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National Identity Construction During the campaign for 2014.

A Critical Discourse Analysis

Asha Manikiza 861123T369

International migration and Ethnic Relations One-year Master Thesis (IM627L) Spring semester 2018 Supervisor: Anne Sofie Roald Word Count: 15,888

Abstract is one of the four nations that make up the plurinational UK. It is as of yet the only one of these nations to have a referendum on its independence. Using Critical Discourse Analysis of 20 newspaper articles at different times in the referendum campaign, I have seen how Scottish national identity has been constructed. The study reveals that far from constructing a national identity based on culture, symbols or historic myth, the Scots base their identity largely on a differing approach to economic policy than the English.

Keywords: Scotland, Critical Discourse Analysis, Newspapers, National identity construction, Referendum

Contents Page

Abstract Table of Contents Abbreviations 1. Introduction 1 1.2 Aim and Research question 1 1.3 Delimitations 2 1.4 Research Relevance 2 1.5 Terminalogical Explannations 2 1.6 Thesis Structure 3 2. Contextual Background 4 2.1 The Scottish Question: A historical Overview 4 2.2 Why Focus on Scotland? 4 2.3 Why the Increase In Scottish ? 5 2.4 Why Focus on the Referendum Campaign for Scottish Independence 2014? 5 2.5 Role of the Newspapers in national identity construction 6 3. Previous Research 7 3.1 The Shifting Concept of a Scottish National Identity and 7 3.2 The Crisis of Union and the move towards Independence 8 4. Theoretical Framework 10 4.1 Banal Nationalism 10 4.2 Imagined Communities 11 5. Research Design 13 5.1 Ontology and Epistemology 13 5.2 Nature of the Research 13 5.3 Qualitative case study approach: Referendum campaign for Scottish independence 13 5.4 Research Method: Critical Discourse Analysis 14 5.5 Newspapers as Discourse 15 5.6 Samples and Criteria 16 5.7 Analysing the data 19 5.8 Validity and reliability 20 5.9 Role of the researcher 20 5.10 Ethical considerations 20 6. Analysis and Discussion 21

6.1 The Construction of a Scottish national identity in August (Articles-10) 21 6.2 The Construction of a Scottish national identity in September (Articles 11-20) 27 6.3 Identity construction in August and September: A comparison 35 7. Conclusion 37 8. Further Research 38 Bibliography 38

Abbreviations

CDA Critical Discourse Analysis EU FPTP First Past The Post (electoral system) IMER International Migration and Ethnic Relations NHS National Health Service SME Small and Medium-sized Enterprise SNP UK SIRD Social-Identity Deprivation Model SSAS Scottish Social Attitudes Survey

1. Introduction

In this thesis I will explore the way in which a Scottish identity has been constructed in newspapers during the referendum campaign for Scottish independence in 2014, using Critical Discourse Analysis. It will explore a Scottish national identity within the context of being unified in the United Kingdom (UK). The UK is comprised of four nations; , Scotland, and Northern . The plurinational nature of the UK has been the subject of much discussion in recent years, particularly with the rise of nationalism, more specifically . On 18th September 2014 the Scottish had a referendum which posed the question; ‘Should Scotland be an independent country?’ (GOV.UK). The simplistic yes/no response saw the No side to victory with a narrow win of 55.3% (ibid) of the vote. Unlike other minority nations where the factor of having a separate language is a crucial component to the construction of identity, which separates them from the dominant culture as with Catalonia in or in Canada, the Scottish share the same language as England and speak English. is a minority language spoken in Scotland by an estimated 1.4% of Scots (BBC,UK), with English being by far the dominant language. The Scottish have not needed the uniqueness of a separate language in order to construct an identity that is not British, and this makes their identity much more interesting to explore. A referendum campaign for a nations independence is a time when the idea of what the nation actually is is intensified in order to convince the public to sway one way or the other, due to the fact that you can only vote one way or the other; independent or remain as part of the status quo. Politicians in the United Kingdom, particularly the then British Prime Minister was instrumental in the remain camp, conveying an image of the United Kingdom inclusive of Scotland with the cross party ‘Better Together’ campaign (WhatScotlandThinks).

1.2 Aim and Research Question The aim of this thesis is to explore how a Scottish national identity has been constructed in the independence referendum in 2014 by using CDA to analyse newspaper articles that were published during the referendum campaign. In order to achieve the aim of the thesis it will be necessary to focus on a case study; the 2014 Referendum Campaign for Scottish Independence. This case has been chosen because during this time the idea of a Scottish nation was most fiercely promoted. In support of pursuing the aim, there will be one research question which will lead to the effective answering of the central research question. This is as follows:

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How has a Scottish national identity been constructed in the independence referendum campaign of 2014?

In answering the research question this thesis will be able to explore the construction of a Scottish identity within the particular case study. It will expose the way in which certain media outlets, in this case newspapers, can construct identity. This question is directly related to the case study and this has the intention of exploring how the idea of a Scottish nation is constructed.

1.3 Delimitations This thesis will focus only on Scottish identity construction within the United Kingdom. It will not look at an English, Welsh or Northern Irish identity other than to refer to them in brief comparison. The case study will only explore identity construction from mid-late August and 8 days prior to the voting day on 18th September. This allows for a narrower focus and will allow for a more valid conclusion by looking at a wider time span throughout the campaign. I will focus solely on newspapers published during the referendum campaign. I have chosen this because I am specifically interested in this time period. I will only look at newspapers to gather data in my research. This is because I am only interested in how a Scottish national identity is constructed by UK newspapers in the period outlined above. I have chosen to look at UK wide newspapers (newspapers published in the whole of the UK and read in Scotland) and Scottish based newspapers (regional newspapers based in Scotland). I will only look at the text of the newspapers, not pictures. I will not be using semiotics in this thesis. I am only interested in constructions of national identity in the text of the newspaper articles.

1.4 Research Relevance This research is highly relevant to the IMER field which is inclusive of nationalism studies. The thesis explores the highly subjective issue of national identity within the context of the UK. Furthermore, it explores how a national identity can be constructed in the media (newspapers) during an emotionally charged and highly divisive referendum campaign.

1.5 Terminological explanations I will now provide some terminological explanations for the terms that will frequently be used throughout the thesis.

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Firstly I will elucidate the term Scot or Scottish. I will use the Oxford dictionary term for the word which is described as, ‘a native of Scotland or a person of Scottish descent.’ (Oxford Dictionary). This is inclusive of all ethnicities and ethnic minorities native to Scotland. The second term I will explain is the term British. This term is generally understood as being an overarching reference to the population that make up the United and . Great Britain encompasses Scotland, England and Wales because these nations are geographically on the island of Great Britain whereas Northern Ireland is to the north of Ireland. The term British is also synonymous with citizenship which follows a Jus Soli notion meaning that those individuals born in the UK are entitled to the rights enjoyed by all other British citizens regardless of ethnicity or religion. The important point here is that all nations of the UK share the same citizenship and are all referred to as British, inclusive of Northern Ireland. Therefore a Scottish identity co-exists with a British identity by virtue of being a British citizen. Third, a national identity can be seen ‘as a complex of common ideas, concepts or perception schemes’ (Wodak et al,1999:153) which are ‘internalised through ‘national’ socialisation’ (ibid:153). Fourth, I will explain what is meant by the construction of a national identity and I will assume that ‘the construction of national identity builds on the emphasis on a common history,’ (Wodak et al,1999:155). Extending from this explanation it is important to note that the ‘construction of nations and national identities always runs hand in hand with the construction of difference/distinctiveness and uniqueness’ (ibid:153). In other words in order to emphasises a sense of distinct Scottishness it is necessary to otherise a different group (or a group that is perceived to be different) in this case the English.

1.6 Thesis Structure In this thesis I will continue with a contextual background where I will provide a historical overview of the relationship between Scotland and England, and the development of Scottish nationalism. In the theoretical framework I will explore banal nationalism and Anderson’s imagined communities. I will then continue to outline how I will research the topic in Research Methods. In the Analysis Discussion I will present my findings from the data collected. This will follow with a Conclusion where I summarise the findings and provide a conclusive answer to the research question. I will finish the thesis with a suggestion for further research.

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2. Contextual Background In this section I will provide relevant detailed context to the thesis by providing a historical overview. I will explore the issues revolving around Scotland in the context of the UK and elaborate why it is particularly interesting to investigate of Scotland. Furthermore I will explain why there was an increase in Scottish nationalism in the last decades as well as what role newspapers play in national identity construction.

2.1 The Scottish Question: A Historical Overview The Act of Union in 1707 unified Scotland with England and Wales creating the United Kingdom as it is known today. This union has lasted over 311 years, throughout which time Scotland has constructed a national identity of its own, independent of the United Kingdom. In the political arena the Scottish National Party (SNP) have inherently been the most vocal and avid advocates of Scottish independence viewing ‘national self-determination’ as a ‘national right of the Scots’ (Brand,1990:26). Since the Thatcher years (1979-1990) in the UK the Scottish economy’s previous advances in the 1960’s began to suffer a setback and growth slowed down considerably (Brand,1990:26). The SNP had steadily increased its appeal during this period which also saw a rise in unemployment (Brand,1990:27), by establishing itself as ‘a viable alternative for Scotland’(Brand, 1990:35). This consequently saw a notable rise in nationalist rhetoric in Scotland. In response to this the Blair of 1997 held a referendum to establish a (GOV.UK)which resulted in the whereby the UK parliament devolved powers to Scotland in a process known as devolution. Although the UK Parliament remains the sovereign body of British politics the Scotland Act 1998 established a devolved (GOV.UK).

