DOCSLIB.ORG

National Identity Construction During the Referendum Campaign for Scottish Independence 2014

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
National Identity Construction During the Referendum Campaign for Scottish Independence 2014 National Identity Construction During the Referendum campaign for Scottish Independence 2014. A Critical Discourse Analysis Asha Manikiza 861123T369 International migration and Ethnic Relations One-year Master Thesis (IM627L) Spring semester 2018 Supervisor: Anne Sofie Roald Word Count: 15,888 Abstract Scotland is one of the four nations that make up the plurinational UK. It is as of yet the only one of these nations to have a referendum on its independence. Using Critical Discourse Analysis of 20 newspaper articles at different times in the referendum campaign, I have seen how Scottish national identity has been constructed. The study reveals that far from constructing a national identity based on culture, symbols or historic myth, the Scots base their identity largely on a differing approach to economic policy than the English. Keywords: Scotland, Critical Discourse Analysis, Newspapers, National identity construction, Referendum Contents Page Abstract Table of Contents Abbreviations 1. Introduction 1 1.2 Aim and Research question 1 1.3 Delimitations 2 1.4 Research Relevance 2 1.5 Terminalogical Explannations 2 1.6 Thesis Structure 3 2. Contextual Background 4 2.1 The Scottish Question: A historical Overview 4 2.2 Why Focus on Scotland? 4 2.3 Why the Increase In Scottish Nationalism? 5 2.4 Why Focus on the Referendum Campaign for Scottish Independence 2014? 5 2.5 Role of the Newspapers in national identity construction 6 3. Previous Research 7 3.1 The Shifting Concept of a Scottish National Identity and Britishness 7 3.2 The Crisis of Union and the move towards Independence 8 4. Theoretical Framework 10 4.1 Banal Nationalism 10 4.2 Imagined Communities 11 5. Research Design 13 5.1 Ontology and Epistemology 13 5.2 Nature of the Research 13 5.3 Qualitative case study approach: Referendum campaign for Scottish independence 13 5.4 Research Method: Critical Discourse Analysis 14 5.5 Newspapers as Discourse 15 5.6 Samples and Criteria 16 5.7 Analysing the data 19 5.8 Validity and reliability 20 5.9 Role of the researcher 20 5.10 Ethical considerations 20 6. Analysis and Discussion 21 6.1 The Construction of a Scottish national identity in August (Articles-10) 21 6.2 The Construction of a Scottish national identity in September (Articles 11-20) 27 6.3 Identity construction in August and September: A comparison 35 7. Conclusion 37 8. Further Research 38 Bibliography 38 Abbreviations CDA Critical Discourse Analysis EU European Union FPTP First Past The Post (electoral system) IMER International Migration and Ethnic Relations NHS National Health Service SME Small and Medium-sized Enterprise SNP Scottish National Party UK United Kingdom SIRD Social-Identity Deprivation Model SSAS Scottish Social Attitudes Survey 1. Introduction In this thesis I will explore the way in which a Scottish identity has been constructed in newspapers during the referendum campaign for Scottish independence in 2014, using Critical Discourse Analysis. It will explore a Scottish national identity within the context of being unified in the United Kingdom (UK). The UK is comprised of four nations; England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. The plurinational nature of the UK has been the subject of much discussion in recent years, particularly with the rise of nationalism, more specifically Scottish nationalism. On 18th September 2014 the Scottish had a referendum which posed the question; ‘Should Scotland be an independent country?’ (GOV.UK). The simplistic yes/no response saw the No side to victory with a narrow win of 55.3% (ibid) of the vote. Unlike other minority nations where the factor of having a separate language is a crucial component to the construction of the national identity, which separates them from the dominant culture as with Catalonia in Spain or Quebec in Canada, the Scottish share the same language as England and speak English. Scottish Gaelic is a minority language spoken in Scotland by an estimated 1.4% of Scots (BBC,UK), with English being by far the dominant language. The Scottish have not needed the uniqueness of a separate language in order to construct an identity that is not British, and this makes their identity much more interesting to explore. A referendum campaign for a nations independence is a time when the idea of what the nation actually is is intensified in order to convince the public to sway one way or the other, due to the fact that you can only vote one way or the other; independent or remain as part of the status quo. Politicians in the United Kingdom, particularly the then British Prime Minister David Cameron was instrumental in the remain camp, conveying an image of the United Kingdom inclusive of Scotland with the cross party ‘Better Together’ campaign (WhatScotlandThinks). 