for anyone interested in mid- press and the consent of the British to late nineteenth century history. public. The plan needed to pass both the Houses of Parliament. ‘Southern The book begins with some of educated and became, amongst other Irish Unionist opposition had to be the Hamshire family background things, a carrier. He was a thrifty moderated; and, finally, Ulster Union- and genealogy and is itself full of in- chap: he was renting a field at the ist interests needed to be satisfied.’ teresting anecdotes such as: ‘had to age of fourteen, and if he came upon Catholic support was sustained, but pay sixpence for the redemption of a toll bridge he would unhitch the the first two attempts in and English captives taken by the Turk- horse, lead it over and then pull the failed the parliamentary and ish pyrates’. It’s Eli and his works, cart across himself to save a penny. English public support hurdles. however, that really interested me. Eli At the age of twenty-nine he mar- Strangely, the position of the Ul- Hamshire was born on Christmas ried Rebecca, who brought a mod- ster Protestants was not recognised Day , at Ewhurst in Surrey, into est fortune with her; it was not by Gladstone in , though Lord a family of yeoman farmers down squandered. He also brewed his own Randolph Churchill saw the poten- on their luck. He was largely self- beer, after falling out with the local
30 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 publican, eventually teaching his If Hamshire lived today I think he access to land and the connection be- daughter to brew it before she left would have been active in local, if not tween land use and poverty. It is not for school in the morning. national, politics. He lived in a time all politics and poverty, though – read Hamshire was acutely aware of of great social, economic and indus- his thoughts on manure, the fashion the disparity of wealth and the prob- trial change, a period of reform, in of women pinching their waists and lems it caused, his greatest criticism which he represented the common his warnings against smoking. being reserved for the clergy, who, man’s growing awareness of his rights The book is well produced and he thought, cared for the shepherd as a citizen who could help mould is as entertaining as it is interesting. (themselves) more than the flock. his own and others lives. He was a It can be obtained from David There is no mention of any books son of the soil and thus more aware Stemp, , Netley Close, Surrey, SM that may have guided his thinking than most are today of man’s need of DN. except for the Bible. Perhaps the Bi- ble was all he needed. In his late forties he wrote The Source of England’s Greatness and the Plugging the Gaps Source of England’s Poverty under the pen name of ‘a Carrier’s Boy’. The Duncan Brack et al (eds): book was intended as an autobiog- raphy but is more a collection of his Dictionary of Liberal Biography thoughts, events in his life, anecdotes, (Politico’s Publishing, 1998) articles and correspondence. He sent copies to leading figures and even- Reviewed by Chris Cook tually met his hero, Gladstone. He was a Radical and a Liberal and also claimed title to the idea and phrase, All those interested in the history of the Liberal Party, ‘three acres and a cow’, often attrib- uted to Jesse Collings MP. He com- whether they be historians or party activists, have suffered plained greatly of underused and worse than their counterparts interested in the history of vacant farmland and he detested the the Conservative or Labour Parties. system of the workhouse and poor relief. He even stated that if the gov- The origins and early rise of the has been no single-volume guide to ernment held land in trust, the rental Labour Party and its subsequent the key facts and figures of Liberal income would permit reduced taxa- varying fortunes in the twentieth Party history or of the more general tion. He was also quite aware that century have attracted enormous in- area of thought and action known taxing land would make sure it was terest. Of the writing of books on as Liberalism. put to use. He offered opinions on Labour history, there seems no end. The new Dictionary of Liberal Bi- all sorts of matters: you can read his Similarly, the once-neglected Con- ography at least sets out to plug one thoughts on poverty, inhumanity, servative Party has recently seen a very important gap. It brings to- hunting, the clergy, magistrates, pol- spate of major historical studies, not gether over biographies of a va- lution and even the price of fish! only the completion of the multi- riety of figures active in Liberal poli- His next book, The Three Great Lo- volume Longman History of the Con- tics – not just in parliament, but in custs, is almost a continuation of the servative Party but also important in- the higher echelons of party organi- first. The locusts’ are the Tories, the dividual one-volume studies by Alan Church and lawyers. There are more Clark and John Ramsden. By com- stories of empty stomachs and shoeless parison, the Liberals have been ne- feet in a community that misused land. glected. While the emergence of Vic- His proposal to celebrate the jubilee torian Liberalism and