2.2 Why Focus on Scotland? The plurinational nature of the UK makes Scotland an interesting case. Devolution was effectively given to prevent a ‘potential of the British union,’(Dekavala,2016:795). This meant that the Scottish Parliament was now revived after a 292 year period of absence. It is worth noting that the Scottish Parliament was granted financial devolution which involved tax raising powers and was voted for by 63.5% of the electorate (Keating,1998:226). Despite this extra power it is important to remember that the Scottish Parliament is still restricted in terms of what legislation it can pass and ultimately the sovereignty in the UK lies within the UK parliament. In the context of the UK , Scotland remains the most interesting in terms of the rise of nationalist sentiment largely because unlike Wales it has ‘no equivalent language representing a marker of national identity’ (Bond,2006:613). Scottish Gaelic does not have official status in the UK and is

4 spoken by a mere 1.4% of Scots who would also be bilingual speaking English (BBC, 2014). This effectively means that English is the native language of the Scots, although it should be mentioned that the spoken by Scots can be described as a dialect of English and is sometimes referred to as , it is still mutually intelligible with English speakers. Unlike Wales and perhaps Northern Ireland where the 6.6% of the population speak Irish Gaelic (BBC,2014), Scotland has seen the most increase in nationalism. The national identity in Britain ‘is further problematised by the multinational nature of the British state’(Bond,2006:612). This effectively means that the national identities of Scotland (Wales, Northern Ireland and England) exist in ‘parallel to Britishness’ (Bond,2006:612).

2.3 Why the increase in Scottish nationalism? The main reasons for the increase in nationalism in Scotland are inherently political. The Thatcherism of the 1980’s served to increase Scottish nationalism and strain Anglo-Scottish relations. There has also been a move to the centre-left politically in Scotland whilst in England there has been a steady continuation of a centre-right. The UK’s FPTP (First Past The Post) electoral system effectively means that the majority party that gains the most votes wins. In the general election of 2010 ‘there was a stark difference in support for the Conservative Party between England and Scotland,’ (McNaughton,2012:99) with the Conservatives only gaining a mere one seat in Scotland (ibid:99) with just 16.7% of the vote to the Conservatives (BBC:2015). The problem of Scotland voting for Labour and England voting for Conservative is a paradox which has not been resolved and although Scotland is an integral part of the UK’s ‘economic and political unit’ (Meech, Kilborn,1992:245) it is a unit primarily controlled by London. Within the Union Scotland has still been able to maintain a separate Church from the Church of England, legal and education system. As a result of these institutions being separate and compounded with an anarchic FPTP have served to increase the feeling of nationalist sentiment.

2.4 Why focus on the referendum campaign for Scottish Independence 2014? A referendum can be described as being when the electorate in its entirety is ‘asked to either accept or reject a particular proposal’(Meech,Kilbourn,1992:245).In a referendum campaign in which the independence of a nation is the question to be put forward to the electorate, there are often differing ideas put forward by the media, politicians and the public about what the national identity is or should be. The question put forward to the electorate was a simplistic binary one based on the assumption that the proportion of the electorate that identified themselves with being British would vote Yes and those identifying themselves as Scottish would vote No. The question was directly related to identity and more specifically a national identity. The national identity in Britain ‘is

5 further problematised by the multinational nature of the British state’(Bond,2006:612). This effectively means that the national identities of Scotland (Wales, Northern Ireland and England) exist in ‘parallel to Britishness’ (Bond,2006:612). The eligibility to vote in the independence referendum was specified as being open to ‘all people living in the territory’ (Grotenhuis,2016:68) provided they were Scottish or citizens of the EU. This inevitably meant that that many English people residing in Scotland were able to vote whilst Scots residing elsewhere in the UK were unable to have their say in the ballot box. The English have often been regarded by many Scots as ‘a salient outgroup’ (Abrams, Grant,2012:675). Even so the English are Scotland’s biggest minority group (Bond,2006:614) but due to their ‘ethnic, cultural and religious similarity’ (Bond,2006:614) to the Scottish they have remained a ‘hidden’ (ibid:614) minority. Due to the government’s keenness to avoid creating ‘a purist, primordial image of Scotland’ (Grotenhuis,2016:69) the large English minority were able to vote in the referendum demonstrating that the divide between Scottishness and Englishness is not seen as a ethnic one. The political elites in Scotland have been keen to promote what has been coined aspirational pluralism (Meer,2015:1487) where defining who is and who is not Scottish along ethnic boundaries is avoided. These ‘Scottish political elites express their nationalism as a ‘political’ and not a ‘social’ matter,’(Meer,2015:1487). This type of civic nationalism in Scotland has meant that there is a trend among not only ‘majorities but among ethnic minorities, in identifying themselves with the nation,’ (Meer,2015:1492).

2.5 The Role of the newspapers in National Identity Construction This thesis is concerned with the way in which the Scottish national identity has been constructed through the newspaper articles. The media play a pivotal role ‘in relation to the collective identity of Scotland and the Scots’ (Meech,Kilborn,1992:245), particularly in the context of the referendum campaign. In academia ‘coverage of in the news is comparatively an under-researched area’ (Dekavalla,2016:794). The media still has the significant role of being a focal source of information for people particularly in the context of a referendum campaign (ibid:794). Newspapers in Scotland, specifically Scottish newspapers such as have long held a role of ‘helping to maintain a separate civil society and separate sphere,’ (Dekavalla,2016:796) from that of the rest of the UK. The media has the ability to ‘frame’ (ibid:797) certain debates and events by selecting and emphasising certain aspects of ‘a perceived reality’(Entman cited Dekavalla,2006:797). This then influences how the reader interprets reality. Newspapers are also able to play an important role ‘in cementing the national form’ (Law,2001:300). It has been noted by Law that many ‘forgetfully assume British press homogeneity’(Law,2001:303) neglecting that Scotland has its own national newspapers, The Herald being one such example. This is important because if we assume as stated

6 earlier that the media employ frames to present a version of reality then the nationality of the newspaper doing the reporting will be effectual to the content of the news. The news often acts as a point of access for information regarding a topic. In regards to the referendum for independence different newspaper articles emphasized different issues that perhaps they felt would relate to their readers.

3. Previous Studies The purpose of this section is to provide an overview of the previous studies regarding the shifting concept of a Scottish national identity and the problems faced by the Union which have resulted in the move towards Scottish independence. There is an abundance of literature on the subject of Scottish nationalism and I have chosen to focus on key studies that explore the two sub-sections below. Sub-section 3.1 is important because there has been a shift in the concept of a Scottish identity and changing in what it means to be British. Section 3.2 is equally important because the Union has faced problems which have lead to a move towards independence.

3.1 The shifting concept of a Scottish National Identity and Britishness. In a study by Ichijo, where grounded theory is used to analyse various forms of Unionist political discourse including political speeches by Scottish politicians and debates in the Scottish parliament. The study employed CDA to analyse the data (Ichijo,2012:26). Ichijo found that in the context of a devolved Scotland and within the Unionist discourse regarding a Scottish national identity ‘acknowledging the possession of multiple national identities is made unproblematic’ (Ichijo,2012:29). Ichijo also found that within this Unionists discourse the existence of the ‘Scottish nation’ (Ichijo,2012:34) is not questioned but, ‘has not produced a homogeneous idea about the Union and Britain’ (ibid:34). Ichijo concludes the study with the observation that having the ability to claim being both Scottish and British with the context of Unionist political discourse is a major development which has been aided by devolution (ibid:34). According to this study the Unionists have a concept of a Scottish national identity which incorporates Scottishness and Britishness to varying degrees. The study also concludes that there has been a shift in the discussion about a Scottish national identity towards ‘debates on Britishness’ (ibid:35). A study by Henderson and McEwen was focused on ‘the role of values in political discourse’ by focusing on two case studies, one being the UK and Scotland and the other being Canada and Quebec (Henderson,McEwen 2005:188). In this study they found that the dual identity of Scottish and British became more problematic since the 1980’s (ibid:187). During the Thatcher government of the 1980’s ‘Scottish civic values of ‘community and social justice’ (ibid:186) differed by the

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Thatcherite values like ‘self interest, distrust of foreigners and constitutional rigidity . . . [and a] lack of commitment to social justice’(ibid:186). This resulted in ‘Scots increasingly defining themselves as primarily Scottish rather than British’ (ibid:187). In attempt to unite the two national identities the Labour government under the Premiership of attempted to ‘retrieve a sense of compatibility between being Scottish and British, drawing upon the discourse of shared values’(ibid:187). British values were said to be a commitment to public services and social justice, being international and outward looking, tolerant and democratic (Brown, Alexander, 1999, cited ibid:186). Henderson and McEwen concluded that shared values alone were ‘an insufficient basis upon which to build national unity’ (ibid:188). Instead such values in discourse serve ‘as a tool in the politics of nation-building’ (ibid:189). The final key study here is that of Bechhofer and McCrone where they investigate the presumed decline in Britishness (Bechhofer, McCrone,2007:252) by using a combination of data collected from the ‘Scottish and British Social Attitudes Surveys’(ibid:252) and asking people who did not identify with a British identity whether this was an expression of ‘hostility to `state' identity, and to British history and culture’ (ibid:252). Bechhofer and McCrone found that the ‘majority of people in Scotland and in England take some pride in being British’ (ibid:258). They did find that tended to identify with being ‘more strongly Scottish’ (ibid:258) than being British but they did not have a negative view of the term British, or of the history of the British Isles (Empire and so forth) (ibid:252). The important finding of this study is that the data collected ‘show clearly that a sense of Britishness is still widespread in England and Scotland’(ibid:259). This indicates that Britishness is on the whole an accepted form of national identity in Scotland and in England.