1.2 Aim and Research Question The aim of this thesis is to explore how a Scottish national identity has been constructed in the independence referendum in 2014 by using CDA to analyse newspaper articles that were published during the referendum campaign. In order to achieve the aim of the thesis it will be necessary to focus on a case study; the 2014 Referendum Campaign for Scottish Independence. This case has been chosen because during this time the idea of a Scottish nation was most fiercely promoted. In support of pursuing the aim, there will be one research question which will lead to the effective answering of the central research question. This is as follows: 1 How has a Scottish national identity been constructed in the independence referendum campaign of 2014? In answering the research question this thesis will be able to explore the construction of a Scottish identity within the particular case study. It will expose the way in which certain media outlets, in this case newspapers, can construct identity. This question is directly related to the case study and this has the intention of exploring how the idea of a Scottish nation is constructed. 1.3 Delimitations This thesis will focus only on Scottish identity construction within the United Kingdom. It will not look at an English, Welsh or Northern Irish identity other than to refer to them in brief comparison. The case study will only explore identity construction from mid-late August and 8 days prior to the voting day on 18th September. This allows for a narrower focus and will allow for a more valid conclusion by looking at a wider time span throughout the campaign. I will focus solely on newspapers published during the referendum campaign. I have chosen this because I am specifically interested in this time period. I will only look at newspapers to gather data in my research. This is because I am only interested in how a Scottish national identity is constructed by UK newspapers in the period outlined above. I have chosen to look at UK wide newspapers (newspapers published in the whole of the UK and read in Scotland) and Scottish based newspapers (regional newspapers based in Scotland). I will only look at the text of the newspapers, not pictures. I will not be using semiotics in this thesis. I am only interested in constructions of national identity in the text of the newspaper articles. 1.4 Research Relevance This research is highly relevant to the IMER field which is inclusive of nationalism studies. The thesis explores the highly subjective issue of national identity within the context of the UK. Furthermore, it explores how a national identity can be constructed in the media (newspapers) during an emotionally charged and highly divisive referendum campaign. 1.5 Terminological explanations I will now provide some terminological explanations for the terms that will frequently be used throughout the thesis. 2 Firstly I will elucidate the term Scot or Scottish. I will use the Oxford dictionary term for the word which is described as, ‘a native of Scotland or a person of Scottish descent.’ (Oxford Dictionary). This is inclusive of all ethnicities and ethnic minorities native to Scotland. The second term I will explain is the term British. This term is generally understood as being an overarching reference to the population that make up the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Great Britain encompasses Scotland, England and Wales because these nations are geographically on the island of Great Britain whereas Northern Ireland is to the north of Ireland. The term British is also synonymous with citizenship which follows a Jus Soli notion meaning that those individuals born in the UK are entitled to the rights enjoyed by all other British citizens regardless of ethnicity or religion. The important point here is that all nations of the UK share the same citizenship and are all referred to as British, inclusive of Northern Ireland. Therefore a Scottish identity co-exists with a British identity by virtue of being a British citizen. Third, a national identity can be seen ‘as a complex of common ideas, concepts or perception schemes’ (Wodak et al,1999:153) which are ‘internalised through ‘national’ socialisation’ (ibid:153). Fourth, I will explain what is meant by the construction of a national identity and I will assume that ‘the construction of national identity builds on the emphasis on a common history,’ (Wodak et al,1999:155). Extending from this explanation it is important to note that the ‘construction of nations and national identities always runs hand in hand with the construction of difference/distinctiveness and uniqueness’ (ibid:153). In other words in order to emphasises a sense of distinct Scottishness it is necessary to otherise a different group (or a group that is perceived to be different) in this case the English. 1.6 Thesis Structure In this thesis I will continue with a contextual background where I will provide a historical overview of the relationship between Scotland and England, and the development of Scottish nationalism.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Universiv Microfilms International 3Ü0 N
    INFORMATION TO USERS This was produced from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or “target” for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is “Missing Page(s)”. If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure you of complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark it is an indication that the film inspector noticed either blurred copy because of movement during exposure, or duplicate copy. Unless we meant to delete copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed, you will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photo­ graphed the photographer has followed a definite method in “sectioning” the material. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand comer cf a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. For any illustrations that cannot be reproduced satisfactorily by xerography, photographic prints can be purchased at additional cost and tipped into your xerographic copy.