the triumphs of Queen Victoria must be mentioned. of Gladstone, as well as the later He starts by quoting Leviticus XXV, achievements of Asquith and Lloyd demands restoration of half the com- George, are well covered, much of mon lands for the poor and suggests later twentieth-century Liberal his- most humbly that the Queen give a tory remains neglected. There are million to provide the cottages the few studies of the s, the dark poor would need. Also included are days of the s, or even such as- his views on war, an international army pects as the post-war Liberal local and court of law. You can read about government revival. Even worse has the meetings he attended and can learn been the dearth of reference books the legend of ‘Dog Smith’. devoted to Liberal history. Thus there journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999 31 sation, as well as in the important area of local government, the scene A Liberal Democrat History Group Fringe Meeting of so much Liberal activism in the post- era. Inevitably, there are Liberalism and Nationalism: Allies always problems in drawing up such a volume. Who should be included? or Enemies? Who excluded? And what criteria Liberals and Nationalists have sometimes shared com- for inclusion, especially amongst the living? These difficulties show up in mon aims. But how close are they? Are their basic phi- one or two oddities: given the pau- losophies compatible with each other? How has coopera- city of Liberal MPs since , one tion worked in practice? Why did nineteenth-century might expect every Liberal in this Liberals support nationalist movements while their twenti- period to be included, but Clement eth-century counterparts have tended to oppose them? Freud is a notable absentee. He does, however, get a mention in one of the In this year of elections to the Scottish Parliament and many valuable appendices, where his Welsh Assembly, discuss the issues with Donald Gorrie MP byelection victory at the Isle of Ely and Gordon Lishman. Chair: Ray Michie MP. in July is recorded. This is where the wheels can begin to fall 8.00pm, Friday 5 March off carts of this kind: of the clutch Chandos Room, George Inter-Continental Hotel of byelection victors in the period between the and first George Street, Edinburgh elections – namely Cyril Smith, Graham Tope, David Austick, Alan Beith and Freud himself – three are eenth century in a single volume can credibility as an electable force in lo- in and two not (Freud and Austick). only stimulate further investigation. cal politics, and Tony Greaves, who But there is much here to cel- Not the least of the achievements helped to mastermind Liberal ‘com- ebrate and enjoy. Julian Glover’s en- of the editor and his team of munity politics’, is of immense value try on Jeremy Thorpe is a model not coadjutors was to do something that and richness without obvious incon- only of good sense and tact, but also would have taxed the mind of almost gruity. The group from the Journal achieves the difficult feat of writing any compiler of political dictionar- of Liberal Democrat History who were exactly the kind of ‘day before yes- ies or encyclopaedias, namely to responsible for the original idea and terday’ history which is so hard to bring the multi-faceted and almost for seeing a book with more than do well. So do many others. As Pro- inchoate world of nineteenth- and contributors to a successful fessor Ben Pimlott points out in his twentieth-century liberalism into a completion are to be congratulated, foreword, this volume reflects the viable and coherent volume. A vol- not least for prompting the question invaluable nature of biography as a ume in which the great Liberal ever-present in this area, of whether vital contribution to history and po- thinkers of the past, Cobden, Bright, a Liberal ‘tradition’ really is a viable litical thought. The bringing to- Hobhouse and the rest, share the organising category over more than gether of so many of the strands of platform – so to speak – with fig- two centuries. They make a very activism and thought that have made ures such as Trevor Jones (‘Jones the good case that it is. up British liberalism since the eight- Vote’), who re-established Liberal As a book it is that increasingly rare thing, a pleasure to use and one which will repay much browsing, not The Dictionary of Liberal Biography least in the excellent appendices which could so easily have been is available for £20.00 (plus £2.50 postage and packing for postal or stinted. How ironic and typical of the telephone orders) from: world of politics it is that the ever- changing political scene has thrown Monday – Friday 9.00am – 6.30pm up so soon after the book’s publica- Saturday 10.00am – 6.00pm tion the announcement of Ashdown’s Sunday 11.00am – 5.00pm departure as Liberal Democrat leader. Still, all the more need now for a well- 8 Artillery Row, Westminster, London SW1P 1RZ deserved second edition. Tel: 0171 828 0010 Fax: 0171 828 8111 email: politico’[email protected] web: http://www.politicos.co.uk Dr C. P. Cook is author of A Short History of the Liberal Party – Britain’s Premier Political Bookstore (Macmillan, ).
32 journal of liberal democrat history 22: spring 1999