3.2 The crisis of Union and the move towards Independence. A study by Keating provides an in-depth discussion of Unionist politics by discussing what the results of various opinion and polls and data collection studies have shown about the difference between English and Scottish opinions on certain issues. Keating says that according to the various opinion polls, between 25-50% of the Scottish population are in favour of independence in some form or another (Keating, 2010: 365). More interestingly Keating points out that the opinion polls have shown that there is a similar amount of support for an independent Scotland in England (ibid:365). Keating also notes that preceding surveys indicate that there is little difference between Scottish and English voters in terms of being left or right wing on welfare policy, with only a marginal tendency to vote more left wing in the boarder counties something this region has in common with the north of England close to the Scottish boarder (ibid:371). Keating explained that attitudes towards Europe were also more similar (at the time of the data collection) towards the EU. The Scottish Social Attitudes Survey (SSAS) showed that Euroscepticism was only slightly less

8 pronounced than it was in England (ibid:376). It was also found that on the most part, people in Scotland identified with being ‘both British and Scottish’ (ibid:377). Keating concluded that although the ‘Union is loosening’ (ibid:382) it does not mean that as a consequence there will be an independent Scotland. The attitudinal differences between English and Scottish on the whole remain quite marginal. Keating argued that the UK has been effective in acknowledging the fact that it is made up of different nations, and it has managed to avoid suppressing these national identities. As a consequence of this ‘lack of an assimilating union’ the Scottish have been able to pursue a path of independence (ibid:384). In a study by Abrams and Grant a ‘Social-Identity and Relative Deprivation model’ (or SIRD)(Abrams, Grant,2011:674) was used to measure how both social identity and deprivation were effectual to the political affiliation of Scottish people (ibid:674). More specifically Abrams and Grant wanted to find out whether people in deprived areas were more likely to vote for the nationalist SNP. The data was collected from a sample of Scottish teenagers in 1988 located in Kerkcaldy, a relatively deprived area at the time of the data collection (ibid:675). Social identity theory was integrated with relative deprivation theory in the SIRD model in order to analyse the data (ibid:676). This study found that the respondents in the sample that identified more strongly with a Scottish identity were more likely to to agree with the nationalist sentiments of the SNP (ibid:681) and ‘felt more frustrated and dissatisfied’ that wages were lower in Scotland than in England (ibid:682). The SIRD model employed by Abrams and Grant suggested that a ‘strong social identity together with intense dissatisfaction’ as a result of social injustices directed at minority groups can lead to ‘social change beliefs’ (ibid:687). These beliefs are often are accompanied by a need to correct these injustices (ibid:687), leaving voting as the ‘single most important’ way to exercise political and social change (ibid:687).

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4. Theoretical Framework I will be using two approaches to nationalism; banal nationalism and imagined communities. Both approaches to nationalism come from the Modernist school of thought. Scotland is anomalous within nationalist approaches, and therefore can not be elucidated adequately with many of the existing approaches. Both approaches I will use are able to explain the construction of a national identity in the context of the referendum campaign for independence.

4.1 Banal nationalism

Banal nationalism is a concept originally put forward by Billig to refer to what he has described as the daily indication of the nation through everyday representations that encourage a shared sense of national belonging among citizens (Billig,1995:6). Such habitual reproductions of nationhood are present in everyday life such as through political discourse, newspaper articles and national symbols like the national flag (ibid:6). This essentially means that ‘nationhood is near the surface of contemporary life’ (Billig,1995:93). According to Billig it is the daily habitual practices of people that constitute the banal form of nationalism. In the so-called ‘established nations’ (ibid:8) there is a constant state of reminding citizens of the nation through the ‘‘flagging’ of nationhood’ (ibid:8). Waving of the national flag, singing the national anthem at sporting events all play a role in reinforcing the national identity. For Billig nationalism is an ‘endemic condition’ (ibid:6) in which it is so subtable it becomes almost unnoticeable. Billig emphasises the use of language in the form of unnoticeable words and phrases in reinforcing the concept of the homeland and the nation (ibid:93). This subtle form of nationalism in the form of nation ‘flagging’ (ibid:8,93) of‘the homeland daily’(ibid:93) is prevalent in newspapers and political discourse. This type of flagging within the nation effectively maintains the national identity of its citizenry (ibid:69) by reminding the citizens of their national identity through their constant encounters of ‘flagged signs of nationhood’ (ibid:69). Billig explains that such a ‘salient situation’ (ibid:69) does not appear in in a vacuum but that it an aspect of ‘banal life’ that exists in contemporary world of nation states (ibid:69). This effectively means that this type of banal nationalism is a way of life, as opposed to an oddity reserved for states on the periphery or extremist/sectionist movements (ibid:69). A significant aspect of banal nationalism explored by Billig is the ‘syntax of hegemony’ (ibid:87). This is where the subtle use of terms such as us, we, them, and you (ibid:87) are all references to the nation and other nations. This can be seen where national leaders such as the Prime Minister in Great Britain or President of the USA make comments such as ‘our’ and ‘we.’ In regards to this syntax which are commonly heard in political rhetoric Billig argues it is seen as patriotism as opposed to nationalism. This implies that nationalism which is seen as negative is something alien

10 and not belonging to ‘us’ (Billig,1995). Billig has brought to attention the importance of nationalism as a form of daily discourse in the contemporary world of nation states, and most importantly shown that nationalism is not only out there, but all around us. Although Billig was the first proponent of banal nationalism the concept has since been discussed by others. Billig has highlighted the tendancy for those in academia to associate nationalism as being the extreme forms of nationalism such as the in Catalonia or in England (ibid:5). By doing so this gives the impression that nationalsim is ‘on the periphery’ (ibid:5). According to Billig this view is incorrect because nationalism is not just ‘the property of others’ (ibid:5) but it is also the property of ‘us’ (ibid:5), in other words it is inclusive of Western nations. Billig suggests that Anderson’s imagined communities are a useful way of imagining the national community and exploring national identity, but advises that this is only useful when it is not presumed that the community in question is not dependent on continual ‘acts of imagination for its existence’ (ibid:70). Billig agrees with Anderson in that communities are imagined (ibid:70) but also agrees agrees with Hobsbawn that the national image is created (Hobsbawn:1983) often through fiction as opposed to facts. Koch and Paasi have argued that nationalism has ‘various institutional and ideological forms’ which are unfixed ‘relational processes’ (Koch, Paasi,2016:1). They further argue that in states that have acquired independence such ideological forms of nationalism are ‘taken-for-granted’ (ibid:2) whilst they saliently make contributions to the flagging and ‘reproduction’ of the nation (ibid:2).

4.2 Imagined Communities Anderson points out that the UK and Northern Ireland have a ‘rare distinction of refusing nationality in its naming,’(Anderson,2006:2). This serves as an indication of the non-ethnic nature of the nationalism that is in place in the UK. Anderson offers his own definition of the nation as being ‘an imagined political community- and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign’ (ibid:6). During the referendum campaign the Scottish nationalists interestingly wanted to remove the elective or political union but maintain the affinitive union (or social union). They effectively wanted political sovereignty which they do not have under the existing Union. The nation is effectively imagined and as Anderson puts it, it is:

‘imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow- members, meet them or even hear them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their

11 communion,’ (ibid:6).

The nation is to be understood as a mental construct (Wodak et al,1999:153). According to Wodak they ‘are rep- resented in the minds and memories of the nationalised subjects as sovereign and limited political units’ (ibid:153). Of course there is a reason that this image exists in the minds of Scottish people. Firstly it must be remembered that identity is a multifaceted concept. There are many factors that make up our identity which we inherently place labels on in order to make it easier for us to comprehend our own roles in society, family life etc. A national identity is therefore one of many but individuals still have strong affinity with the nation. Anderson goes on to present us with 3 ways that the nation is imagined; as being limited, as being sovereign and as being a community (Anderson,2006:7). Anderson explains that any given nation is limited by boarders (albeit man made constructions) and therefore boundaries ‘which beyond lie other nations’ (ibid:7). This places Scotland in a unique position as far as nations are concerned. It is a nation with a land boarder with another nation, yet the other nation holds sovereignty over it. It is this issue that the newspapers are able to articulate in terms of a national identity through articles. If nations are to be physically defined by boarders then this implies sovereignty within these boarders. The imagining of community also poses a complex issue for nations. It brings in more wide reaching issues such as notions of national identity, and history. As Anderson explains the nation is an idea, ‘which also is conceived as a solid community moving steadily down (or up) history’ (Anderson,2006:26), a view echoed by McCrone (McCrone,1992:28). In other words the national identity is constructed over time. As it is constructed it is also manipulated to create particular histories that favour present circumstances. Anderson emphasises the significance of ‘print capitalism’ (Anderson,2006:44) on the ‘subjective idea of the nation’(ibid:44). According to Anderson print capitalism has been a factor in helping to build an ‘image of antiquity,’ (ibid:44) with the nation. This is also due to the fact that nations have ‘national print-languages,’ (ibid:46), with Scotland’s being the English language. A common language shared between any two or more nations will likely generates closer ties, and very often cultural similarities which are subconsciously reinforced through language.

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5. Research Design A qualitative single case study has been chosen as a research design. In this section I will also discuss Critical Discourse Analysis as both a theory and a method. It will also be elucidated what I see as discourse in this case study and what my criteria are to gather the data. Furthermore, I will elaborate how I am going to analyse the data according my analytical model based on Fairclough’s three dimension model.

5.1 Ontology and Epistemology The ontological position I have taken in this research is Social Constructivism. This position ‘challenges the suggestion that organisation and culture are pre-given’ (Bryman,2012:33). The construction of a nation is an ongoing process, which gets shaped and reshaped. Constructivism will help to demonstrate that identity construction is in a ‘constant state of revision’ (Bryman,2012:33). There can also be multiple realities for different individuals/groups. More significantly, the nation is not static and unchanging, this has to be constructed over time. The epistemological position of the research will be interpretivist. Interpretivism attempts to comprehend ‘social action in order to arrive at causal explanation of its course and effect’ (Weber citied Bryman,2012:29). This is the way in which we can achieve what Weber termed verstehen (Bryman,2012:29), which refers to our understanding of the social world (6&Bellamy,2012:109-110).

5.2 Nature of the research The research will be of an exploratory nature and take concepts that will facilitate in the answering of the central research question. This research does intend to explain or describe how identity has been constructed in the context of a United Kingdom rather to explore how the Scottish are constructing their own identity. The research will be an inductive approach, which involves ‘drawing generalisable inferences out of observation’ (Bryman,2012:26).

5.3 Qualitative Case Study approach: Referendum Campaign for Scottish Independence 2014 A case study will be the framework with which the question will be analysed. Questions that are asking how are ‘more likely to favour the use of case studies’ (Yin,1994:7). A single case study has been chosen as the thesis is not trying to compare the construction of a Scottish identity with that of another nation or minority nation rather it will try to develop ‘a more holistic understanding of the case’ (6&Bellamy,2012:80). This type of case study is suitable for an in depth analysis of a particular social phenomena, as will be the case with this thesis. Additionally a case study is preferable when ‘examining contemporary events,’ (Yin,1994:8) that are unable to be controlled or

13 manipulated by the researcher. Although the Scottish referendum is not a contemporary event in the present sense, it is still an ongoing issue and discussion in British politics today. A holistic case study is also useful method when it is necessary for the research to incorporate and ‘cover contextual conditions’ (Yin,1994:14) that need to be discussed in order to achieve the aim of the thesis.