    [Show full text]
  • Pdf, 649.7 Kb
    Stands Scotland where she did? Scotland’s Journey back to statehood Joanna Cherry QC MP Wales Governance Centre Annual Lecture 27 November 2020 Noswaith dda. Thank you for inviting me to give this lecture. My pleasure at being asked has been tempered slightly by not getting the added bonus of a visit to Cardiff and Wales. But I hope that’s something that can be addressed when this pandemic is over or at least under control. And it’s great to be speaking at the end of a week when finally, there is light at the end of the tunnel thanks to the vaccines. My last trip to Wales was to give the fraternal address at the Plaid Cymru Spring 2018 conference in Llangollen. I greatly enjoyed the warmth and hospitality of my welcome. My only regret was that I was shamed by Liz Saville Roberts announcing to the whole conference that on the road trip up from London I and her other Scottish passenger had marred her usually healthy living habits by introducing her to the delights of Greggs pasties at one of the service station stops. It’s a great honour to be asked to give this speech. Since my election as an MP in 2015 I have benefited from the work of the centre and it’s been my pleasure to share platforms and select committee evidence sessions with Professors Richard Wynn Jones, Laura McAllister and Jo Hunt and to renew my acquaintance with Professor Daniel Wincott whom I first a long time ago when we were teenagers and he dated my best friend.
    [Show full text]
  • Scotland the Brave? an Overview of the Impact of Scottish Independence on Business
    SCOTLAND THE BRAVE? AN OVERVIEW OF THE IMPACT OF SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE ON BUSINESS JULY 2021 SCOTLAND THE BRAVE? AN OVERVIEW OF THE IMPACT OF SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE ON BUSINESS Scottish independence remains very much a live issue, as First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, continues to push for a second referendum, but the prospect of possible independence raises a host of legal issues. In this overview, we examine how Scotland might achieve independence; the effect of independence on Scotland's international status, laws, people and companies; what currency Scotland might use; the implications for tax, pensions and financial services; and the consequences if Scotland were to join the EU. The Treaty of Union between England of pro-independence MSPs to 72; more, (which included Wales) and Scotland even, than in 2011. provided that the two Kingdoms "shall upon the first day of May [1707] and Independence, should it happen, will forever after be United into one Kingdom affect anyone who does business in or by the Name of Great Britain." Forever is with Scotland. Scotland can be part of a long time. Similar provisions in the Irish the United Kingdom or it can be an treaty of 1800 have only survived for six independent country, but moving from out of the 32 Irish counties, and Scotland the former status to the latter is highly has already had one referendum on complex both for the Governments whether to dissolve the union. In that concerned and for everyone else. The vote, in 2014, the electorate of Scotland rest of the United Kingdom (rUK) could decided by 55% to 45% to remain within not ignore Scotland's democratic will, but the union, but Brexit and the electoral nor could Scotland dictate the terms on success of the SNP mean that Scottish which it seceded from the union.
    [Show full text]
  • Issues Around Scottish Independence
    Issues Around Scottish Independence by David Sinclair September 1999 Published by The Constitution Unit 29/30 Tavistock Square London WC 1H 9EZ Tel. 017 1 504 4977 O The Constitution Unit 1999 Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY INTRODUCTION THE ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE The referendum: who votes, and who decides the question? When should a referendum be held? Speed of the transition Who negotiates for each side? SCOTLAND IN THE WORLD ECONOMICS OF INDEPENDENCE SCOTLAND AND THE REST OF THE UK ANNEX 1: GREENLAND AND SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE ANNEX 2: THE BACKGROUND TO THE ARGUMENTS OVER SCOTLAND'S FISCAL DEFICIT Expenditure Revenue Conclusions Executive Summary The debate about Scottish independence should include not only the case for and against independence but a better understanding of the process of independence itself. There are a number of key issues which would need to be resolved before Scotland could become independent. 1. If the issue of independence is put to a referendum who should vote in that referendum and what should the question be? Should that referendum be held before or after negotiations on independence? 2. Once negotiations are taking place, how quickly can a transition to be independence be achieved? 3. What are the key issues that will need to be negotiated? Can any likely sticking points be identified? 4. What would the position of an independent Scotland be in international law? Would Scotland automatically succeed to UK treaty rights and obligations, including membership of the EU? Or would these have to be renegotiated? 5. What are the economics of an independent Scotland? Answering this question involves understanding the current financial position of Scotland within the UK, the likely future finances of Scotland as an independent country, and the costs of transition to independence.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the Scotland Ebook
    Yes or No? A collection of writing on Scottish independence Neal Ascherson, Menzies Campbell, David Marquand, Linda Colley, John Kay, John Kerr PROSPECT 2014 2 Introduction he vision of an independent Scotland will not disap- articulate a compelling case for the Union other than one based pear, even with a No vote in the referendum on 18th on prophesies of doom for Scotland if it goes it alone. This is September, which opinion polls suggest is likely. As partly because the question that David Cameron chose to pose Neal Ascherson argues in “Why I’ll vote Yes,” that in this referendum—full independence, or no change at all—is idea, now that it has taken root, will not go away. the wrong one. There should have been the option on the bal- TWhen Scots looks south, Ascherson writes, they see little of lot of “devo-max”—full autonomy, minus responsibility for for- themselves there. And all the while, the internal voice which eign policy and defence. Yet Cameron ducked that, wanting muses that “my country was independent once” gets louder. to force Scotland into a No vote; even though that is the likely Like many countries before it, Scotland sees independence “as result, the tactic has backfired by forcing serious consideration the way to join the world, modernise and take responsibility for of the Yes option. their own actions and mistakes.” Whatever happens on 18th September, Britain will have to Yet for all the feelings of national identity and self-assertion rethink the way it runs itself. The writer and former Labour MP that the referendum campaign has stirred up, economic ques- David Marquand imagines a federal future for the UK which tions—particularly concerning the currency and membership of grants autonomy to the constituent parts of the Union, short the of European Union—have dominated the debate.
    [Show full text]
  • Revue Française De Civilisation Britannique, XX-2 | 2015 Bottom-Up Versus Top-Down Campaigning at the Scottish Independence Referendum
    Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XX-2 | 2015 Le référendum sur l’indépendance écossaise du 18 septembre 2014 Bottom-up versus Top-down Campaigning at the Scottish Independence Referendum 2014 La campagne du référendum écossais de 2014: la campagne officielle et la campagne de terrain Peter Lynch Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/405 DOI: 10.4000/rfcb.405 ISSN: 2429-4373 Publisher CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Electronic reference Peter Lynch, « Bottom-up versus Top-down Campaigning at the Scottish Independence Referendum 2014 », Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [Online], XX-2 | 2015, Online since 23 July 2015, connection on 02 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/405 ; DOI : 10.4000/rfcb.405 This text was automatically generated on 2 May 2019. Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Bottom-up versus Top-down Campaigning at the Scottish Independence Referendum... 1 Bottom-up versus Top-down Campaigning at the Scottish Independence Referendum 2014 La campagne du référendum écossais de 2014: la campagne officielle et la campagne de terrain Peter Lynch 1 The proposal to use the referendum device to achieve a mandate for Scottish independence had been the policy of the Scottish National Party since devolution was instituted in 1999. In office after 2007, the party had floated the idea of a two-step referendum on enhanced devolution and independence but its success at the 2011 Scottish election gave it the majority and the mandate required to press for a one- question referendum on independence.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties and the Costs and Benefits of Secession and Union in Scotland
    Marriage versus Divorce: Political Parties and the Costs and Benefits of Secession and Union in Scotland. Peter Lynch Paper presented to the Canadian Political Science Association annual meeting, Dalhousie University, Halifax. Nova Scotia, 30th May to 1st June 2003. Peter Lynch, Department of Politics, University of Stirling, Stirling FK9 4LA. United Kingdom. Tel: +44 (0)1786 467599 Fax: +44 (0)1786 466266 [email protected] Introduction Secession occurs when a constituent nation or region withdraws from a sovereign state to establish its own sovereign state. As a practice, secession has been widely employed - not always successfully - in a range of different states and continents, particularly in post- cold war Europe. However, it has had relatively little success in advanced industrial democracies where the practice has been conditioned by economic and social factors as well as the need for democratic endorsement of secession such as a referendum mandate. Indeed, arguably, democracy is exactly what makes secession difficult in Western Europe and North America (Dion 1996). Difficult though it may be, this has not prevented political parties promoting secession from gaining electoral support, a reality which has in turn generated responses from statewide political parties opposed to secession and in favour of maintaining the existing state. Quebec is the prime example of this development, with two secessionist referendums in 1980 and 1995, with Scotland close behind through having a well-mobilised Nationalist movement which has successfully pressured for the creation of a Scottish Parliament. Rather than focus on the prospects for secession or the constitutional nuts and bolts to achieve secession which have been dealt with elsewhere (Murkens, Jones and Keating 2002; Lynch 2002),1 this paper will examine the manner in which political parties promote or dismiss secession in the Scottish context.