5.4 Research Method: Critical Discourse Analysis Critical Discourse Analysis as a Theory I will firstly discuss the theoretical aspects of CDA. Critical Discourse Analysis has various positions and approaches (Widdowson,2003:89). Discourse is itself a difficult opaque concept due to the myriad of definitions and approaches to it (Fairclough,1992:3). It is used in linguistics, text analysis, conversation analysis and different types of discourse depending on the social setting (ibid:3). According to Fairclough you will begin CDA with a theory of power, or one group’s power over another group (Fairclough, 2001). In this case I will be looking at dominate narratives of the construction of a Scottish national identity. Critical linguistics is an approach that developed in the 1970’s in the United Kingdom and is often used interchangeably with CDA (Wodak,2001:1). The concept developed by Halliday is know as ‘systemic linguistics,’ or ‘systemic functional grammar approach’ (Fairclough,1992:26). A weakness of critical linguistics is that ‘the relationship between textual features and social meanings tends to be portrayed as straightforward and transparent’ (Fairclough,1992:28). Critical Discourse Analysis has become an increasingly influential approach within discourse analysis in recent years (Widdowson,2003:89). It has been elucidated as being a type of research that focuses on dominance, power and inequality, ‘in the social and political context’ (Van Dijk, 2001: 352). According to Van Dijk there is a relationship between discourse and power (Van Dijk,2008:27) which is expressed through language and different modalities. Power is a form of social control, which is useful for understanding the use of language in the newspapers. If a more Social Constructivist notion of power is adopted here then power is to be understood as influence and language can be the tool to exert this type of power because the ‘social construction of knowledge can itself affect the construction of social reality’ (Guzzini,2005:499).

Critical Discourse Analysis as a Method It must be understood however that CDA is ‘as much theory as method’ (Fairclough,2001:121) although its methodological usability is rebuffed by Van Dijk who exerts that it is more of an approach which can use any method to answer a research question (Van Dijk,2008:2). A significant contribution of CDA is that it is able to analyse significant issues in current affairs, combining the

14 scholarly inquiry with the non-scholarly (Widdowson,2003:89). With the use of CDA it is possible to take a ‘different and a critical approach to problems’(Meyer, 2001:15). This falls into Foucaldian notions of the connection between power and knowledge. In essence the newspaper can act to inform the reader about knowledge of the social world, from a certain point of view. In the case study I will explore, the knowledge is not objective fact, but subjective in nature. Newspapers can influence their readers opinions of the social world which can in turn affect the decision they make when answering the question: ‘Should Scotland be an independent country?’ (Mitchell,2014:276). Context is of paramount importance in CDA because it is inclusive of the ‘social- psychological, political and ideological components’ (Meyer, 2001:16) that ascribe meaning to any given text. In the referendum campaign for Scottish Independence the context is particularly important because it is effectual to the content of the newspapers. The impending referendum would be a present news story throughout the campaign and therefore the issues that surround it such as the socio-political implications of independence largely dictate the news content. The position that I will take in this thesis is that developed by Fairclough that, ‘discourses do not just reflect or represent social entities and relations, they construct or 'constitute' them,’ (Fairclough,1992:3). This is particularly important for identifying power relations, and dominant narratives of identity construction. Language is a form of social practice which can be used as a power tool to create change, or promote continuity. Therefore attitudes are expressed through words, making all text subject to interpretation. The composition of sentences can be persuasive, encompassing values and opinions that the reader may absorb. Fairclough argues that ‘social subjects are not merely passively positioned but are capable of acting as agents’ (ibid:61). During the referendum campaign various forms of media outlets including television, radio and newspapers used language to influence the opinions of their respective audiences because the audience or the agency were having the opportunity to change something about the structure of the nation. Newspaper articles are important to study because people access much of their information from them and form opinions based on what they have read.

5.5 Newspapers as Discourse Newspapers are an example of communication, of ideas not necessarily of hard facts and if factual information is used it is often subject to the interpretation of the author and readership of any given article. Newspapers hold discursive power, which is effectively control over discourse (Halperin,Heath,2017:339). Newspapers in the UK can be categorised as either ‘quality or popular’(Rodríguez,2006:150) depending on their format as in broadsheet or tabloid, and content. Inherently tabloid or popular

15 newspapers such as present news more concisely with a more illustrated character than a broadsheet such as the (Rodríguez,2006:150). This is to effectively target a particular social group of readers which could be in terms of class or level of education and so fourth. It is clear that nationalism can manifest itself in a variety of ways, ‘from ethnic to linguistic and from cultural to political’(Walton,2006:113). It is anticipated that there will be different types of Scottish national identities explored throughout the case study. We know that language can shape, ‘our attitudes and identities’ (Walliman,2011:143) which is why newspaper articles will be a good choice in the analysis of identity construction. The role of the Scottish press in being an ‘important transmitter of a sense of Scottish identity’ (Mitchell,2014:280) has declined in recent years, partly due to the rise of social media but it still plays a major role.

5.6 Samples and Criteria I will analyse a total of 20 online newspaper articles which have been published in the newspapers at the time of publication. I have chosen 10 articles in the period from 14-31 August 2014 which is about a month to 3 weeks before the referendum voting day. I have also chosen to compare these articles with 10 articles selected from 10-18 September 2014 which is just 7 days prior and including the referendum day on 18 September 2014. The Figure.1 provides all the details about the newspaper articles I have used.

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Figure.1 Newspaper selection

As Figure.1 shows, I have chosen a mixture of Scottish based newspaper publications and UK national newspapers. I wanted to ensure that I included newspaper publications that were published in Scotland because the referendum campaign directly effected Scotland. A Scottish based newspaper is one that is published in Scotland only in its printed format, whereas the UK national newspapers are published UK wide. It was a criterion that I would have 2 publications of Scottish based and 2 publications that were UK based. All publications are published in Scotland. I would like to mention that is a monthly Scottish based newspaper which publishes an online weekly newspaper; The Flag In The Wind.

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I have not used an equal number of articles across the board. For example I have taken a total of 2 articles from Scots Independent (The Flag in the Wind) and at the other end of the spectrum I have taken 8 articles from . The reason for this is largely due to accessibility issues. I have used articles from The Flag in the Wind, weekly online edition due to the fact that I was not able to access the Scots Independent online. I have chosen the lowest number of articles from this edition because in the archives of this online newspaper there is only one author writing the articles in the specified time frame that I needed. Although The Flag in The Wind had several articles to chose from, the ones that were available for my specified time period were written by one author only. Having read these articles I found that the tone of the articles were very similar and consequently I did not deem it necessary to use anymore than 2 samples from this publication. I have chosen a total of 4 articles from The Herald newspaper, which is not as many as the UK based newspapers but this was again down to an accessibility issue. As a non-subscribed reader of this newspaper’s online articles I was only able to read a limited amount of articles hence the total samples collected as being slightly lower. With a total of 6 articles from and the most articles (8) drawn from The Guardian these two publications proved to me the most accessible. On each of their respective websites I was able to search articles based on the subject entered in the search box provided and then search through archives which articles were written according to the date published in descending order. It is important to note that in the UK all publications with one exception; that being the Scots Independent were Pro-Union. This is why I chose to use 2 articles from The Flag in The Wind/ Scots Independent despite both articles being written from the same author because it would provide some variation with the results, as it was the only publication I could access that would present a Pro-Independence standpoint. The newspapers in the UK are not all national because many have regional editions of a certain publication (Billig,1995:111). In the case of The Guardian and The Independent these are published UK wide. The Guardian has no regional edition for Scotland and The Independent is accessible online UK wide. The rational for selecting articles at different times of the campaign is to explore different points of the campaign and to see if there is a difference in the way in which a national identity is constructed closer to the referendum date. All the samples I have collected are accessible online. I think that given the traditional print news has a ‘relatively restricted print readership’ (Dekavalla,2016:794) online newspaper articles are a good choice and acceptable to use for this topic. Many people access these articles via their mobile phone, social media or computer, not just through the print media.

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5.7 Analysing the data I will adopt the Fairlclough model (see Figure.3 below) of analysis of the data, which I will collect from my sample of newspaper articles (Halperin,Heath,2017:338). I will analyse the samples collected from August first. After identifying the way in which a Scottish national identity is constructed I will compare these to the samples taken from September. In my comparison I will also compare national identity construction between the UK wide newspapers and the Scottish based newspapers.

Figure.3 Fairclough Model (ibid:338)

There are three levels of analysis with this Fairclough model: text, discursive practice and context.

Text Level: I will be analysing the texts of the newspaper samples. I will manually single out particular words, themes, sentences which can be seen as what Billig has described as ‘nation flagging’ (Billig,1995:93). I will look for words, sentences and phrases that point towards a form of identity construction, be it indirectly or directly. Once I have selected these key markers in the texts, I will then move to the next level of analysis.

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Discourse Practices: This is related to the constitution of the text and what it portrays in terms of a Scottish national identity. I will explore any interrelation between the discourse selected from the samples to the reality of the case study (Halperin, Heath,2017:339). I will look for the meanings behind the the singled out at the text level of analysis. In particular I will look at ways of description, emphasis on difference or similarities particularly on a socio/cultural level.

Social Practice/Context: In this final part of the analysis I will explore how a Scottish national identity is being constructed through the text. I will focus on what kind of reality the text are trying to construct and how this links with existing socio-structures and the imagined communities and banal nationalism concepts.

5.8 Validity and Reliability Reliability is concerned with the ability to repeat the results of the study (Bryman,2012:46). Although I have only used one research method (CDA) other researchers would come to the same conclusions I have given the conceptual tools used in the analysis. Furthermore given the amount of articles analysed it is highly likely that others would comes to the same conclusions even if analysing a higher number of articles. Whereas the internal validity of this thesis might be high it has a relatively weaker external validity. Validity is measured by the ‘integrity of the conclusions’ (Bryman,2012:47) that are concluded from the results of the study. The conclusions of this research may be applicable to Scotland but not necessarily to other regions.

5.9 Role of the Researcher Throughout this study I have been conscious of the subjective nature of nationalism, and my own role as a researcher. I have aimed to be objective throughout this study, especially given my own background as a British citizen from England. My background and my view of the United Kingdom has inevitably created my own bias which I have aimed at excluding from my own research in this thesis. I have entered this project with an open mind and with a view to explore how a Scottish national identity is constructed through newspaper articles in a specific context.

5.10 Ethical considerations The most important concern in this thesis is not to violate copy write material and adhere to the rules set by data providers. The newspaper articles and other forms of data I have used are available to the public. The newspaper articles were collected from the online archives of the respective

20 newspapers or the newspapers websites. All data and material used in this thesis has been cited and referenced in the bibliography accordingly.

6. Analysis and Discussion

In this section I will discuss the dominate themes which emerged from the CDA of the newspapers articles. Throughout the analysis I will compare any similarities or differences between the UK national newspaper articles and the Scottish based articles. I will also include some extracts from the samples where required to elucidate the points made in this analysis. I will discuss the findings from the samples and analyse them using the theories set out in the theoretical chapter simultaneously.

6.1 The construction of a Scottish national identity in August (Articles 1-10)

The Flag in the Wind

Article 1 was quite personal using terms such as ‘I’ and the author also uses ‘we’ and ‘us’ which gives the impression of national unity and a sense of community. The Pro-Unionists on the other hand, are described as ‘them’ and ‘they’ which is a way of othersing those that support the Union.. The author is of the opinion that;

‘if we vote Yes they will make life as difficult for us as they can, even if it costs them money (!). If we vote No then we will be kicked from here to Kingdom Come. Fair choice, but needs a bit more thought – by the English.’ (Article 1)

In terms of banal nationalism it is clear to see that an identity is being constructed via the otherising of the English. The author seems to be distinguishing a Scottish identity out of the fact that Scottish are not English. the implication that the English will make things difficult for the Scots contradicts much of what the previous studies have suggested (see. Keating, 2010: 365). This is a clear attempt to portray the English is an unfavorable light, a different group from the Scot’s who would seek to sabotage any moves to a successful independence. The last comment in the extract mentions that the English should give such attempts at sabotage more thought is an indication of the resilience f the Scottish. It can be assumed that this is an indirect reference to Scotland’s power, possibly in the terms of resources and its own ability to make things difficult for the English. It is the authors way of saying that it may not favor the English to take such a firm stance with Scotland in the event of a Yes vote because Scotland is capable of fighting back.

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The Herald

Article 2 featured a comparison to Scandinavian nations where the author wrote;

‘What do the likes of Swedes, Danes and Finns have that we don’t? Nothing. Well nothing except the capacity to decide their own futures. And that’s undoubtedly why they are happier and more prosperous than Scots.’ (Article 2)

This extract reveals two interesting things about the construction of a Scottish national identity. Firstly the comparison to Scandinavian nations is not an unusual one as it has often been discussed in Scotland, particularly in the referendum campaign whether Scotland should look towards it northern neighbors as opposed to it southern one (England) (NordicHrizons:2018). The purpose of looking towards Scandinavia is to distance itself from England. Secondly, this extract says that Scotland is denied this ability to control its own destiny from another group. This can be explained in terms of imagined communities because it relates back to sovereignty. According to Anderson a nation is ‘imagined’ as a sovereign entity (Anderson,2006:7). In the case of Scotland it is imagined in terms of what it would be like to be sovereign. The comparison to Scandinavian nations in a direct reference to this absence of sovereignty and the author insinuates that this sovereignty is the key to being better off economically than the Scots are.

In Article 3 promotes the fact that ‘200 business leaders’ (Article 3) had supported the Yes to independence campaign. The article seemed to emphasis that many business leaders were in not only in favor of independence but also thought that Scotland could prosper greatly from its separation from the UK. The chairman of , Tony Banks was quoted as saying;

‘‘We know Scotland will thrive as an independent country, because key economic decisions will be made by those who truly understand and care most about our Scotland's distinctive economic needs, that's the people who live and work here.’’ ( Article 3).

Once again there is an emphasis on the economic policies of Scotland and the promotion of the idea that independence will provide a means to attain a more fair economic policy that the existing dictated to it by the Westminster government. The author has selected a quote which gives hope for a more fairer economic policy than the existing one within the Union. The 200 business leaders are used here as a way to inject confidence in the Yes campaign by dismaying the readers the vote for the Union on the basis of unclear economic policies in the event of independence. This can be seen

22 through the prisms of both imagined communities and banal nationalism.

Banal nationalism effectively states that taken for granted nationalism is prevalent in nations that have already acquired independence, but Scotland has not yet done this (Billig,1995). In this extract it seems that Scottish nationalism is not taken for granted, yet it does not quite fit the category of ethnic nationalism. This form of civic nationalism in the context of the UK is perhaps more difficult to place. It is clear from the extract that the community is seen to be Scotland, standing alone without the economic and sovereign ties to the UK. The emphasis on the control that Scotland will have over its own economic policies ties back to Anderson’s imagined communities where it is argued that the nation is ‘imagined as sovereign’ (Anderson, 2006:7). In other words we can see that economic independence is a key benefit to being sovereign for Scotland.

The Guardian

Article 4 is largely based on the opinion on a prominent figure in Scotland, and indeed much of the UK, Professor (Sir) Tom Devine. Devine’s had expressed in an interview with the Observer (a different publication) that he has come to support the Yes campaign over the last few weeks. Sir Tom Devine is quoted as saying;

“It is the Scots who have succeeded most in preserving the British idea of fairness and compassion in terms of state support and intervention. Ironically, it is England, since the 1980s, which has embarked on a separate journey.” (Article 4)

This is a direct reference to the unpopular policies of the Conservative government of the 1980’S under Thatcher. The harsh economic policies of this period were difficult for people from low- income families and arguably made England seem like its Conservatism had shifted away from this British value of fairness, and compassion. This falls into the common rhetoric of the newspapers analysed so far in that they reference economic policies, albeit indirectly in this case. The reference to ‘fairness and compassion’ (Article 4) can be seen as a form of banal nationalism, in that it is almost unnoticeable in this extract. The interviewee effectively says that Scotland has stuck to fair economic policies, unlike the English who have drifted away from the ideals and values of the British. It implies that it is the Scots who are truly British because it is they who maintained these ideas.

The article closes with Devine quoted as saying;

“there's very little left in the union except sentiment, history and family." (Article 4).

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It is clear with this extract that there is a reluctance to separate Scotland and England on a social level, which leaves us with the economic level which in the previous extract we have seen is something that is seen as being different.

Article 5 focuses on the increase in the pro-independence support according to recent polls at the time. The author suggests that such an increase can be attributed to worries about spending cuts in the NHS (National Health Service) in Scotland. In the article the leader of the campaign is quoted as saying;

‘A yes vote would "protect our publicly owned, publicly run NHS forever from Westminster privatization and cuts" (Article 5).

The author also presents the Pro-Unionists counter argument via a quote from Scottish Conservative health spokesman, Jackson Carlaw where he says;

‘The suggestion that a no vote was a threat to healthcare was "shameless scaremongering.” (Article 5)

The NHS is a core concern for many in the UK and its creation is considered as one which embodies British values. The first extract from Article 5 demonstrates banal nationalism, with the idea that ‘our’ healthcare would be best protected from ‘Westminster’ by exiting the Union (Article 5). This is a clear attempt to construct an identity which is based on the idea that Scotland is a fairer society which is under threat from economic cuts from Westminster. In this context as in Article 11, Westminster is used in as a negative connotation-the other government rather than the government of the UK. In the second extract from Article 5 shows that from a pro-unionist the opposite view is apparent. Westminster is not seen as a threat to healthcare by Jackson Carlaw, and in terms of imagined communities it is evident that Westminster is not seen as a threat to Scotland. It can be assumed from this extract that Westminster is seen as the government of the UK which Scotland is a part of.

Article 6 is once again focused on the economic issues that may be faced in the event of an independent Scotland. In this particular Guardian article the title is telling;

‘Independent Scotland's economy 'would crash if it tried to use sterling.’ (Article 6)

It is effective in gaining attention to a possibly disastrous scenario for the Scottish economy. The author emphasizes the credentials of the academic who is quoted as saying this by writing;

‘MacDonald, the Adam Smith professor of political economy at the and a globally recognised expert in oil-based economies, said any move to use sterling would expose 24

Scotland to huge economic shocks because of its heavy reliance on revenues, but inability to set its own interest rates or control money supply.’ (Article 6)

By emphasizing the academic credentials of the Professor MacDonald the author is indirectly encouraging the reader the trust the opinion of the Professor rather than the possibly empty promises of a politician, namely First Minster for Scotland Alex Salmond. It is clear that this article is constructing a Scottish identity as being tied to the UK because of its inability to stay afloat economically independently from the rest of the UK. In terms of imagined communities these extracts show that even though the underlying message is that Scotland can not make it alone, it is still not disputed that it is a nation in its own right. Anderson argues that it is unlikely that either ‘social change or transformed consciousness, in themselves, do much to explain the attachment that peoples feel for the inventions of their imaginations’ (Anderson,2006:141). In this extract we can see that despite the advise of academics and economists, there is a sense of attachment to the idea of Scotland being an independent nation.

Article 7 is again focused on the economy, and possible problems of independence. The projection looks problematic for Scotland, and similarly to Article 6, we see the author present the politician’s views as separate from that of the experts;

‘The argues the OBR forecasts are based on a "very low estimate of future total production", while its own figures have been criticised by opponents who claim they are overly optimistic.’ (Article 7)

In this extract we see an emphasis on the economic projections of an independent Scotland, which amounts to speculation as opposed to any concrete information. The emphasis on economics is implicative of the way in which Scotland is imagined in the minds of its citizens. Identity construction seems to focus on economic stability here.