    [Show full text]
  • Scottish Independence Referendum Report on the Referendum Held on 18 September 2014
    Scottish Independence Referendum Report on the referendum held on 18 September 2014 December 2014 ELC/2014/02 This report is laid before the Scottish Parliament in pursuance of Section 27 of the Scottish Independence Referendum Act 2013. ELC/2014/02 Translations and other formats For information on obtaining this publication in another language or in a large- print or Braille version please contact the Electoral Commission: Tel: 020 7271 0500 Email: [email protected] We are an independent body set up by the UK Parliament. We regulate party and election finance and set standards for well-run elections. We work to support a healthy democracy, where elections and referendums are based on our principles of trust, participation, and no undue influence. The Scottish Independence Referendum Act 2013 gave the Commission a number of responsibilities for the referendum, for which we report directly to the Scottish Parliament. Contents Foreword 1 Executive Summary 4 1 Introduction 22 2 The referendum legislation 28 3 Information for voters about the referendum 42 4 The experience of voters 58 5 Campaigning at the referendum 82 6 Was the referendum well-run? 119 7 The cost of the referendum 145 Appendices Appendix 1 - Research methodology 150 Appendix 2 - List of registered campaigners 151 Appendix 3 - Summary of referendum results 152 Appendix 4 - Electoral Commission Voting Guide 154 Foreword As part of the legislation passed by the Scottish Parliament enabling the historic referendum on independence for Scotland on 18 September 2014, the Electoral Commission was tasked with producing a report on the conduct of the referendum and our associated expenditure.
    [Show full text]
  • BUSINESS BULLETIN No. 276/2012 Monday 2 July 2012
    BUSINESS BULLETIN No. 276/2012 Monday 2 July 2012 ANNOUNCEMENT Royal Assent The Alcohol (Minimum Pricing) Scotland Act 2012 (asp 4) received Royal Assent on 29 June 2012. 1 Contents The sections which appear in today‘s Business Bulletin are in bold Section A: Today‘s Business - Meetings of Committees - Meeting of the Parliament Section B: Future Meetings of the Parliament Section C: Future Meetings of Committees Section D: Oral Questions - Questions selected for First Minister‘s Question Time - Questions selected for response by Ministers and junior Scottish Ministers at Question Time Section E: Written Questions – new questions for written answer Section F: Motions and Amendments Section G: Bills - New Bills introduced - New amendments to Bills - Members‘ Bills proposals Section H: New Documents – new documents laid before the Parliament and committee reports published Section I: Petitions – new public petitions Section J Progress of Legislation – progress of Bills and subordinate legislation 2 Business Bulletin: Monday 2 July 2012 Section B – Future Meetings of the Parliament Business Programme agreed by the Parliament on 20 June 2012 Tuesday 4 September 2012 2.00 pm Time for Reflection followed by Parliamentary Bureau Motions 2.05 pm Topical Questions followed by Scottish Government Business followed by Business Motions followed by Parliamentary Bureau Motions 5.00 pm Decision Time followed by Members‘ Business Wednesday 5 September 2012 2.00 pm Parliamentary Bureau Motions 2.00 pm Portfolio Questions Education and Lifelong Learning
    [Show full text]
  • Scottish Nationalism
    James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Masters Theses The Graduate School Summer 2012 Scottish nationalism: The symbols of Scottish distinctiveness and the 700 Year continuum of the Scots' desire for self determination Brian Duncan James Madison University Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019 Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Duncan, Brian, "Scottish nationalism: The symbols of Scottish distinctiveness and the 700 Year continuum of the Scots' desire for self determination" (2012). Masters Theses. 192. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019/192 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the The Graduate School at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Scottish Nationalism: The Symbols of Scottish Distinctiveness and the 700 Year Continuum of the Scots’ Desire for Self Determination Brian Duncan A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of JAMES MADISON UNIVERSITY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts History August 2012 Table of Contents Abstract…………………………………………………………………………….…….iii Chapter 1, Introduction……………………………………………………………………1 Chapter 2, Theoretical Discussion of Nationalism………………………………………11 Chapter 3, Early Examples of Scottish Nationalism……………………………………..22 Chapter 4, Post-Medieval Examples of Scottish Nationalism…………………………...44 Chapter 5, Scottish Nationalism Masked Under Economic Prosperity and British Nationalism…...………………………………………………….………….…………...68 Chapter 6, Conclusion……………………………………………………………………81 ii Abstract With the modern events concerning nationalism in Scotland, it is worth asking how Scottish nationalism was formed. Many proponents of the leading Modernist theory of nationalism would suggest that nationalism could not have existed before the late eighteenth century, or without the rise of modern phenomena like industrialization and globalization.