‘“By saying No Thanks to separation we can have the best of both worlds for Scotland-a strong Scottish parliament, with more powers guaranteed, backed up by the strength security and stability of the United Kingdom, which will protect funding for our public services” (Article 7)

In the second extract it is clear that Scotland is being imagined within the community of the UK, and not alone. It already has its own Parliament, which may be granted more devolution if it chooses to remain as part of the UK. This extract places a Scottish national identity very firmly within the context of the UK.

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The Independent

Article 8 was based on a study which revealed that the majority of English people in England wanted Scotland to remain in the Union;

‘People south of the border are overwhelmingly against Scotland leaving the UK’ (Article 8)

It also would appear that although the English are in favor of the status quo they seem to feel almost bitter about the possibility of Scotland leaving the UK, as the author writes;

‘There is also only limited English support for the idea that the rest of the UK should support an independent Scotland’s applications to join international bodies such as the EU and Nato’

Anderson points out that ‘nations inspire love’ not only an inherent distrust of the ‘other’ (Anderson,2006:141). On the other hand the reluctance of the English to support an independent Scotland in its endeavors an a newly independent nation can be explained in terms of imagined communities. In the event of a vote for independence Scotland effectively says that it no longer wants to be a part of the community in which it presently finds itself in and in such an event the English may not envisage them as such members of this community.

Article 9 was focused on an incident in which an MP (Member of Parliament) called Jim Murphy from the Better Together campaign was hit by eggs and had described the independence supporters as, ‘bullying mobs’(Article 9). Not only does this term that the author of Article 8 keenly includes in the title stereotypes, supporters as aggressive and bullies but it also paints a picture of independence supporters as ‘mobs.’ The term mob has several negative connotations to it, the main ones being that it is a derogatory term that insinuates an individual has a lack of intelligence, education, and acts on emotion in an aggressive manner. MP Jim Murphy was also said to have accused the Yes Scotland campaign of more foul play;

‘Mr Murphy, the shadow International Development Secretary, claimed Yes Scotland was co- ordinating appearances by mobs of noisy and abusive protesters at his meetings.’ (Article 9)

This can be seen as a form of banal nationalism in that it subtly labels the independence supporters in a negative light, depicting them as aggressive and emotional. The actions of the protesters can be explained by Anderson when he talks about the emotional ‘attachment’ felt by people to their homeland (Anderson,2006:141) whereas the portrayal of their actions through the newspaper article demonstrates a form of banal nationalism in that they are labeled as ‘abusive’ and ‘bullying’ (Article 9) nationalists.

Article 10 is a very descriptive and tranquil portrayal of the boarder counties (small counties on 26 the boarder of England and Scotland) was given. The writer made references to the River Tweed which is well known in the UK as being on the boarder of England and Scotland. The author describes about a little known town called Berwick in England as being;

‘the English town with the Scottish football team and handsome Elizabethan walls’ (Article 10)

This extract shows banal nationalism in clear form. Billig tells us that ‘the imagining of a ‘country’ involves the imagining of a bounded totality beyond immediate experience of place’ (Billig,1995:74). The reader is able to relate to the author in Article 10, and imagine the cultural similarity being described without being there. The author emphasizes the similarity of Scotland and England. In the quote above it is clear that the author is trying to shown that they cultures are not different because even an English town with picturesque Elizabethan walls has a Scottish football team. The author tries to show how the cultures merge together as one and this can be seen with the extract below;

‘Historically, these lands and its people have overlapped.’ (Article 10)

This above extract implies that this overlapping of lands and people is not a bad thing at all and should be maintained. Article 10 continues to be descriptive of the landscape of the boarder region and the author writes that they are

‘Suddenly struck by what a yes vote might mean.’ (Article 10).

The author tries to convey a sense of sadness about the possibility of Scotland leaving the UK whilst seemingly constructing an idea that Scotland is just as integral to the UK as England is. The author also refers to some sweets and biscuits purchased in a local shop telling the reader that he had some ‘jammy dodgers and fudge fingers’ (Article 10). These sweets and biscuits the author refers to are also cultural references, because they are well known British foods and by buying them in Scotland it emphasizes to the readers how similar the two cultures actually are. This relates back to the point made earlier that individuals are able to imagine the nation without experiencing (ibid:74).

6.2 The construction of a Scottish national identity in September (Articles 11-20)

The Flag in the Wind

In Article 11 the dominate theme was politics and economics. The author used ‘I’ frequently in an effort to portray a more personalised article. The article used emotional words in conjunction with

27 political references which gave the impression that there was a sense of frustration with the current political set up in Scotland. This sense of frustration, even anger was directed towards England.

‘I was, and still am, confounded by the callous disregard of Westminster politicians for the poorer people of the UK.’ (Article 11)

It is clear from this extract that the author is telling the reader that the English based Westminster Parliament has a dis-concern for the poor people of the UK, including Scotland’s poorest. It refers to the economic policies of the UK that have failed to assist the poorer people in the inner cities and deprived areas. The author reiterates this point further by referring to the possible alternative to independence;

‘The greater threat comes from devolution within the UK. Powers for the Scottish parliament are meaningless if Westminster controls the purse-strings.’ (Article 11)

In this extract it is clear that the author is trying to portray Westminster as a threat to Scotland’s future. If Scotland remains as part of the Union it may have what appears to be more devolution, but it will still be unlikely to have autonomy over its economy and so the current economic situation will persist. If we see this as a form of banal nationalism, it becomes clear that a Scottish national identity is being constructed by virtue of not being English. The author is uses the term Westminster (Article 11) as a negative connotation to indicate why Scotland has problems.

The Herald

Article 12 presents a selection of opinions from some of the Scottish diaspora (living in parts of ). It is assumed that the author has selected which quotes and opinions that they would like to emphasize in the article. The author is keen to mention that the Scots abroad are unable to vote despite being heavily affected by the referendum result. Many of the Scots the author quoted, expressed concerns about their citizenship in the event of independence. One diaspora Colin said;

“I’ve accepted that I won’t be able to vote. But as far as citizenship is concerned, nothing changes for me. I’ve always been Scottish and I will be the first to queue to get my passport.” (Article 12)

This quote is particularly interesting in terms of national identity construction. Colin prizes a Scottish identity and there is no mention of being British.

Another Scottish diaspora, Ron Cullens who was residing in Paris expressed a different opinion from that of Colin;

“I don’t think people will lose their citizenship. I am Scottish, because thats’s where I’m from, but I

28 also feel British.” (Article 12)

This quote reveals the dual identity felt amongst many Scottish people, of being both Scottish and British.

Concerns about citizenship were revealed again by another Scot William More, living in France who explained their worry;

“I have a British passport and I want to know what citizenship I’ll have tomorrow.” (Article 12)

This can be explained in terms of banal nationalism because if we are to view passports as a form of nation flagging (Billig,1995) providing one with a reminder of the nation, we can see that it is a symbol of national identification. The admission by Colin that they had always been a Scot and would be eager to queue for a new passport (Article 12) shows the extent that people would be willing to go to remain Scottish because they feel that Scotland being independent changes this.

Article 13 is an editorial piece in which the Herald newspaper declare the publications side of the campaign they are on, in this case it is on the Better Together side. Although this publication supports the Union it does so with a harsh tone towards the status quo, and current political situation in the UK;

‘Yes Scotland’s campaign, brimming over with optimism, has awakened in Scots a slumbering desire for a country that is better, stronger and fairer.’ (Article 13)

This extract clearly shows that Scotland aspires higher that the English in terms of strength and fairness, both terms seem to be in reference to the economy. The benefits of the Union are discussed largely in terms of economic stability;

‘As Scotland that stays in the UK will continue to enjoy the economic and social benefits, such as the certainty of an ongoing backed by political union. That is what Scotland turns its back on by opting for independence.’ (Article 13)

It is clear that a stable economy is the single most important thing here and it is used to create a very persuasive argument in favor of the Union.

‘Scotland could go it alone. The question is whether it is in Scotland's best interests to do so at present.’ (Article 13)

In terms of national identity construction there are important things to be observed her. It is clear that independence is being viewed in terms of what is beneficially financially for Scots. The community is being imagined as Scotland, but still in unity with a United Kingdom. As Billig 29 mentions; ‘each homeland is to be imagined both in its totality and its particularity,’ (Billig,1995:75). In Scotland’s case its particularity is it place in the UK.

The Guardian

Article 14 is similar to Article 12 from The Herald in that it is based heavily on the opinions of Scottish people, this time those residing in Scotland. The author has managed to incorporate the views of the Guardian readers in this piece and many have expressed interesting notions of national identity. The first extract comes from a Guardian reader Dell Henrikson who is quoted as saying;

“I have had chats in the pub, in the chip shop and on the street. All of it animated but good-natured. My moment of the campaign was talking to a young lassie who has never voted before and queued for 40 minutes just to get into the building to register.” (Article 14)

Both ‘the chip shop’ and ‘the pub’ are cultural symbols in England, and indeed all of the UK. The pub is very much a symbol of Englishness, and is a very popular pastime amongst many people in England, as it is with the rest of the UK. This comment is emphasizing the cultural similarities between Scotland and the UK. The chip shop is also a popular place for many English people with fish ad chips being a national dish in England, and this again demonstrates the similarities between Scotland and the rest of the UK. The reader also uses the phrase ‘lassie’ which is a Scottish dialect which can be called Scottish-English. This is important because by combining these cultural symbols with a Scottish term like ‘Lassie’ (Article 14) the readers get a sense of similarity as opposed to difference. Instead of a sense of separateness this quote gives a sense of cultural fusion and familiarity. This comment by the reader had shown that despite some dialectal variations Scotland is largely the same as the rest of the UK.

Another comment came from a Guardian reader based in and went by the tag name Pindle06 who explained that they would be voting for independence because;

“It would be great for Scotland to stand on its own two feet and develop a national confidence that in some ways it has lacked.” (Article 14)

This implies that Scotland is a nation that has been standing on another nation’s feet. In other words Scotland is a nation without independent status.

A reader from The Boarders, a region that has been previously explored in detail in Article 10, who went by the tag name of ID208248 explained that;

‘People in the Borders have a strong sense of identity and are proud to be Scottish. But that sits 30 easily beside a calm faith in the Union and the desire to remain part of the UK.’ (Article 14)

This comment clearly shows the dual identity that Scottish people carry with them. In this extract it is clear that a Scottish national identity is existing with a British identity almost as a symbiotic identity. It very much coincides and reinforces the points that were made in Article 10 where the cultures of England and Scotland were almost merged together as one. Article 14 can be viewed both in terms of imagined communities. The extracts demonstrate a sense of dual identity among people, in that they feel both Scottish and British as ID208248, whilst others such as prefer to adopt a Scottish identity. This shows that the scope and inclusivity of the community is dependent on who is doing the imagining.

Article 15 is written by 2 authors who write about which businesses support independence or support the Union. Business for Scotland (pro-independence interest group) seem keen to reassure people that businesses are confident in an independent Scotland as quoted by a statement they made;

‘Scottish independence is in the best interests of Scotland and Scottish business.” (Article 15)

This is interesting in terms of constructing a national identity because by businesses having confidence in an independent Scotland it is saying that Scotland is capable of making it alone. It comes down to the economy here. The managing director of Business for Scotland, Michelle Thomson was quoted as saying;

“For too long, economic policies have not favored Scotland nor encouraged the SME sector on which Scotland’s economic health depends.” (Article 15)

This comment has important implications for a national identity. It effectively says that Scotland lacks control over its economy and as a result it is economically hindered, something that independence would prevent from happening in the future. The businesses in that had declared their allegiance to the No camp were also represented in the article. An important statement came from Weir, a global engineering company headquartered in Glasgow;

‘Weir, one of Scotland’s biggest companies, said independence will “guarantee” higher costs for business but produce few and uncertain benefits.’ (Article 15)

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Although this statement is in contrast to the Michelle Thomson’s statement above, it also constructs a Scottish identity in terms of economy and economic prosperity. What is best for Scotland is seen here as what is best for Scotland’s economy, not the rest of the UK but just Scotland. It shows that Scotland is thought of as a nation because it there is a lack of concern for what independence would do to the rest of the UK’s economy which implies that the UK is of secondary importance to Scotland. Scotland is clearly imagined as a nation fully capable of independence with support from one of Scotland’s leading companies.

Article 16 is similar to Articles 14 and 12, as it is largely a conglomeration of reader’s opinions regarding the upcoming referendum. People from different parts of the UK, mainly England have written their own thoughts about the issues. A striking concern comes from Ron Cox who says;

“I was born in England but, during the war, I served in a Scottish regiment for over four years. If Scotland gains independence, will I be able to claim dual nationality. What would be the advantages? And the cost?” (Article 16)

This is worry about citizenship is a reoccurring theme that is has appeared when the articles incorporate reader’s opinions, such as in Article 12 from The Herald. Another interesting comment came from a reader called Mark Jackson who explains that he is from a Scottish family who moved to England in 1963 and he was born in England. His family then moved back to Scotland and he said;

“I consider myself to be Scottish.” (Article 16)

Mark still has a Scottish accent, and has since moved back to England and goes on to explain:

“I know my circumstances don’t apply to many people but those of us who are affected will effectively be stripped of what we believed to be our nationality if Scotland votes yes. I like being Scottish and British. After next Thursday I may well loose the former.” (Article 16)

In this extract we can see that on the one hand Mark prizes his Scottish identity, but enjoys being both Scottish and British. Again we can see the reoccurring worry about nationality if Scotland leaves the Union. In terms of imagined communities it can be argued that the citizenship is a representation of the community. The possible shift in the Union poses a threat to ones membership in this community, and this is worrying to people like Mark.

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A reader called Stuart Campbell explained that at no point had the Scottish people are not rejecting a British national identity;

‘no concept of rejecting Britishness has ever entered into their thoughts. However, for people to be able to elect their own government and prosper as their Scandinavian neighbors do with a fairer distribution of wealth does involve rejection of an outdated British political model.’ (Article 16)

This shows that it is not anything in the cultural aspects of identity that is in contestation here, but the ability to have more political power. the mention of prosperity is brought up here, which is of course in reference to the Scottish economy which is compared to Scandinavia. The idea that Scotland should look to its ‘Scandinavian neighbors’ (Article 16) is not knew, this also came up in Article 2 from The Herald. This idea of looking towards Scandinavia is possibly a way of saying that looking to England would not work because England is the type of society that Scotland does not want to be, in terms of the way it runs its economy, and disregards the concerns of societies poorest. It is also a possible way of shifting the focus for Scotland, away from England and towards it Northern neighbors. Essentially though, this extract shows that economic distribution and fairness are at the core of Scottish national identity construction.

Article 17 is an editorial which provides the Guardians view about the independence referendum which it makes clear with its heading ‘Britain deserves another chance’ (Article 17). The author has written about national identity explaining;

‘Inescapably, the question of national identity is near the heart of next week’s vote. Scotland’s voters must give their answer to the question – who exactly are we? Many in the modern world do not find it easy to give a single answer.’ (Article 17)

This extract is clearly trying to allude to the idea that who people are, and who they identify are changeable, and not necessarily clear cut. It says that Scotland must answer the question of who they are, but in actuality that is not necessarily the question many will answer when voting in the referendum.

‘Over time and on balance, the union was good for the people of these islands, not least in the shape of universal pensions and the NHS that bind us. At the same time, the union has never displaced the particularity of Scotland or England.’ (Article 17)

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This extract seems to appeal to the idea of community and union. The phrases such as ‘binds us’ ‘the people of these islands’ are forms of banal nationalism that demonstrate that as far as the author of this article is concerned, Scotland is a part of the imagined community of the UK.

‘Nationalism is not the answer to social injustice. For that fundamental reason, we urge Scots to vote no to independence next week.’

It very clear that the article is trying to convey that idea of Scottish independence as a nationalist reaction to social injustice, which the previous studies discussed in Chapter 3 have indicated. The limitation of any nation is linked with its sovereignty. In the case of Scotland it is not a sovereign nation, therefore the holders of sovereignty can be easily blamed for unresolved or ongoing issues that are faced by the respective nation. In Scotland those located on the outskirts of big cities ‘suffer from relative deprivation and are increasingly drawn to political action against this’ (Nairn,2015:117).

The Independent

Article 18 is a personal article where the author frequently uses ‘I’ and ‘me’ (Article 18) and discusses how Scotland which is regarded as home for the author, will never be the same again following the referendum. The author explains that they are not a native to Scotland but feels as though they belong there.

‘The closer the result the more bitter the defeated side will feel, and it will hurt to see a country which I call home so bitterly divided.’

The author has focused on the animosity that has come with the debate about independence. This can be explained in terms of imagined communities because it describes the intense attachment (Anderson,2006:141) that is felt towards the homeland. The dispute shows that what and who is considered to be the homeland in the imaginary differs from individual to individual.

Article 19 is similar to Articles 16,14 and 12 in that it is a conglomeration of views from some Independent readers. An extract from Norman Ball based in Cumbria, England states that;

‘The UK together stood firm and strong. Divided it will weaken, topple and fall. There is no benefit in separation, it will be a disaster for all.’

The above extract shows that Norman views the Scotland as part of the UK. Not only this but 34

Norman feels that the Union is what makes the UK strong.

An opposite view is expressed by William Burns based in Edinburgh, Scotland

‘It would be a tragedy if Scots gave up this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to choose a Scotland where , of any political hue, would be more concerned about social and political justice for Scottish people than any London government would.’

This is a similar rhetoric that has been seen in previous articles, most notably Article 11 with the idea that a London based government is bad for Scotland. It is again an example of banal nationalism in its subtlety. There is a sense of a Scottish national identity, one which consists of a concern for social justice, and economic fairness.

Article 20 was heavily focused on the economic issues surrounding the NHS in Scotland.

‘With emotions running high in the final hours before polling begins on Thursday in the referendum, nationalists were accused of waging a “campaign of lies” on the NHS, with the future of the health service set to be the crucial final battleground in the referendum race.’

This extract focuses on the economics of leaving the Union, and its possible problems in terms of the NHS. This is not surprisingly a concern given the construction of a Scottish national identity that seems to be build around economic fairness and social justice. The extract above shows that as the campaign comes to an end, the issues that really matter to the Scots, take centre stage.

6.3 Identity construction in August and September: A Comparison

A common theme in the articles from August and September was that the newspaper sample were concerned with what happens to Scotland in the event of independence. There was a lack of concern for what could happen to the rest of the UK’s economy. The concern about Scotland’s future was largely based on economic issues and sovereignty. The emphasis on sovereignty was usually justified as a means to having control over the economy. A similarity in the newspaper articles regardless of the month published was that they all constructed Scotland as a nation, not a region of the UK. It was always clear in all the articles that Scotland was a nation, with a culture, albeit similar to an English culture as in Article 14.

Another common theme in the newspaper articles in both months analyzed was a frequent flagging of the homeland (Billig,1995:93) is apparent in these articles in both the months of August and September. Newspapers adopt a nationalised ‘syntax of hegemony’ (ibid:115) which allows

35 them to concurrently act as the mouthpiece and representative of the nation. Billig discusses the ‘deictics of homeland making,’(ibid:114) which can be seen frequently in the articles analysed. In order to identify this in the samples a certain level of contextual knowledge is expected. This level of contextual knowledge is assumed in the newspaper articles, and it is likely that the readers have this level of knowledge. The newspapers have often evoked a ‘national ‘we,’’ (ibid:114) in the articles which is inclusive of both the article and the reader and relates to this sense of imagined community. As Billig has stated it is the small and seemingly innocent words rather than memorable phrasing that give us reminders of the nation (Billig,1995:93).

If looking through the lenses of banal nationalism we can see that the issues are not necessarily about national identity in a cultural sense. The issues that the articles frequently addressed was political issues about a lack of sovereignty, and economic fears relating to independence. This shows that the independence referendum was not really about a national identity based on culture as such, but an issue of economic strength and political autonomy. Billig explains that nationalism as an ideology is widespread (ibid:15) and reproduces itself through ‘patterns of belief and practice’ (ibid:15). There is a sense from the articles analysed that many Scots believed that independence would grant them the ability to construct a fairer society than the one they have under the existing Union.