    [Show full text]
  • From Social Democracy Back to No Ideology? - the Scottish National Party and Ideological Change in a Multi-Level Electoral Setting
    From Social Democracy back to No Ideology? - The Scottish National Party and Ideological Change in a Multi-level Electoral Setting Peter Lynch Accepted for publication in Regional & Federal Studies published by Taylor and Francis Introduction Nationalist and regionalist parties have often been characterised as ideologically heterogeneous (Hix and Lord, 1997; De Winter and Türsan, 1998). This situation makes regionalist parties difficult to classify in conventional left-right terms though viewing these parties as an ideological family is to misunderstand their role and significance. Ideological profile can be understood as a secondary characteristic of regionalist parties, as opposed to their primary characteristic of support for self- government – the core business of autonomy (De Winter, 1998, 208-9): which in itself contains a variety of constitutional options to reorganise the territorial distribution of power within a state (Rokkan and Urwin, 1983). However, though ideological positioning may be a secondary characteristic, most regionalist parties have adopted an ideology – in the SNP’s case social democracy. As will be explained below, the reasons for adopting an ideology in itself, in addition to a particular ideology, are complex. For the SNP, the ideological position of elites, the policy preferences of the party’s membership and the adoption of an electoral strategy to challenge a dominant political party in the region (Labour) were all influential. The adoption of an ideological position was not always uncontroversial but became easier due to party system change (the electoral decline of the Conservatives in Scotland from the 1960s), as the SNP came to focus much of its attention on Labour as its primary competitor.
    [Show full text]
  • LSE Brexit: Welsh Independence: Can Brexit Awaken the Sleeping Dragon? Page 1 of 4
    LSE Brexit: Welsh independence: can Brexit awaken the sleeping dragon? Page 1 of 4 Welsh independence: can Brexit awaken the sleeping dragon? Wales is the only devolved nation within the UK that has never caused a stir in constitutional terms. This is because Welsh independence has remained largely a dormant political issue, both within Wales and within the wider UK context. Can Brexit awaken the sleeping dragon, asks Darryn Nyatanga (University of Liverpool)? Brexit does present the opportunity to awaken real discussion on the potential of Welsh Independence. This can be attributed to two reasons, firstly – independence could be the only way to ensure Welsh interests are met after Brexit. Also, there has been a growth in sub-state nationalism within the UK, exposed by the Brexit referendum and the withdrawal process, highlighting the point that the UK is united in name only. Welsh nationalism The agenda for Welsh independence can only arguably be pushed by a strong sense of nationalism. This is the case in both Scotland and Northern Ireland. In Scotland, nationalism has been spearheaded by the SNP. Scottish independence (and Scottish home rule – before the introduction of devolution in 1998) has long been the main objective for the SNP since its genesis. In the case of Northern Ireland, two main forms of national identity exist; British and Irish. The latter identity challenges the status quo of the UK’s unitary nature. Irish nationalism in political terms is spearheaded by Sinn Fein, who advocate for the constitutional status of Northern Ireland to change i.e. Irish (re)unification.
    [Show full text]