There was no attempt by the newspaper articles to emphasize any ethnic difference between English and Scottish people during the campaign, it was more about political and economic issues as aforementioned. It is clear that any Scottish national identity construction based on ethnic differences would not be met with favour by the public, and more importantly there is not credible argument for such claims. This is why Scotland is represented or portrayed more as a community, and a nation rather than and ethnically separate group.

The imagining of community also poses a complex issue for Scotland. It brings in more wide reaching issues such as notions of national identity, and history. As Anderson explains the nation is an idea, ‘which also is conceived as a solid community moving steadily down (or up) history’ (Anderson,2006:26). This is a view echoed by McCrone who infers that Scotland is a ‘transcendent idea which runs through history reinterpreting that history to fit the concerns of each present’(McCrone,1992:28). In other words the national identity is constructed over time. As it is constructed it is also manipulated to create particular histories that favor present circumstances. This can be seen to an extent through the articles where we can read comments and quotes from Scottish people and politicians who advocate independence on the grounds that Scotland is, and aspires to be fairer society than its Southern neighbor. There is no real evidence that this is the case, but because many people insist upon this idea, it effectively exists in the imaginary, that somehow 36 the Scots are capable of having fairer society than the English.

From the articles analysed there only seemed to be a slight difference between the 2 months, and that was only prominent with The Herald newspaper. I found that in the August articles (Articles 2 and 3) there was a more overtly nationalist rhetoric, whereas in September (Articles 12 and 13) the tone was less nationalist and the articles focused more on the practicalities of what a Yes vote may mean for Scotland’s future. Articles 1 and 11 from The Flag in The Wind were both very nationalist and tended to construct a Scottish national identity that was based on not being English. The Guardian and The Independent newspapers seemed pretty consistent and did not show any overt differences between the months of August and September.

What is clear from this analysis is that and has been consistently present through nearly all of the articles analysed is this prevalent idea that Scotland is a fairer society both in terms of how it intends to manage its own economy and resolve social injustices. Most importantly it is a fairer society than England. This has implications for how a Scottish national identity is constructed.

7. Conclusion

There is no single type of national identity construction. Due to the plurinational nature of the UK it is almost inevitable that a national identity will differ depending on the region an individual has lived in, or the life experience a person has had. Both the UK national and Scottish based newspapers have constructed a Scottish national identity as being one of a nation, not a region. Although it has been constructed as a nation, this nation is within a bigger entity, a conglomerate of smaller nations that make up what is the UK. Although this means that Scotland does have a sovereignty deficit with the Westminster Parliament holding power of Scottish affairs, this does not seem to have impacted a Scottish national identity. There is no doubt of its national status and recognition within the UK, and indeed abroad. The independence referendum was not about the lack or absence of a national identity in any way, on the contrary it was because of its firm national identity that it seeks to gain the sovereignty that other nations (specifically its neighbor England) have. Not only does England and other nations have sovereignty but England has sovereignty over Scotland. Therefore Scotland is in a position that is unique as being a nation without independent status.

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What has become apparent from the analysis of the newspaper articles is that there is a strong sense of national identification with a fairer economic policy than the UK, more specifically than England. In essence the Scottish seem to construct a national identity that does not involve cultural or regional differences, but difference in terms of economic policy. Therefore a sufficient answer to the research question would be that a Scottish national identity is constructed on the basis of this more egalitarian economic policy than that of England’s more conservative economic policies. Scotland is grappling with its political relationship with England in the sense that it is unable to make key decisions about its own future, particularly its economic future. Although Scotland does not have as much say over its affairs as other nations that are independent, it unlike other nations is a part of a bigger entity. The historic Union has enabled a Scottish national identity to flourish but it has been slower at enabling the political system in Scotland to evolve. The Union needs to evolve because a national identity is not static, but constantly being constructed on a daily basis. The construction of a Scottish national identity was constructed in a way that showed it was a nation within the context of a United Kingdom, fighting for more control and say in its economic affairs in order to promote the social changes it deemed necessary.

8. Further Research It is very important to study such referendum campaigns where a nations’ independence is on the table. It is an under studied aspect of politics and nationalism and it also requires an interdisciplinary approach. My reproach has shown that there are different ways of constructing a national identity through the newspapers, and of course this would apply to other modes of the media. A referendum campaign is an unusual political event in which the electorate are exposed to many constructions of a national identity. A suggestion for further research would be to encompass the images that come with the text of newspaper articles and perhaps to look into the issues of competing national identities in a referendum campaign.

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Newspaper Articles:

Article 1 Publication: The Flag in the Wind (Scots Independent) Title: Brickbats-nae bouquets. Author: Tricia Wallace Date Published: 22.8.14 Webpage: http://scotsindependent.scot/?p=385 Accessed: 2.6.18

Article 2 Publication: The Herald Title: The prof's lesson for - vote Yes.

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Author: Jack Morrison Date Published: 26.8.14 Webpage: http://www.heraldscotland.com/opinion/13176822.The_prof_s_lesson_for_Scottish_Labour_- _vote_Yes/ Accessed: 5.6.18

Article 3 Publication: The Herald. Title: 200 business leaders sign up to say Yes to independence. Author: Robbie Dinwoodie Date Published: 28.8.14 Webpage: http://www.heraldscotland.com/news/13177120.200_business_leaders_sign_up_to_say_Yes_to_ind ependence/ Accessed: 2.6.18

Article 4 Publication: The Guardian Title: Scotland's leading historian makes up his mind: it's Yes to independence. Author: Kevin McKenna Date Published: 17.8.14 Webpage: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/aug/17/scottish-independence-tom-devine- yes-vote-referendum-alex-salmond Accessed: 2.6.18

Article 5 Publication: The Guardian Title: Alex Salmond puts focus on NHS as poll shows pro-independence gain. Author: Libby Brooks Date Published: 17.8.14 Webpage: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/aug/17/scottish-independence-poll-yes- gains-ground Accessed: 7.8.18

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Article 6 Publication: The Guardian Title: Independent Scotland's economy 'would crash if it tried to use sterling.’ Author: Severin Carrel Date Published: 14.8.14 Webpage: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/aug/14/independent-scotland-economy- crash-sterling-ronald-macdonald Accessed: 2.6.18

Article 7 Publication: The Guardian Title: UK oil and gas forecasts 'incredibly pessimistic', says Scotland. Author: Press Association, no named author. Date Published: 18.8.14 Webpage: https://www.theguardian.com/business/2014/aug/18/oil-gas-forecasts-north-sea- pessimistic-scotland Accessed: 2.6.18

Article 8 Publication: The Independent Title: Scottish independence: English people overwhelmingly want Scotland to stay in the UK. Author: Chris Green Date Published: 20.8.14 Webpage: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/scottish-independence/scottish-independence- english-people-overwhelmingly-want-scotland-to-stay-in-the-uk-9679439.html Accessed: 2.6.18

Article 9 Publication: The Independent Title: Scottish independence supporters are 'bullying mobs', says MP Jim Murphy after getting hit by eggs. Author: Nigel Morris Date Published: 29.8.14 Webpage: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/mp-scottish-independence-supporters- are-bullying-mobs-9700690.html

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Accessed: 4.6.18

Article 10 Publication: The Independent Title: Scotland: The 'Debatable Lands' Take on a new Significance. Author: Mark Rowe Date Published: 31.8.14 Webpage: https://www.independent.co.uk/travel/uk/scotland-the-debatable-lands-take-on-a-new- significance-9703571.html Accessed: 4.6.18

Article 11 Publication: The Flag in the Wind (Scots Independent) Title: Promises – the siren songs. Author: Tricia Wallace Date Published: 12.9.14 Webpage: http://scotsindependent.scot/?p=395 Accessed: 3.6.18

Article 12 Publication: The Herald Title: Political Debate is Heating up among the Scottish diaspora. Author: no named author available Date Published: 11.9.14 Webpage: http://www.heraldscotland.com/news/13179344.Political_debate_is_heating_up_among_the_Scotti sh_diaspora/ Accessed: 17.7.18

Article 13 Publication: The Herald Title: The Herald’s View. Author: Editorial (no named author) Date Published: 16.9.14

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Webpage: http://www.heraldscotland.com/opinion/13180138.The_Herald_s_view__we_back_staying_within_ UK__but_only_if_there_s_more_far_reaching_further_devolution / Accessed: 3.6.18

Article 14 Publication: The Guardian Title: Scotland independence referendum: what's the mood around Scotland? Author(s): James Walsh and Guardian readers. Date published: 10.9.14 Webpage: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/guardianwitness-blog/2014/sep/10/scotland- independence-referendum-mood-country Accessed: 4.6.18

Article 15 Publication: The Guardian Title: Scottish independence: which businesses are in the yes or no camp? Author(s): Julia Kollewe and Jennifer Rankin Date Published: 10.9.14 Webpage: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/sep/10/scottish-independence-businesses- yes-no-camp Accessed: 4.6.18

Article 16 Publication: The Guardian Title: Staying British after Scotland leaves the UK. Author(s): Guardian readers. Date Published: 11.9.14 Webpage: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/sep/11/staying-british-after-scotland-leaves- the-uk Accessed: 4.6.18

Article 17 Publication: The Guardian Title: The Guardian view on the Scottish referendum: Britain deserves another chance.

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Author: Editorial, no named author. Date Published: 12.9.14 Webpage: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/sep/12/guardian-view-scottish- independence Accessed: 4.6.18

Article 18 Publication: The Independent Title: However I vote, the Scotland that I call home will never be the same again. Author: Hope Whitmore. Date Published: 11.9.14 Webpage: https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/comment/however-i-vote-the-scotland-that-i-call- home-will-never-be-the-same-again-9727042.html Accessed: 6.6.18

Article 19 Publication: The Independent Title: Letters: United we stand, divided we fall. Author(s): Independent Voices, no named author. Date Published: 16.9.18 Webpage: https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/letters/letters-united-we-stand-divided-we-fall- 9734412.html Accessed: 7.6.18

Article 20 Publication: The Independent Title: Scottish independence referendum: A nation divided against itself. Author(s): Chris Green, James Cusick, Nigel Morris Date Published: 16.9.14 Webpage: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/scottish-independence/scottish-independence- alex-salmond-accused-of-campaign-of-lies-on-future-of-nhs-9736662.html Accessed: 3.6.18

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